I beg formally to move the Second Stage of "The Griffith Settlement Bill."
THE GRIFFITH SETTLEMENT BILL.—SECOND STAGE.
I beg to second the motion.
I am astonished that the Minister has thought well to introduce the Second Reading Stage of this Bill by a mere intimation that he formally moves it. I was hopeful, and expected, that we would have had a statement from the Minister explanatory of the special circumstances why such a Bill was necessary, and giving the Dáil and the country some explanation of the reason for bringing in this Bill. I thought the Minister would have taken the opportunity to remind the Dáil of the special qualities of the man whose widow and family are in need of this special grant. It is somewhat a disappointment, I am sure, to the Dáil that the Minister has not thought it well to go into the matter in more detail, or at least in some detail, but, not having done so, I think it is necessary to say that the principle of the Bill is acceptable to the Deputies on this side. We recognise the special circumstances, but, apart from the special circumstances, we recognise that the principle involved in this is an important one, inasmuch as it means that where a citizen has given his time and energy selflessly to the country's service without thought of personal gain or reward, that his family should not be allowed to suffer; and I would apply that principle to citizens generally. We have a right to recognise that, where a man and a woman have given themselves and their lives to the country's service, the country has a reciprocal obligation to the dependents of these people. That is the principle. In the case of Arthur Griffith circumstances demand that special consideration should be given, but the same principle is at work. Then the question arises as to the amount and the method, and it is as to the amount and the method of the consideration that ought to be given to the case of the dependents of the late Arthur Griffith that we should have had some explanation from the Minister in charge of the Bill. Without that explanation I think the Dáil is very much tied, and I think perhaps it would be well if I said no more.
May I join in expressing my surprise, rather from another point of view? I thought that the circumstances which necessitated this Bill were more or less obvious and painfully well known; but I had thought that this occasion would have been taken advantage of to have used such speech as would have made this Bill an opportunity for celebrating a great and heroic leader of this Nation. I know very well it could be replied that words of praise at this time are unnecessary, that the country knows exactly what this heroic man did, and they know what this heroic man gave, and that his place belongs to history. That could very easily be said. I think it is a right principle that has been taken advantage of on all such occasions, even though the words may appear to be somewhat unnecessary, even though they appear to be supererogatory, to give acknowledgment to those who have been selfless leaders of a Nation, and who have, in the truest meaning of the word, died in the Nation's service, and to take advantage of occasions like this for doing so. I could wish that that had been done. If it had been done, others could have followed. Here this afternoon in this Assembly—the meeting which he never lived to see, but which is built upon the foundation which he put down, he more than anyone, he more than any combination of others—here in his absence, when we are taking advantage of the fact that we have come into the administration of the Nation's own moneys to make provision for those whom he left after him not only desolate, as I have heard it said, but destitute, we give him the meed of praise which, however unnecessary it may be, which, however supererogatory it be, is nevertheless due not to him, but to ourselves. We know well, and the Nation knows well, that Arthur Griffith, had he chosen to have served himself, with the rich gifts that he had, could have provided amply for those whom he would leave after him. The fact that they are to-day in need is owing merely to the fact that he gave all of himself to this Nation's service, never once counting any attractions that might lure him aside from that single, steadfast, selfless purpose of his life. We know that for many long years he found himself in a very small minority, and, being himself a man of intractable purpose, being a man of very stubborn faith and belief in his own convictions, it never once crossed his mind during all those years in which he found himself in that minority that he would, however much he thought himself in the right, make his own convictions upon that matter a subject of dictation to any others than to himself. And I remember that when the debates were on in the Dáil as to whether the Treaty of peace should or should not be accepted, certain persons in that Assembly gave expression to the faith that representatives were not bound by their constituents' wishes. I remember the horror with which that thought came before him and the indignation that he expressed. His faith was a faith in the freedom of this people— the real, substantial freedom to do what it liked with its own destinies; and when others arose and stated to certain of their followers that Ireland was theirs for the taking and that they should take it, it was like his wit, but like his faith and principle also, to give a slight turn to that and to express the conviction of his days that Ireland was the Nation's for the making, and that the Nation should make it. That was the principle of all his days, and I could have wished that the President of the Executive Council had expressed those things in chosen and fitting words, as he could well have done, and had made this occasion, when we are bringing in this provision for those whom Arthur Griffith left after him, a time when on the records of this Dáil would have been written exactly what those who have been returned here on behalf of the people of Ireland thought of one who is destined to take his place not only among the leaders of this Nation, but among the chosen handful of the elect leaders of this Nation.
I was rather surprised to hear the last Deputy say that the family of the late President were left not only desolate, but destitute. The provisions of this Bill are retrospective, and there is no destitution. I knew the late President, I suppose, longer than most people here, if not longer than anybody here, and I know that he was not the man —if his own wishes were consulted—who would wish that this occasion should be made the subject of any eulogy of the work that he did in this country. A Roman poet said once: "Si monumentum requiris circumspice,” that is, “If you seek his memorial, look around you.”
Question: "That the Bill be read a second time," put and agreed to.
Committee Stage ordered for Tuesday, March 13th.