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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 5 Mar 1924

Vol. 6 No. 22

PRIVATE BUSINESS. - POLICY OF MINISTER FOR LOCAL GOVERNMENT.

I move:—

"That the Dáil disapproves of the policy of the Minister for Local Government, so far as it has been made known through the general activities of his Ministry."

My reason for putting down this motion is in order to try to find out exactly what the mind of the Local Government Department is in its relation to the various Councils in the State. In the first place they seem to be affected by an over-dose of the now prevalent disease called "economy." The policy which the Local Government Department in its present frame of mind is following is indiscriminate economy, and an economy which is not going to achieve what perhaps the the Minister has in his mind. The Local Government Department is pursuing a policy which to my mind is not in conformity with what the people considered they would get from a native Parliament. Recently circulars have been sent out to the various Councils in the State, calling upon them to practise the most rigid economy in all their Departments. They did not point out at the beginning what economy could be effected, and I am sure it will be news to the members of this House to know that the present unhappy state that some of the Councils in the State find themselves in to-day is due to the policy of the Local Government Department. I speak with first-hand knowledge of my own native county, and the Local Government Department owes the County Wexford to-day the sum of £52,000. It is very hard on a Council which has been harassed like the Wexford County Council has been, for some four or five years past, to try to exist and to carry out its ordinary functions, when the Department I have mentioned is keeping back the huge sum of £52,000. In consequence of that money being withheld, the Council has had to borrow a sum equal to it, for which they have to pay interest at the rate of 5 per cent. I do not think it is a very wise policy of the Government to withhold from a Council in Ireland a huge sum of money like that, and to sanction an overdraft from the bank on which they have to pay 5 per cent. interest, and in the same voice to call upon them to economise. Now, various representations have been made to the Minister in order to try to get from him the rights which that Council are entitled to.

Under the old régime, so far as I know, these grants were paid regularly. Sometime recently a deputation waited upon the Minister. Of course he was very sympathetic and told us he would do all he could; he was very courteous and all the rest, but he seemed to be tied down by the Treasury to a certain policy. He told us that the reason for the grants being withheld was because it was anticipated that the annuities would not be paid during the coming year. To my mind that is not a policy or an attitude that any responsible Government should take up. So far as I know, and I think the Minister will agree, the annuities in the County Wexford have been paid very well. As a matter of fact, in the exact words of the Minister concerned, up to December last they had been paid extremely well in the County Wexford. Now I am sure the Dáil will forgive me for dealing with the County Wexford, but as I have first-hand knowledge of that county I think it is well that I should use it in support of my arguments in favour of this motion, because I feel pretty certain that the same condition of affairs prevails in other counties in the State. What I object to is that these grants are withheld, as the Minister says, in anticipation of farmers not paying their annuities during the coming year. That, as I have said, is not a policy or an attitude that any Government should take up.

It appears to be the policy of the Government that if certain counties in the Free State do not pay their annuities at all and that other counties pay up in full, that the counties that are paying up and discharging their liabilities are to be subject to the same treatment as the counties that do not pay at all. There is another aspect of the situation that I wish to refer to. Recently the President told the Dáil that the Local Government Department were about to release one-and-a-quarter millions of money in order to relieve unemployment and to reconstruct roads in Ireland. He told us that a motion which had been moved here was tantamount to a vote of censure upon the Government because the Deputy who moved the motion had in his mind that the unemployed in the Free State had been neglected. We thought at that time that the Minister would permit Councils to expend this money at the rate of wages that prevailed in the particular areas, and we were rather surprised that circulars were sent broadcast to the Councils operating in the Free State area stipulating that a certain wage should be paid which, to my mind, was a disgraceful wage, and should not be suggested by anybody taking upon themselves the responsibilities of the Government of a country.

I put down a question about a fortnight ago asking the Minister for Local Government where he derived his authority to fix the wage suggested in the circular, and he told me that he derived such authority from Parts 2 and 3 of the Roads Act. So far as I can see, the only place that he could derive that authority is under Section 4, Sub-section (8) of that Act, which states: "Advances to County Councils may be made by way of loan or grant, or partly one way or partly another on such terms and subject to such conditions as the Board think fit." I suggest to the Minister that that particular Section does not bear the interpretation that he puts on it, and I suggest that if Hansard were looked up during the period in which that Act was going through the British House of Commons it will be found that no such statement was made, that such conditions should apply, or that would enable the Minister to take the inference that he has taken from that particular Section. There is a stipulation in that grant that ex-National soldiers should get first preference. So far as I am concerned, I think it is pretty generally known that I have been on the side of the Government in the last conflict. I have never hidden that, and I do not want to do so now, but I do think that discretion ought to be left to the various Councils in Ireland to deal with unemployment in their area as the position warrants they should deal with it. There are men in the Free State to-day who have been idle for the last three or four years. Some of them made application to be taken into the Army, but they were not taken for some reason or another. I do not think it is the right thing for the Government to prevent these people from working and earning a livelihood if they are willing to do so, and I suggest that they withdraw this clause. The Councils of Ireland, so far as I know, though there may be some exceptions, are fully alive to what they owe to the National Army for what it did during the recent struggle. The wages suggested by the Minister may, I think, be taken at an average of 28s. per week. How anybody with any sense of responsibility or with any knowledge of the price of food stuffs in this country at present could expect a man to keep a wife and family on 28s. a week is beyond my comprehension.

I am sure if the Minister goes into the matter he will find that it was absolutely impossible for that man to do so. To go back to the question of the National Army men, I do not think that it is fair that these men should be used—I do not say that they are deliberately used—to cut down the wages of their fellow men, because if the Councils in Ireland can get National soldiers to work for 28s. a week at making roads, it follows as night the day that there will be a general reduction in that particular period and that the private employer is going to take advantage of the situation created by men working at 28s. per week. I want to know is it the considered policy of the Local Government Department to make that a medium for cutting down employees' wages. They may say that it is not their intention, and that these particular conditions only apply to the grant of 1¼ millions. I have a recollection of a County Council meeting at Wexford. When this particular grant and the conditions attaching to it came up for consideration an employer rose to his feet and proposed that the wages for County Council work should be at the rate of 28s. a week, a reduction of 18s. on the present wage in that county. That man, I suggest, was prompted to do so by the conditions attaching to the grant which the Government proposed to pay to County Councils. I would appeal to the Minister for Local Government to revise and reconsider his decision on this matter.

The members on these benches are as anxious for economy as any other body, but we are asking you not to start economy again on the bottom dog and not have the same spectacle as we have had by the cutting down of old age pensions. All economies are starting at the wrong end. I believe that there should be a general enquiry into the whole question of Local Government before you start an indiscriminate policy of economy and an attack on the workers' wages. You certainly have an advantage, and you are using it over the unfortunate man who has been idle for the past three or four years. I do not think it is fair when you find a man on the verge of starvation to use him as a medium to cut down the wages of his fellow man. It is not a proper position to put a soldier in, a man who has given his best in order that his country might live. There is another matter in connection with Local Government administration to which I would like to refer. The Department, as I said before, have sent circulars round calling on Councils to practise the most rigid economy. During the war between England and this country the County Councils were instructed by the Local Government Department of Dáil Eireann, which, I am glad to say, practically all the Councils now in the Free State area, recognised and obeyed to do certain things in connection with rate collection. They were told to disregard the treasurer whom they had up to that time, and were told to appoint trustees and to instruct the rate collectors to lodge their collections with those trustees. That was in direct conflict with the terms of their appointment.

The Local Government Department were certainly alive to that situation, but they persisted in their instructions, which I considered right instructions, for that particular time. I have raised this matter before, but I do not think that there is any harm in raising it again. In County Wexford there were 21 rate collectors, 17 of whom refused to obey the instructions that had been sent from the Local Government Department through the County Council, with the result that the County Council had to discharge them by express instructions from the Local Government Department. The County Council had then to appoint new rate collectors, who duly took up their positions, but most of them found themselves in prison before six months were at an end. What was the surprise of the County Council to find that last year the Ministry set up a tribunal in order to pay these men who had disobeyed the Council and the nation in a very critical period! I have no objection to giving them remuneration if they think they are entitled to remuneration, but I object to the local Councils being called upon to pay the burden of such remuneration.

The Councils which took this particular action were acting in the interests of the nation at the behest and direction of the Government, and I think that this is a matter that ought to be taken up by the Government, and that the remuneration should be paid by the Government, and should be adjusted in the same way as the other financial arrangements will be adjusted between the two countries. There is also another aspect of the situation. It is in connection with the collection of rates at the present time. There are rate collectors in certain counties who have done their duty as well as it is possible to do it under the conditions prevailing. A certain amount of rates is outstanding, and the Government insist that those rate collectors should proceed to obtain decrees against the defaulters.

In a great many cases rate collectors hold decrees against defaulters for full amounts. They have had to lodge a certain amount of money to get those decrees. Those decrees have been given in the Courts for a considerable time, yet there is no sign whatever of the decrees being executed. That may be a matter for the Minister for Home Affairs, but, in the first instance, it is a matter for the Minister for Local Government to bring pressure on the Minister for Home Affairs in order that the various Councils of Ireland may operate as they should. The real grievance is that the Government will not allow County Councils to pay rate collectors until the decrees are executed.

I would also like to draw the attention of the Dáil to the question of amalgamation. This is a matter which was approached very hastily. The various Councils in the Free State obeyed the Government at the critical time without due regard to the aged poor and the sick. It was pointed out to the Councils by the Local Government Department at that particular time that certain economies would be effected, and that the brand of pauperism would be lifted from the people. I was doubtful then that that would happen, and I am doubtful now that it will. I remember being called to Dublin, accompanied by Dr. Ryan, T.D., Seamus Doyle, T.D., and Sean Etchingham, T.D., to interview the President, who was then Minister for Local Government. We were evenly divided on the question of amalgamation, not on the broad principle of amalgamation, but on some of its details. Two of us were in favour of cottage or district hospitals, and two against. The President tried to reconcile the two positions in his usual manner, and gave certain promises. Those promises, up to now, have not been fulfilled. He promised that in view of what we considered to be the faults of the scheme, he would institute an inquiry inside of twelve months if amalgamation did not work satisfactorily. As far as I know that promise has been brought to the minds of the Ministry on two different occasions within the past twelve months, and nothing has been done.

I seriously suggest that the question of amalgamation should be gone into thoroughly and examined, with a view to finding out if the necessary economies have been fulfilled, and if the sick and infirm are getting the attention they deserve. Personally, I do not think they are. In view of the fact that all those schemes were rushed, I do not think it was carried out even as satisfactorily as the Minister himself thought it would have been, under the conditions which prevailed. There is another matter, and that is the question of the proposed abolition of District Councils. I do not know if I am in order on this, in view of the fact that the Government have not declared their policy, but I do know that a deputation from the various District Councils in the Free State has waited on the Minister for Local Government in view of certain rumours that were abroad, that he was about to abolish District Councils. He made a reply which prompted them to believe that he was going to abolish District Councils. I wonder has he considered the effect that that will have on the administration of the various counties?

As far as I know, County Councils at the present time have already too much to do, and if District Councils are to be abolished it is going to mean that the County Councils will have to stay in session constantly. It is a retrograde step. Even the newspapers in the country say that, and God knows they are bad enough. I would ask the Minister for Local Government to reconsider his decision in the matter. I do not think that the people will be represented as they should be if the District Councils are to be abolished. There are many little things which get attention from the District Councils about which the County Councils have no time to bother. In conclusion, let me say that I think the Local Government Department are taking too much notice of the ramblings of the Press on the question of economy. I think that the pretext upon which the Local Government Department demands an inquiry nowadays is not sufficient to warrant that there should be an inquiry. I do hope I am wrong in thinking that it is the considered policy of the Government to send Commissioners to the various areas to administer local affairs. That would be a retrograde step and should not be listened to for a moment by the present occupants of the Ministry. If the British Government had suggested anything similar two or three years ago I could imagine our President holding up his hands in holy horror and using it as a foundation for a magnificent speech. I would ask the Ministry to reconsider its whole policy and to take the country into its confidence as to what it is going to do, especially in regard to the wages question and the undue interference between public boards and their employees.

I rise to second the motion put forward by Deputy Corish. It gives me no pleasure to make any charge against the Ministry of Local Government. Rather I wish that I were able to support their policy in the country, but unfortunately their action in almost every case prevents me from doing so. Deputy Corish referred to road workers' wages under the grants. I was one of a deputation which waited on the Minister on the 14th February last. I put it forward to him that 35s. weekly would be a fair wage for a man on those grants. I could not get him to go any further than 30s. On last Monday week my County Council were almost unanimous, with one dissentient, in asking the Minister to sanction a flat rate of 35s. for the county. We considered that that rate would be something reasonable for men who were demobilised and who did not get that particular training as workers, which they would have but for the unfortunate conditions prevailing in the country for the last two years. Instead of that we are offered 30s. During the interview we had with the Minister he admitted that it was more or less of a dole rather than a grant given for work in return.

I submitted to him then, and I submit to him now, that we want a return in work for the money expended on these roads. If we are to pay a fair wage it is not fair to throw a number of demobilised soldiers on to the country and ask them to work for a wage which means the cutting down of the wages of the permanent workers. I think it is a deliberate insult to the manhood of these men to use them as wage breakers. It is nothing less. I am sure the demobilised men will look upon it as an insult, and I hope that when the next Election comes they will show their disapproval of it. There is one matter to which I would like to draw the attention of the Minister, as we are speaking of the roads, and that is the work of the assistant-surveyors. I think that the Minister should see to it that these officials should give at least 200 days to direct road supervision in the year. I know cases where these men, although officials, do not do any work for the Councils, and I say that they should be made to do it. They get out through the loophole of being part-time officers. What is the consequence? The reports they send in to the County Surveyor, and through him to the Councils, are nothing short of disgraceful. I say that paying out money to such men on the part of the Ministry is disgraceful. If we try to do anything we are up against these officials. Another matter that the Ministry should see to is that the salaries of Secretaries of County Councils should be reduced to something like a reasonable amount.

A ten per cent. cut.

It is disgraceful to see men receiving £1,900 a year while the workers throughout the country are starving. I have totted up the monies expended in Secretaries' salaries in the Twenty-six Counties, and the average is £1,085.

And emoluments.

I would also like to draw the Minister's attention to the dismissals by Sealed Orders of officials because of their political opinions, and I would ask him to withdraw these Sealed Orders and allow these officials to resume their duties, that is, if the county or other councils affected will allow them to do so. I think if we are to return to normal conditions these little pin-pricks from authorities in Dublin should cease and people should be allowed to get back to something like normal conditions and get on with the work of the country that we are talking so much about. Unreasonable interference by the Minister and his Department is causing a good deal of intense feeling among public bodies. They feel that the Ministry has no confidence in them, and consequently they have no confidence in the Ministry. I think that in local matters the Minister should be guided by the men who have local knowledge, and not by officials in Dublin.

The amalgamation of Unions scheme is another matter which does not seem to have the approval of the people that the Minister would lead us to believe it has. The policy of closing hospitals serving large populations in extensive rural areas is causing great dissatisfaction, not among the Labour Party only, but among the farmers. I attended a meeting about a fortnight ago at which members of the Farmers' Union were present, and it surprised me to observe their hostility against this Ministry. Patients are conveyed long distances to the County Hospitals and are in danger of dying before they arrive there. Believing this to be cynical and barbarous treatment, I would suggest to the Minister that he should dovetail a clause dealing with this matter into the Old Age Pensions Bill and change the title to "The Old Age Prevention Bill," because it seems to me that there is a genuine intention on the part of the Government to try to get rid of the old people so that they will not be a burden on the country. Yes, you may laugh at that, but it means old age prevention.

Another matter that I would like to call the Minister's attention to is National Health Insurance. Complaints are general that benefits are not paid promptly, that people who are sick do not receive anything until they are able to walk about again, and possibly a person may be dead before his relatives receive any payment. If this Act is to be of any use to the people for whom it was intended, I think the Minister should instruct his inspectors to watch this matter and to make the societies pay promptly. Deputy Corish has referred to the abolition of District Councils. Resolutions have been passed by about 100 of these Councils protesting against their abolition, and I think the Minister would be well advised not to go too far in this matter. If you take away representation from what we call the plain people, I do not think that democracy will be very much benefited by it, so that I think that matter requires very careful consideration by the Minister. He will hear more about it later on. I have been speaking about the National Health Insurance. I would ask the Minister to pay special attention through his inspectors to those societies which are deliberately, I might say, withholding benefits from the sick poor.

It would be better if the Deputy did not go into the question of National Health Insurance, as that Department is not under Local Government.

A DEPUTY

It is coming under it.

In conclusion, I would ask the Minister to consider the advisability of placing confidence in the representatives of the people in local matters. I do not see why he should be altogether influenced by officials in Dublin. Confidence begets confidence, and vice versa, and if we are to have Government of the people, by the people, and for the people, I think he should give some consideration to the opinions of the country.

I made an attack upon the administration of the County Tirconaill and the Local Government Department last Thursday at the County Executive meeting of the Farmers' Union, held in Ballybofey, and it might be said that I was showing the white feather or the white flag if I did not repeat what I said then, in the presence of the Minister. Personally, I have nothing to say to the Minister, because in my opinion he would endeavour to administer his Department fairly and reasonably, but of course I have not an intimate acquaintance with all that goes on inside Government departments. I am of opinion that the officials in the Local Government Department take upon themselves certain action which they have no right to take, and place the responsibility upon the Minister. With regard to the fiscal administration of Tirconaill, I referred to a report of the Inspector of Lunatics regarding an inquiry that was held into the administration of Tirconaill Mental Hospital on the 9th of October last. That report, according to a letter I have from the Secretary of the Local Government Department, was sent down to the Mental Hospital Committee on the 15th November. It was considered at a special meeting of the Mental Hospital Committee, held in Letterkenny on the 21st November, behind closed doors. Not a single word was mentioned in the newspaper report of that meeting about that report which was sent down for the Committee's consideration. There was no publication of it until the 19th December. I obtained a copy of it from the Local Government Minister's Department, and had it published in the local paper, The Derry Journal. I do not desire to use harsh or unmannerly language with regard to members of the Committee, but will content myself with saying that they did not publish that report.

On a point of order, are we trying the Mental Hospital Committee or the Minister for Local Government?

You are dealing with the administration of County Councils.

You must confine yourself to the policy of the Ministry.

With regard to this report which was sent on for consideration, we heard nothing about it until it was published in the newspapers, and in my opinion the Minister for Local Government should have insisted on the publication of that report. Deputy Corish has referred to the amalgamation of Unions. We were led to believe that in the County of Tirconaill 50 per cent. would have been saved in the cost of the maintenance of paupers, when brought into the County Home. In my opinion, instead of saving 50 per cent., the cost of maintenance in the Home has increased, and the county has been saddled with an additional £6,000 or £7,000 to pay the pensions of officials who were scrapped. That was an ill-considered scheme, and one that was rushed regardless of the cost and comfort of the patients. They received more kindness and better treatment when in the workhouses. They are now herded in one central institution. I know something about the discipline of the place, but my own opinion is that the comfort of the poor would have been better attended to if they had been left in the Unions.

The entire administration of the county I represent requires very close supervision by the Local Government Department. The County Council for the past two or three years has been neglecting the affairs and fiscal administration of the county in a very marked and improper way. I do not think I am offering any insult when I say that they are a body who should be scrapped or asked to resign. I ask the Minister for Local Government to institute an inquiry similar to the inquiries proceeding in Clare and Waterford. Deputy Corish and the Deputy who seconded the motion referred to the abolition of District Councils.

It would be better if the Deputy did not go into that question, for the Ministry have no declared policy on the abolition of District Councils.

On a point of Order, that is exactly what we are trying to find out.

I would be inclined to think that the Minister for Local Government is anxious to hear everything we have to say, and it would be necessary that he should hear everything we have to say with regard to the administration of the various Councils and institutions thereunder. I do not think it is to the credit of the Government Party, led by Deputy Hughes, that I should be throttled in the manner he has done. I think they should listen to everything a Deputy has to say with regard to the administration of his own county ——

On a point of personal explanation, I am tired of listening to this accumulation of charges of inefficiency propounded by the Deputy.

Well, I was dealing with the District Councils. The Government is going to deal with them in a different way to what we would deal with them. I endorse everything said by Deputy Corish and the Deputy who seconded the motion, that the District Councils should not be abolished because their members are direct representatives of the people. I ask the Minister for Local Government how in a vast county like Tirconaill, a County Council elected under the new Bill, could look after the immense amount of business to be transacted by them, and do it in an effective way. It would be absolutely impossible for them to do so in Tirconaill, the second largest county in Ireland.

What about Cork?

I have nothing to do with Cork; the Deputies from Cork are looking after the interests of that county. Tirconaill will be quite sufficient for me, and more than I will be able to administer. I would ask the Minister for Local Government to institute an inquiry into the entire administration of Tirconaill. Another matter I would wish to draw attention to is that the Secretary of the County Council of Tirconaill has recently resigned, and the present County Council has undertaken to fill the appointment. In my opinion the appointment of a gentleman to that position should be deferred until the new County Council has been elected under the new Bill. I do not think the gentlemen forming the County Council have any right to take the responsibility of filling an important position such as a Secretaryship. That appointment should be deferred until the people of the entire county get an opportunity of pronouncing on how they discharged the duties for which they were responsible for the last three or four years.

The policy of the Minister for Local Government seems to be to uproot and destroy local government in the true sense. Every week his Department is in conflict with some local authority. Anybody who has any practical experience in the working of local authorities will certainly admit that since they were elected in 1920 they have gone through very strenuous times, and if they failed to administer wisely I think it was due to the circumstances of the time, and to the nature of the conflict. I suggest it was not possible to do everything that public authorities might have been expected to do in normal circumstances, but the Ministry of Local Government seem to be inclined to treat every public body in the same way. I would like to deal with one particular aspect of this situation—the amalgamation of workhouses—and I would like to say here and now that that is a policy that was never agreed to by the people, and a policy that the people never got any opportunity of pronouncing on as to whether they agreed with it or not. It was got up, if I might say so, as a political stunt during the war between the British and this country. It went out on the cry of economy, because it was felt, I suggest, that it was necessary to offer some sop to the ratepayers, so that they would continue to give their allegiance to the public bodies who had changed over from the English Local Government Board to the Dáil Local Government Department. The cry of economy went out, but I submit there has been no real economy. There may have been economy, but it has been at the expense of the poor. The North Tipperary County Council, of which I think the Minister will admit he has some personal knowledge, is a Council that has come through the last two or three years very creditably. We find that at the present time they are in a position to say, what I think very few other Co. Councils in the Saorstát can say, that they have all their rates collected. They are a very conservative body. They took up this question of amalgamation, and they formed a scheme which was submitted to the Minister. He turned down their scheme. He would not agree to it. A scheme was again submitted. The Minister varied the scheme which was made by the County Council. He said to them: "This is a scheme which you will have to agree to; your scheme is wrong." The people of the neighbourhood, the people who have an intimate knowledge of local conditions, are the people whose schemes and advice are turned down as being of no value.

I witnessed a spectacle about a fortnight ago that I hope I will not see again. That was the spectacle of old people being brought in open motor-lorries, in the middle of February, a distance of 30 miles; their beds and property were taken from the workhouse to the County Home. I saw these old people, from 50 to 90 years of age, people who had been bedridden for over ten years, some of them, taken in those open motor-lorries a distance of 30 miles through the country on a raw February day. That is what amalgamation has meant to the poor people. There is no real economy at all in it. The Minister's scheme is now in operation in Tipperary, and it is working out in the way that I have described. The Guardians are being scrapped, those people who had an intimate knowledge of the local conditions, people who were able to distinguish between real and fictitious want. They have been supplanted by a few persons who had not an intimate knowledge of the local conditions and who are not in a position to know the really needy people from the people who were mere spongers looking for outdoor relief. The result is that there is a lot of hardship being caused to the people who are in real need of relief. I suggest to the Minister that when the local supervision is removed and when the people who have local intimate knowledge are scrapped, and others, paid officials, put in their places, that that is not going to make for efficiency or economy. I believe that it will lead to more corruption and more graft. I submit that one corrupt official is far more dangerous than 10 or 20 corrupt Guardians.

I think that the motion raised by Deputy Corish serves a very useful purpose in giving an opportunity to the Deputies of this Assembly to discuss this question of Local Government. I think it is one of the most important debates that was raised in the Dáil since I came into it. I must preface my remarks by saying that if the motion is meant as a vote of censure on the new Minister for Local Government, that I am not a party to it. I think that the Minister has made, during his short time in office, a very brave attempt against immense difficulties. He has had to face a very difficult situation and to cope with it so far as local administration is concerned. It is very sad to sit here in this Assembly, which is the National Assembly of our country, and to hear a debate like this. Now this Local Government Act of 1898 was a thorough and complete Act. It was not a half measure. It conferred full and complete control on the people of this country to administer their local affairs, just the same as in England and Scotland. It completely disestablished the old ascendancy class from its position of power, and made the people masters of all the finances in local affairs in Ireland. That was a big change. How did it work? It worked well up to a certain time. The Deputies will remember that one of the strongest arguments with the party that was in power in this country in the past, and it was used by them in the British House of Commons, was the efficient working of the Local Government Act in Ireland. On many and many occasions attempts were made to criticise local administration, but in all cases they failed.

This Local Government Department, over which an Irish Minister now presides, was at one time presided over by an English Minister. And this Local Government Department, like every other Department, made its reports as to the working of the various public bodies. The time is short, and I will not delay the Dáil by making a long speech, but I wish to quote a few words from the lips of a great Irishman. I am sure no matter how the Deputies here may differ as to his policy, they will all respect anything that fell from the lips of so talented and exalted an Irishman. I refer to the late John Redmond, the Chairman of the Irish Party. Speaking in Ennis on the 17th November, 1907, Mr. Redmond dealt with the successful working of the Local Government system in Ireland. He said: "I want today to address myself to one argument and to one argument alone, on this question of Home Rule. I want today, if you will bear with me, to answer fully the lying accusation made recently against the Irish people by Arthur Balfour." It was Arthur Balfour's brother, Gerald Balfour, that introduced this Local Government Act and had charge of it in 1898. Every time there is a report as to the working of it——

I am afraid that has nothing to do with the policy of the present Minister for Local Government.

I thought we were discussing the whole question of local administration under the motion moved by Deputy Corish.

The motion before the Dáil is, "That the Dáil disapproves of the policy of the Minister for Local Government, so far as it has been made known through the general activities of his Ministry." There is nothing outside of that that we can discuss.

Might I submit that it is quite in order for the Deputy to justify the retention of local authorities as elected bodies in protesting against any suggestion for the abolition of the local bodies; and that the Deputy is in order, I submit, in laying the foundations for such contention.

What the Deputy in quoting deals with a period long anterior to the present Minister for Local Government coming into office, I do not see that it has any bearing at all on the motion on the paper.

Is the Deputy in order in pointing out that Local Government as then administered was much in advance of Local Government as now administered?

I would be very sorry if I overstepped the limits of debate. But I think it is only fair that I should be allowed to point out that up to a certain date, as I said in my remarks, the system of local government was carried on to the satisfaction of the Irish people, farmers and labourers and everybody else.

resumed the Chair.

Now, the cause of the dissatisfaction is due to the fact that there is something wrong. After that Act was passed, what was the report issued? The Tories were in office from the passing of the Act up to a few years before 1907. The following report was issued in 1900:—"The predictions that the administration of a complete system of local government would inevitably break down, have not been verified. On the contrary, the County and District Councils, with a few exceptions, have properly discharged the duties devolving upon them." That was published by the Local Government Department under the British regime. In 1901 it was stated:—"Their duties have been satisfactorily and creditably discharged by the Councils and their officials throughout Ireland"—not in one part of Ireland, but throughout all Ireland. It was also stated that the rates for the year were lower than those for the preceding year.

We all know there is a great deal of dissatisfaction throughout the country regarding high rates. How did those rates accumulate? I differ with the Deputies on the Labour Benches on some of the points raised. I have always had the greatest sympathy with Labour, but at present it must be recognised that the farmers, who are the largest contributors to the public purse, and who form the bulk of the population, are having a bad time. The Minister for Agriculture, in his speech in a Dublin constituency last night, stated that some farmers and their sons had not as much as £1 a week for their wages. I was for several years a member of the County Council of Westmeath, and some time ago I asked the Secretary what were the roads, that were maintained at £13,000 a year, now costing? He told me that the cost was now £40,000. A lot of money could be saved in local administration. The direct labour system may be all right in regard to some roads, but in my opinion, it was unwise to do away with the contract system. To my knowledge numbers of small farmers used to make by-roads by the contract system, and in this respect roads that used to cost £12 and £14 are now costing £60 and £70. That is one instance in which a lot of money is lost in local administration.

It is the duty of Deputies to assist in every way the Minister who is in charge of the Department. He is making a good effort to discharge his duties. He is a young Minister, and he ought to get every possible assistance So far as I and the Deputies who are associated with me are concerned, we will give him every help. Quite recently he sent a letter to one of the Deputies of the Dáil touching upon the rate of wages they should pay in County Westmeath out of the grants given to the County Council. The Minister said he did not object to a rate of 32/- a week. The rate they were actually paying was 45/-, the highest in the Saorstát. When the County Council met down there, a body of men entered the Council Chamber, and they kicked tables, chairs and everything upside down. Is that fair, or is that constitutional Government?

It is constitutional starvation?

They had the red flag in their hands—the flag of revolution.

It was not the British flag.

I am afraid this question has nothing to do with the Minister's policy. It is not suggested the Minister was responsible for this. We are now debating the policy of the Minister for Local Government, and not the administration of local bodies. Unless the Minister for Local Government can be connected with it, I am afraid the matter is out of order.

I am sure the Labour Deputies will agree that because of the very bad times the farmers have had it is reasonable for them to complain. I would like to see an election held at an early date.

To-morrow, if possible.

I hope everybody will be satisfied with the result of the elections when they do take place. I am sure the farmers will. We are told the time is not ripe for an election, and that the Register is not yet ready. What is to be done in the meantime? I have had communications relative to extravagant matters of local administration in my county, and I am sure other Deputies have had similar complaints in regard to their counties. Deputy Corish suggests there should be investigations in every Department. I think that is only fair. I think the salaries of some County Council Secretaries are too high. The Deputy mentioned that.

I never said a word about the salaries of Secretaries of County Councils.

The seconder of the motion, Deputy Colohan, did. I think the salaries are too high.

Higher than the Minister has.

Some of these men were appointed at very small salaries, and in a few years the amount was inflated. This discussion will serve a useful purpose. I am pleased to see the President and so many members of the Executive Council present. I hope the debate will bring about some change, because at present there is uneasiness and trouble. A lot of rates are outstanding, and people are not inclined to pay because of the bad times. Many feel like saying, "Let things go to blazes; we cannot be much worse."

Cha saoilim go bhfuil a thuilleadh le rádh ins an diospoireacht seo. Níl agamfhéin acht cupla focal a rádh. Deputy Corish has said that £52,000 has been withheld from Wexford. £68,000 has been withheld from Tirconaill. I assume things balance themselves fairly well all round as between counties, and that when the Farmer Deputies and those who are so anxious for an Election come into authority, there will be a fairly decent nest egg to rely upon, in the shape of those savings that accumulated during the time they had no responsibility.

I then come to the question of unemployment and the fixing of the rate of wages under the grant. Deputy Corish suggests that if this were left to the Councils and to the local bodies it would be more satisfactory. I have some very grave misgivings on that question. I am a member of the County Council of Tirconaill and at the last meeting of that body, under which the wages are 26s. per week, it was actually carried by a majority of 22 to 3 that the hours, instead of being 48, should be 54. If Deputy Corish is prepared to rely upon public bodies like that, I am very much surprised. I, for my part, in my sympathy with labour, as with other bodies, am strongly of opinion that nothing beyond 48 hours should be sanctioned by any Ministry or should be accepted from any local body in the administration of this grant. As to the question whether the Local Government Department has authority to ordain hours of labour, I feel that the whole safety of the labour cause, and indeed of the economic condition, lies in the central authority having that power. I believe they should have that power and should exercise it.

Coming to the question of economy, we heard a great deal upon that phase from those who, having irresponsibility at the present time hope to have responsibility later on. When they arrive at the stage—if they ever do—when they have responsibility, I only hope the economy they prognosticate and which they use for propaganda will be acted up to and that they will see that the nation is brought into the position that they say they can bring it into. We, in our way, are doing the best we can for economy. We certainly are trying to put things on a proper basis. The Minister for Local Government is himself one of the men who are strongest in their determination to bring the nation through the present crisis and put it on a basis of economy in every feature so far as it is possible to do so. I have heard from Deputy Corish a good deal about the difficulties at Wexford. I appreciate these difficulties. They are not confined to Wexford. They are common to every county. As regards the amalgamation question, it has been contended that it was hastily conceived and that owing to the exigencies of the conditions that obtained, the schemes overlooked the convenience of the aged poor. I feel that if economy is going to be made effective at all, it is absolutely necessary that centralisation should take place.

Under the old conditions, things were absolutely evtravagant in these places, and the number of officials who had to be paid, subsidised and kept in every way swamped all the rates that were contributed for that purpose and left the aged poor only a small consideration in the matter. It was all a question of officials; the poor were overlooked altogether. It is possible in this amalgamation scheme to secure that the poor shall have advantage of the rate and that the expenditure on officials will be minimised. Under the old conditions the expenditure was extravagant so far as officialdom was concerned. For that purpose alone I am firmly convinced that the policy of the Local Government Department in trying to curtail official expenditure is a wise one and one that will bear fruit for the country. in the initial stages, difficulties will arise, but they will pass away. They can be reconciled not only with the requirements of the aged poor, but with the economic conditions that we hope to establish and stabilise in the country. We cannot expect everything to be done at once. "Rome was not built in a day." These things can be dealt with by wise administration. Unquestionably at the present time there are difficulties, but they can be overcome. As regards the question of the County Councils and the abolition of the District Councils, I believe what is wanted in this country is more efficient local administration and less parochial jobbery. It is my opinion that the tendency and trend of District Council operations have developed to such a stage that unfortunately jobbery applies to these bodies to a certain extent. They have no view beyond a certain parochialism, and they do the best they can to further their ideas with regard to individuals and all these things in the parochial areas. I think that if efficient administration in local areas can be secured by some other means, that local interests in that division will be equally well served, and that these agencies can be brought into such a state that we will not have the same questions arising——

I think you are leaving nothing for the Minister to say.

I do not say that centralised administration generally is a good policy. I do not commit myself to that. When local hospitals are removed, men like some of the Deputies here—men who are contractors for local hospitals—can certainly, having some objection to their removal, raise a question as to why they should be removed. I am absolutely in favour of clean administration.

To whom do you refer?

I think the remark should be withdrawn.

Will the Deputy sit down?

I want to know does the Deputy refer to me?

I found it very hard to follow Deputy McGoldrick. I was wondering where the policy of the Minister for Local Government came into the question.

He has not left him a word to say.

Did Deputy McGoldrick say that there were members of the Dáil who objected to the removal of County Homes or County Hospitals because they were interested in the contracts?

No; I have not said so. I did not refer to Deputies. I referred to "certain persons," which is a different thing. Undoubtedly agencies in a locality are controlled by local interests.

Is that what Deputy White objects to?

I have no personal interest in contracts. I took the remark as referring to myself.

Does Deputy White take it that he was referred to? The word "Deputy" was, I think, used by Deputy McGoldrick.

I am sorry if I used the word "Deputy." I did not mean to use the word "Deputy." I meant certain personages.

What do you mean by the word "agencies?"

Deputy McGoldrick can go no further to-night. I think he has concluded his speech.

It is a pity.

Deputy McGoldrick is withdrawing the word "Deputy," if he used it at all. The question is: does the Deputy want to speak again?

I am quite satisfied with the withdrawal.

I do not withdraw it, because I did not use it. I move the adjournment of the debate until Friday, if I am in order.

The Dáil adjourned at 9 p.m. until 3 o'clock on Thursday.

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