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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 23 Jul 1924

Vol. 8 No. 18

VOTE 56.—ARMY PENSIONS. - WOUND PENSIONS, ALLOWANCES AND GRATUITIES.

I beg to move:—

That a sum not exceeding £74,500 be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1925, to pay Wound Pensions, Allowances and Gratuities under the Army Pensions Act, 1923, and for Sundry Contributions in respect of the Administration thereof.

The amount paid in respect of wound pensions, gratuities and further pensions granted to wounded officers and wounded members of the Irish Volunteers and the Citizen Army, 1916, from the 1st April to the 31st May, amounted to £4,279 0s. 7d. During June the expenditure in that respect amounted to £4,926 18s. 11d. The total sum for the quarter was £9,205 19s. 6d. Allowances and gratuities amounted to £8,346 11s. 0d. The other items are inconsiderable in amount. The total amount in respect of these services for three months is £17,566 0s. 5d.

I would like to bring before the Dáil the policy of the Department in respect of the amounts paid in gratuities to the dependents of soldiers who were in the National Army, and who were killed during the last two years. To my mind, the amounts that have been paid can only be described as disgraceful. A number of cases have been brought to my notice within the last few months, and I am sure to the notice of other Deputies also, in which fathers or mothers of soldiers who were killed in the fighting that took place within the last few years were offered as compensation for the loss of their sons—and in some cases they were only sons—anything from £10 upwards. I have a case in mind where a poor old woman, whose only son was killed while serving in the National Army, was awarded the munificent sum of £30. That was what she was offered for a son who she expected would support her in her old age. I think that is something we should be ashamed of. I would appeal to the Minister to look into the matter himself, so that the dependents of men who lost their lives in the service of the State will receive better treatment. The case where a woman was offered £30 for the loss of her only son was typical of a number of other cases that I could mention here, where £30, £40 and £50, and in some cases less, was offered. I think the President will admit that such offers are unworthy of the State.

I asked a question the other day about a sergeant-major who was killed. He and his sister were helping to support a family of four or five children before he was killed. He had been working in Dublin, in the Anglo-American Oil Company, and after he was killed his people got a pension of 7/- a week. That pension was afterwards stopped. Before he joined the Army he was contributing 35/- per week to the support of the house. The only answer I got from the Minister for Defence when I raised the question was that the matter had been investigated and that there was not a sufficient amount of evidence to support the claim that he was supporting the household. I think in a case like that there should be a little elasticity. This man joined up and was killed at the very beginning of the fight, and I think that the Government should not be so penurious as they are in cases like that.

I want to support the view expressed by Deputy Morrissey. It seems to me the method adopted for judging the amount to be granted and the basing of that amount upon the sum contributed by the soldier before his death to the family is not satisfactory. I think the circumstances of life under which these men had been living is forgotten, and the circumstances of their family is not taken into account. The father and mother bring up a young fellow until he is 19 or 20 years of age. He is only just beginning to earn money to help his parents. He may be the eldest son. They have been looking forward to a time at least a few years hence when he would be of some assistance to the house and when he would help in bringing the younger children forward. He joins the Army and is killed, and the estimate taken seems to be the amount that he was contributing to the family at the time of his death. I know it may seem difficult to estimate what he would have contributed, but there does not seem to be sufficient account taken of the practice, or shall I say the usages, in working-class households when you come to the time when young men begin to contribute something to keep the home going and to be of some assistance to their parents. When the young man is killed the hopes and expectations are vanished and the whole family suffers, not merely the parents but the younger children also, and it seems to me there has been a failure on the part of the Ministry to realise the circumstances in which the people of the working classes who joined the Army in such large numbers live.

There are very great grievances and very many complaints about the manner in which this matter has been dealt with. We are reminded of the position in other circumstances. We are reminded of the pensions granted and the positions of the British soldiers and so on and so on. But it seems to me that there are altogether too many complaints of niggardliness in regard to the gratuities to parents who have suffered. To make an estimate on the amount the young man would contribute, when he was only a few years out of school, and to say there has been no loss, or that the loss has been small, is not the way to deal with this matter. I think it is absolutely necessary if one wants to be fair and equitable that the circumstances and reasonable expectations of that young man should be taken into account and the position of the parents and the family as a whole should be noted. I think the complaints are justified, and I hope that there will be some change in policy and a review of those cases already decided to the detriment of the dependents and relatives, in contrast with what ought to have been done.

I rise to support the protest made regarding the treatment meted out to the dependents of those who have died for their country. I put questions and probably have drawn attention to at least twenty or thirty cases within the last twelve months, and have received the usual answer one is becoming accustomed to now in this House, and reminding me of the answers I was in the habit of getting in another place—answers prepared by officials who evidently have no sympathy whatever with the dependents or with the complaints in the cases mentioned. When Ministers stand up they read these replies in a way that shows they have not read the questions at all. I wish to draw attention to one or two cases where eldest sons, at a time when it was not fashionable, gave their valuable lives to their country. I will mention one case where a young man was killed in the Custom House fire, and when his parents made application for a pension they were told the case was carefully considered, but simply because the father had a wage of £3 or £4 a week he was told there was no dependency proved in the case, and, therefore, it was one in which no award could be given.

When this Pension Committee, with their niggardly policy and narrowminded way examined this case, they forgot that this was an eldest son upon whom the father had spent a considerable sum of money in educating him and making him fit for life, and hoping that he would get such employment, as his education entitled him to, and that he would be in a position to help to rear the rest of the children and fit them to earn their own livelihood. But because the father had a wage of £3 or £4 a week, when this gallant young man was shot down by Black and Tans he is told it is not a case in which an award could be made. I hold that this is a case anyway for reconsideration and more sympathetic treatment than has been given to it by the Pensions Committee. I drew attention by question a few days ago to what I consider to be the most dastardly treatment that was meted out to anybody by the Government in the case of a Mrs. Lowe, of Liverpool. She had three sons working in Liverpool, and she was herself caretaker of a well-known warehouse, where she had a wage of 30/- per week and a house free. The youngest boys in Liverpool joined the Fianna Scouts; the eldest boy was in the Volunteers, and on instructions from Dublin the policy was announced that it was time to have retaliation for the burnings that were taking place in Ireland, and volunteers were called for in Liverpool to burn farms and houses of some well-known persons near Liverpool so as to draw attention to what was going on here at home. This woman's three sons, with some other young fellows from Liverpool volunteered to do any work that Ireland demanded them to do.

They succeeded in one case, in what was afterwards described in the newspapers as "the farm fires." They went out the next night to do the same thing, but they forgot that forewarned is forearmed. The owners of the adjoining farm lay in wait armed to see who was going to trespass on their property. Five of the young men who had torches and the usual equipment to do the work they were asked to do escaped, but the owner of the place—a farmer—shot this woman's son in the knee. He was compelled to surrender and was arrested. He was brought before the courts later and was sentenced to ten years' penal servitude. He served twelve months in Dartmoor prison, and was then released under a general amnesty. While he was away in Dartmoor—or rather immediately after his arrest—his mother was dismissed from her employment. She lost not only her wage of thirty shillings a week but her home as well, while her other two boys, who were in the Fianna, were dismissed from their employment, and the result was that the family was left practically penniless on the streets of Liverpool. The family proceeded to Dublin, and, at the call to arms here, her two boys, who were under age, and the other son, a grown young man, although wounded in Liverpool by English guns, joined the National Army, In the streets of Dublin, in an ambush in Capel Street, this young man was killed. It took nearly two years to consider the case of this poor woman, who at this time was living in a tenement slum in a back kitchen in Dublin. After two years' consideration of her case she was awarded the magnificent sum of £100, and they would not even give her that amount in one payment. The award was to be paid in four quarterly instalments.

Is the Deputy in order in discussing an Act of Parliament, because that is what he is doing? The Deputy was here when that Act of Parliament was passed, and he knows that the terms of it are that £100 is the maximum award that can be made in such cases.

If the maximum amount was granted under the Act in this case, the Deputy is certainly not in order.

Mr. BYRNE

I just desired to point out what had happened in the case— that, instead of paying the award in a lump sum, this poor woman was told that she could only get it in four quarterly instalments.

Did she ask to get it all at once?

Mr. BYRNE

I asked that she should get it in a lump sum, and I got the usual reply. When she got the first quarterly payment, the landlady who gave her shelter had to get it. I ask the Minister if he thinks that is a worthy case to have exposed in this Dáil? I asked him on another occasion to consider this lady's claim to proper treatment for the loss of her son who was killed, for the loss of her own employment and the loss of her home, and for the loss of employment on the part of her two other boys. I will leave that case now and take up one in connection with the Custom House fire. I desire to ask the Minister now when he intends to fulfil his promise with regard to tubercular and neurasthenic cases. The cases of men who are suffering from these diseases have not yet been settled by Act of Parliament, but the Minister promised some time ago that he would give some consideration to them. There are not more than one hundred of them in Ireland—I mean cases of young men who lay out on the hillsides and who contracted diseases from sleeping on wet haystacks.

The Deputy is now going outside the terms of the Act under which this money is paid. He can only discuss the administration of the Act as it stands.

Mr. BYRNE

I am satisfied to bow to the ruling of the Chair. These were just a few points I wished to make in connection with these cases, and I hope that the Minister will ask those who are dealing with them to be a little bit more sympathetic to these men and to their dependents than they have been in the past. These men and their dependents should not be treated like dogs.

I think that statement should be withdrawn. It is an untrue statement, and it is untrue to the knowledge of the Deputy who is making it. This is not the place to talk propaganda about an Act of Parliament. Posturing of this kind is not going to improve an Act of Parliament, and the Deputy knows that.

Mr. BYRNE

I know that the President does not wish these cases to be exposed, and I know that in his own mind he is satisfied that these people are not getting sufficient to live on. Many of these people gave their sons to their country, and I feel certain that the Minister is perfectly satisfied that the awards in many cases are not sufficient. I have used the phrase "treated like dogs," but I did not mean it in any offensive or disrespectful strain.

Respectfully, I suppose?

Mr. BYRNE

It is with the greatest respect I speak of the President, but it is with disrespect to his officials I speak.

The people administering this are not officials.

Mr. BYRNE

I do not desire to say any more on that. I hold that any other Government would treat their men better than the way these men have been treated by the Government here, especially the men suffering from the diseases that I have mentioned. About a week ago I asked a question in connection with these cases, and the answer I got was an extraordinary one.

I told the Deputy before that this is not in order now. I have given him every opportunity, and he really cannot be transgressing the ruling of the Chair over and over again.

Mr. BYRNE

I bow to your ruling, and in these circumstances will not say any more on the matter. I have never disobeyed the ruling of the Chair either here or elsewhere. I have one more case to draw attention to. It is a case in which a young man—I do not know whether it was in an ambush or not— was shot in the streets of Dublin. He eventually joined the Army. He was discharged as medically unfit. He applied for a pension, but was told that he is not entitled to get one. He applied for compensation for personal injuries, and was told that there was no disability proved in his case. By one Committee he is told that he is a fit man; and by another Committee he is told that he is an unfit man. Surgeon Barniville certified that the man was "20 per cent. disability," and his certificate is in the hands of the Committee. At the same time the man gets nothing, because some other medical men say that he is not suffering from any sort of physical disability. I ask the President to afford an opportunity for a review of the cases that I have mentioned.

I desire to draw attention to the great delay that takes place in paying compensation to men suffering from wounds.

I have put before the Dáil on a few occasions, by way of question, the cases of wounded men, and they were dealt with in a most expeditious manner afterwards. It should not, however, be necessary to bring these matters before the Dáil, as whoever is responsible should see that when claims from wounded men come in they should be dealt with immediately, especially as these men are not in a financial position to maintain themselves without help from the State in the service of which they lost the use of their limbs, or were in other ways prevented from earning their livelihood. The pensions or ex gratia amounts given to wounded men are not sufficient in a number of cases. I know one case in which a man lost his right hand, and he was awarded a sum of £40 a year for three years.

Under the Workmen's Compensation Act he would be entitled to something like £200. I hope the matter of wounded men will receive more prompt attention in the future, and that they will be looked after in a more expeditious manner than heretofore. There is a good deal to be said as regards subhead B, but as the Minister is, no doubt, anxious to get this Vote through to-night it is not my intention to delay the Dáil. I will mention one case, however, in which a boy of fourteen years of age was taken into the National Army as a soldier and was accidentally shot. The father, by way of compensation, received £15. There is another case, that of John Moore, of Ballinacardy, Westmeath. I asked for an inquiry to be held into this case to find out the circumstances under which this man received the wounds which caused his death. I have been told by the ex-Minister for Defence that an inquiry would be held. I further asked him whether the father of the deceased soldier would get an opportunity of giving evidence, and I was told that he would be notified. The boy was wounded in Castlebar on the 12th August, 1922, and died on the 19th August of that year. The remains were taken home by six soldiers, who left the coffin on the floor without giving any explanation as to whether the man had been murdered or shot, accidentally or intentionally. Three weeks later Major-General McKeown was asked by the father for an explanation. His letter was not acknowledged, and I went to Athlone myself, and Major-General McKeown took me through the different offices, and I found that that young man's death was not registered in any books in the barracks.

Things went on, and about twelve months afterwards the father was told that the boy was accidentally wounded and died from the results of the wound. The son was the only support the father had. The father is an old man. I appeal to the Minister, in view of the circumstances of the case, to have it reconsidered with a view to giving some help or compensation to the father. I am told that there is much dissatisfaction over the way some parents have been treated under the Army Pensions Act. The maximum given in the case of a private is £100, and in that of an officer £150. In the case of Brigadier Adamson, of Athlone, his parents have been granted £100. Surely that is an insufficient award in such a case as that. There are other cases where a son was not employed prior to joining the National Army, and when he was killed in an engagement or ambush his parents got no compensation because he had not contributed to the upkeep of the home. I sincerely hope that the Minister will take into account these very deserving cases, and will see that some compensation will be granted to parents who have suffered their children as a sacrifice to the peace and freedom of this country.

I would like to impeach the general administration of the Act. I would like to impeach the Act itself, but I suppose, if I did so, I would be ruled out of order. I will follow much on the lines already sketched by most of the Deputies who have spoken. The pensions have not been based upon what one might call a reasonable standard. The awards have been based on a particularly low standard, and, as a matter of fact, there does not seem to be a settled standard at all. Then there is the slowness with which awards have been made. Other Deputies and I have heard of cases in which those who are seeking pensions made application months, possibly close on two years, ago, and their claims have not yet been considered.

The Act is only in operation twelve months.

Well, perhaps it is very close on the full limit. I have some cases in which there has been a delay of six months, at least. There is one case which will be more or less typical, and I think we should give typical cases to the Minister. I submitted it recently to the Ministry, but it was turned down as being a case in which the dependents are entitled to nothing. It is a case of a young man who was employed in a bank and who left the bank and joined an active service unit previous to the Truce. On the outbreak of the unfortunate civil war he joined the National Army. He travelled from his native Clare to Donegal, where he was killed. Repeated applications were made for some allowances for his parents, and it was stated that they were not entitled to any allowances because dependency could not be proved. It was hinted, not in writing, but orally, that because they could afford to give him an education that fitted him to be a bank clerk, the parents were perhaps sufficiently well off as not to need anything in the way of compensation. The only reason why he acquired a secondary education was because there was a good secondary school in the district which he attended and at which the tuition was practically free. He left his position in the bank, fought in the Anglo-Irish War, and then was killed in the Civil War. There are letters from him to his mother, in which something like this occurs:— Enclosed herewith a postal order for £5, £3, or 30s. There is a certain amount of pride in the Irish people, and they do not always say "my mother is dependent on me," and the mother does not always say "my son is dependent on me," Those letters should be taken as sufficient proof. I think nothing can prove it as well as the letters. If a son sent a money order for 30s, or anything else, it does not mean that the mother is dependent on that amount, but there is an implication that it goes to support her. He may not have said "my mother is dependent on me," and possibly the mother might not have said to the officer, "my son, who is an officer in the National Army, is supporting me." Those are cases that require investigation. I give that as a typical case; yet that was turned down by the Minister, and I was told that nothing could be done in the case as dependency was not proved. I have cases very much on similar lines to the one I quoted, and I think the Government has interpreted the Act—I might say infringed the provisions of the Act—by enforcing it too much in the letter and too little in the spirit.

With regard to the estimates of expense, given by the President for the three months just passed, the Minister for Defence has said that the amount paid is £17,000. If you were to take these figures as what would be paid in the following three-quarters of a year, the estimate should not exceed £68,000. I am wondering whether the figures were supplied for us to make that calculation, or whether it was to show that they were slow in paying in the beginning, or otherwise.

I think the President gives us to understand that he has an Amending Bill to this Act in preparation, and, if that is so, many of the types of cases mentioned here to-night would come under it more effectively for discussion if the Bill was before us. Perhaps the Minister would say what stage the Bill is in at present.

It is in the incubator.

I would rather we would not discuss a new Bill at this stage. If the President said anything, we would have further discussion on it. The President may possibly say that he will introduce it in this Session.

It seems very unlikely. With reference to the appeals made by Deputy Lyons and Deputy Byrne those dramatic utterances never appeal to me, and I never take any notice of them. If I get a fair case made, and a man gives me assistance in working it out, I am prepared to act on it. I do not know whether Deputy Byrne brought up this for amusement. Deputy Byrne has come here on two occasions, brought up this one case, and I do not know why.

Is it proper for the President to say that I brought forward a serious case for amusement? If that is so, I will start to supply the Department with those cases in dozens. It is not a fair remark for the President to make, and ought not to come from him. This is not an election meeting.

It is very hard to keep the President to proper parliamentary language, when Deputy Byrne shows a bad example.

Mr. BYRNE

It is not a proper remark.

It is a matter of taste.

The word "dastardly" was used about the Government, if my recollection is correct. I do not know whether Deputy Byrne has a meaning for that in his own dictionary. I do not know that it is a term of congratulation. I do not know that it is a term the Deputy would like to hear used in his own drawing-room about himself, and, after all, this is the drawing-room of the nation, where the gentlemen of the nation show their best manners.

Now the secret is out. I thought this was the workshop of the nation.

When the case is proved, we give the maximum amount allowed under the Act, and I got no application from the Deputy asking that the four quarterly payments should be paid in one sum. If the Deputy means to advertise himself here, he is welcome to it, but he cannot expect me to assist him.

I think I am the only member of this House to whom the President would be allowed to speak in such language. The President is sneering and gibing since he got up.

If Deputy Byrne thinks he is not getting sufficient protection, I am sorry; but I have pursued the policy here that the Executive Council and Ministers may be very harshly spoken of. I am afraid, as I have explained here to the President, that it is in the nature of things that they should be harshly spoken of, provided that they are attacked in their policy, and not in anything personal. I allowed Deputy Byrne to use the word "dastardly," and allowed him to speak of officials, and allowed him to state that certain persons were treated by the Minister for Defence like dogs, because an attack on officials is an attack on the Minister for Defence. If the President chooses to reply, Deputy Byrne will have to regard those things also as natural.

A gibe is not a reply.

The Deputy knows whether I am replying to him in the proper way or not. The criticism was made in respect of cases. The maximum was paid in respect of his trumped case. No application was made to me that the four instalments should be paid in one. If the Deputy chooses to get up here, and let his constituents know what a great man he is, it is no affair of mine. I was in Geneva last year where something like 52 nations were assembled, and in the Department of Labour, which is one of the most important institutions in that place, this Act was cited as a model, and a great Act. It does not come up to Deputy Byrne's expectations. When he is President he can produce a better Act, perhaps the greatest Act that will ever be passed.

And if he can find money for it when he is President I will say that Deputy Byrne is a great man. With regard to these officials who are complained of in this case, I may say that I have examined the cases that have come before me, and I have a little knowledge of this particular Act, and I do not think that there is any more painful duty than dealing with those cases. The officials who deal with them cannot exercise their wish in the matter; they must exercise their functions according to the Act, and not according to Deputy Byrne's wishes in the matter. They cannot regard a case which is only a case of dependency as a case for a pension, and if Deputy Byrne does not know that up to to-night, I think that it is only fair, in the interests of his constituents and of himself, that I should give him that particular instruction under the Act.

Dependency must be proven. If a man has £3 or £4 a week, and his eldest son is killed, and he cannot prove dependency upon that eldest son, I should like to know whether the Deputy's contention is that the Committee or the body or the tribunal dealing with this particular Act has a right to say: "We will drive a coach and four through the Act." They must take the cases as they are, and they must deal with the facts as they are before them. And if Deputy Byrne will only denounce the Ministry, and will not assist the Ministry by helping his constituents to make up their cases before they go before the tribunal, then it is, perhaps, because those constituents are not properly represented. Just as bad a case as that mentioned by Deputy Byrne has come before me, but I did not bring it here to the House and complain about it. I saw the friends of the person in question and advised them as to the best way of dealing with the matter, but I told them at the same time that I was not sure whether or not they would be successful. I was not looking for an advertisement. Deputies may complain about the amounts. I admit that the amounts are small, but they are not at the option of the Committee. The Committee simply regards £100 as the maximum allowance for dependency in the case of a soldier, and they have to graduate below that according to a certain percentage. Recently I have not sanctioned any case at a lesser sum than £50. There were some sums lower than that some time ago, but recently there has been no lower sum awarded, I think, than £50. The Committee is bound to establish some sort of scale of dependency. When you get out of the dependency scale into the other scale there is only a particular pension to be awarded. In the case of a mother or a wife, and, in some cases, of a sister the sum is set down. I think it is 17s. 6d. for a widow and 15s. for a mother in the case of soldiers; and in cases of officers £90 for a widow and £50 or £52 a year in the case of a mother. Within those terms the Committee are bound.

A case was raised here by a Deputy who, I think, is not now in the House. He asked why it was, in a particular instance, that a person only got paid from the 1st January, 1924, and why it was that owing her £104 we did not discharge that debt. Now, we did not owe it. It was a line-ball case in which there was a difficulty in seeing whether or not she was a dependent, but they decided to give her a pension, and that the pension should start from the 1st April, 1924.

That is one of the few cases where, properly speaking, it was probably a dependency case, and more than likely the Auditor-General would be entitled to challenge that particular payment. I read every single one of these cases from the beginning to the end. The Civic Guard or the D.M.P. make reports in the cases in the area under our jurisdiction. In other cases we get reports from the police in England and Scotland, or from some charitable organisation which can be dependent on. All the facts are there, and it is not a question of the whim of an official. He has no more right to act on his whim than Deputy Byrne has. He is bound by the circumstances and facts of the case, and has to give his decision accordingly. There might possibly be a miscalculation to the extent of 10 per cent. or 15 per cent. as to whether or not there was partial dependency to the full extent, or whether it was only semi-partial dependency. Deputies will understand that when there were two sons in the Army and two sons at home, it is a fair case for saying that it should be distributed broadly among the four. In that case, they would not be entitled to make a case of absolute dependency. It should be only partial. Deputy Byrne is wrong in his figures with regard to tuberculosis. It is one of those cases where every possible attempt is made to discount the Government, and to say the Government has money in its pocket and will not pay it out.

Can the Minister say the number of officers who are pensionable?

No, I cannot say the number; but I can say, in answer to Deputy Wilson's point, that we have dealt with possibly two-thirds of the cases, and certainly one-third has yet to come on. If I said we had dealt with about seven-twelfths of the cases it might be nearer the mark. We have now, I think, three Army Boards dealing with these cases, and we have got sittings of each Board dealing with these cases, and we have also sitting on the Board that assesses compensation one representative of four Dublin Hospitals, so that there can be no doubt that every precaution is taken to see that no cases mentioned by Deputy Byrne can slip through. It is possible one case might, but every effort is made by us that can be made to secure that a man gets a fair hunt for his pension.

Am I to understand from what the Minister has said that if I put a case, such as the case I mentioned, where an only son was killed, and, say, that he entered the Army at 18 or 19 years of age, and at the time of entering the Army his mother might not have been actually dependent upon him, that no consideration would be given to the fact that if he had not been killed he would possibly be in a position to support his mother?

No, I am afraid not. That is one of the things I intended to embody in the new Act. That is a potential dependency. In the case mentioned by Deputy Hogan, Clare, the answer is unfortunately no. I think I know the case. A very distinguished gentleman from the Deputy's constituency brought it under my notice. I do not think it would be possible to establish dependency, but if there are witnesses other than what have come before me I would be glad to hear them. I do not think it would be possible in that case to establish dependency. I showed this distinguished gentleman from Clare the facts regarding this case, and he was satisfied on the facts presented that it would not be possible to establish dependency.

I would like to know if the Minister could say whether he is proceeding with any rapidity in regard to the vocational training. Is there any scheme in operation?

No. I am afraid, as far as that is concerned, that we have not been able to do anything: but we are open to suggestions that may be made by the officers or men themselves, and to give them very fair consideration.

Vote 56 put and agreed to.
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