INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS.
Proceeding PRESIDENT GRIFFITH said—Now I come to a series of trap questions:—
Relations Between Ireland and England.
Statements at Westminster.
Seán Ua Ceallaigh asks:
(a) Does the President of the Republic accept as accurately representing his position the statement made at Westminster on February 16th by Mr. Winston Churchill, when he said, in introducing the Free State Bill,
"Now take Mr. Griffith's position. Mr. Griffith has not joined this Government (the Provisional Government). He has been chosen as President of the Dáil, and he is also in Irish eyes President of the non-recognised Irish Republic, and he, if the Irish people accepted his advice and guidance, and endorse and ratify the Treaty which he has signed, will he be able to dis-establish the Irish Republic and lay aside its functions."?
(b) Does the President of the Republic accept as a proper representation of the future relations between Ireland and England the following statement made by Mr. Austen Chamberlain in the course of the debate on the Free State Bill at Westminster:—
"We have found a new solution in the development of the self-governing Dominions giving immense, almost absolute, freedom within their domestic affairs. We have offered that position to Ireland, with only the limitations that Ireland remain within the Empire, accept citizenship, acknowledge allegiance to the King, national existence and to the maintenance of the communications of Empire. Who pressed us to give as near to Dominion Home Rule as we could but the Southern Unionists."?
(c) Is it the intention of the President of the Republic in compliance with the agreement reached at the recent Sinn Féin Ard Fheis, and in justice to the Republic, to relieve all Ministers under the Provisional Government of their offices in Dáil Éireann immediately, appoint other Ministers to the vacant places in the Government of the Republic, and thus put an end to the anomaly of Ministers subverting the Republic they are supposed to uphold?
(d) Will the Chairman of the Delegation state if Mr. Winston Churchill was within the truth in saying of the Ulster option when introducing his Free State Bill at Westminster:—
"As to the month in which Ulster can exercise its option there is a difference of opinion between the Attorney-General and the Irish Signatories. The Irish Ministers quite definitely hold that the month should run from the passing of the present Bill. The view of the Attorney-General is that the month runs from the passing of the confirmatory legislation. There will, however, be no question about it, the Irish Signatories to the Treaty having agreed from reasons of fair play to waive these views. So Ulster will not have a decision without seeing the form of Government with which she will be associated."?
If it be true that Ulster will not be called upon to make a decision before seeing that intended form of Government, will similar provision be made for all citizens of the Republic?
(e) Will the Chairman of the Delegation to London say whether during the negotiations there, any use was made of the threat indicated by Mr. Austen Chamberlain when he said in the course of the debate on the Free State Bill at Westminster:—
"At one time we thought it was certain the struggle would have to be renewed. We were in communication with military and police advisors. We were prepared, if no other course was available, to raise 100,000 men, in addition to putting every available soldier into Ireland to wage the cruellest of all wars, civil war, and the cruellest of all forms of civil war, guerilla war."?
(a) Whether Mr. Churchill said that or not I have no evidence, but as an Irishman I accept no statement of my position made by an Englishman. I state it myself.
(b) The same answer applies. Everybody knows my position. I am standing for this Treaty, and all these attempts to make these little traps are of no avail. I am not discussing my position, but I am the person to define exactly what my position is, not any Englishman.
I quite accept that, Mr. Griffith.
(c) That is a perfect piece of propaganda. No such agreement was reached at the Ard Fheis and there is no intention whatever on my part of changing any of the Ministers.
(d) The answer to both these questions is in the affirmative.
(e) Mr. Chamberlain never used that threat to us, but we knew and everybody knew, that that was what we were up against. If Mr. O'Kelly and his associates accept that statement, it surely shows the futility of Document No. 2.
It only showed the difference we thought.
I have to press for a proper reply to the question I asked, the question which is put down as (c) of No. 1. That is:
"Is it not a fact that, since the removal of the Boycott upon Belfast and its associated districts, there has been a very considerable increase in the number of the outrages committed upon the Nationalist and Catholic population under Sir James Craig's Government? Do these outrages now number over 30 murders and over 200 attempts at murder?"
That is a question that can very easily be answered by saying Yes or No, and not by dragging in something that is not in the question.
I answered the implication which was in the question.
I answered the implication of this gentleman, lately representing Monaghan and here without the slightest shadow of authority.
I represent Monaghan, just as you represent Tyrone.
As regards whether more people suffered since the removal of the Boysott I have not the exact figures.
The fact of the matter is, the President of the Republic cannot give a straight answer to a straight question.
I am glad to have the bad opinion of Mr. McEntee.
