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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 26 Apr 1922

Vol. S2 No. 4

QUESTIONS. - PRESIDENT'S STATEMENT.

A Chinn Chomhairle, the first reference I should think would be to the death of one of our colleagues since we last met, Mr. Frank Lawless, whose tragic death I am sure all the members here who knew him most deeply regret. I knew Mr. Lawless—for I worked with him—for over 30 years. He was the first man who pioneered Sinn Féin and the Gaelic League in Fingal. He was a man who stuck by his country all through. He feared nothing—neither physical fear nor the fear of obloquy—and his death has left a gap amongst us that will not easily be filled. I am sure this Dáil will extend to his relatives our deepest sympathy and place on record our appreciation of a noble man, a fine patriotic Irishman. With his name I would link the name of the man who was foully murdered yesterday, Commandant General Adamson, a man who has died for his country as truly as any man ever died for it.

When I was elected President of Dáil Éireann, I undertook to keep the Departments functioning until the voters of Ireland had an opportunity of deciding for or against the Treaty. The reports of the various Departments now before you will show that the undertaking has been fully honoured, although the authority of Dáil Éireann has been obstructed, and flouted by a section of the opposition, which agreed it would act in a constitutional way and which has broken its agreement. Attempts to suppress the Press, to abolish the right of free assembly and free speech, to seduce the army and to terrorise the citizens, have been frequent since the last meeting of the Dáil, and the language of menace and incitement has been deliberately used, with consequences of bloodshed and attempted bloodshed. Were it not for this unconstitutional and unscrupulous opposition to the Government, the position of the country would be peaceful and prosperous.

The Act of Union is gone, the British troops are evacuating the country, and the Irish troops are entering into possession. The Irish exchequer, after 105 years, is re-established and the revenues of Ireland are once more restored to Ireland. The power to develop their own resources to the uttermost is again in the hands of the people of Ireland, and, but for the attempt of the minority to set up anarchaic conditions, the country to-day would have full employment for all its people.

The position in North-East Ulster has been aggravated by the action of those who have placed themselves in opposition to the Dáil. Within eight days after the pact making for peace and unity had been signed, an effort was made to smash it by the opponents of the Treaty. Forty-five seizures of Belfast goods were made within those eight days on the Great Northern Railway by unauthorised persons who pretended to re-impose the Belfast Boycott. The murderous elements in Belfast, from whom our people have suffered so much, resumed the pogrom, and many horrible atrocities have been committed. The prospect is not hopeful but it is our duty to try to the last moment for peace and protection for our people. In this regard, Mr. D. McCullough has been sent to the United States to inform American public opinion of the facts of the North-East Ulster situation.

The Provisional Government, which came into existence as a consequence of the approval of the Treaty, functions in complete harmony with, and by the authority of Dáil Éireann. As agreed at the Ard-Fheis of Sinn Féin, the constitution of Saorstát Éireann is being drafted, and will be published before the elections in June.

In accordance with the principles of freedom and democracy, on which the Dáil was founded, whatever measures are necessary will be taken to ensure that the electorate of Ireland, which created Dáil Éireann, shall be free to vote for or against the Treaty which the plenipotentiaries of Dáil Éireann signed and which Dáil Éireann has approved. At the invitation of the Archbishop of Dublin, the Minister of Finance and myself have met members of the opposition with the object of securing a peaceful election. There is, so far, no result.

Finally, let me say that as the Irish nation consists of the living Irish people, and they, and they alone, are sovereign in decision, Dáil Éireann, as their trustee, will uphold and assert their right to free expression of opinion and freedom of election.

I am sure this side of the House would very much like to be associated with the remarks of the President on the death of Mr. Frank Lawless and on the unfortunate business in Athlone. I am sure that sympathy will be also extended to the relatives of Michael Sweeney who was foully murdered by troops under the command of Dáil Éireann.

I wish at once to contradict that statement. A Coroner's jury, after careful investigation, found that he was accidentally shot.

That was a most filthy suggestion.

I suggest that the term used by the Deputy for Roscommon is a rather unfortunate term to be included in the records of the House—"the unfortunate business in Athlone." Surely to goodness, it has not come to this, that the shooting of a man is to be treated as "business." It is a most unfortunate record to appear in the annals of this Dáil and I certainly object to it. The Deputy, who may have made it in the heat of the moment, has now time to alter it.

Of course, I did not mean to suggest that murder is a business.

"Unfortunate business" is what you said.

"The unfortunate death of a soldier in Athlone."

MR. COSGRAVE:

That is better— a little bit better.

I would like to say that the remark was drawn from me by the uncalled for course, as I thought, of introducing with the name of Mr. Lawless the death of a soldier in Athlone. Everybody will deeply deplore it, together with the unfortunate death of Michael Sweeney.

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