I move:—
That the charge of 6d. collected on all postal parcels originating outside an Saorstát should not have been imposed without consultation with the Dáil.
I do so on definite constitutional grounds. This is a tax, a very farreaching tax, and one of great importance to a great many sections of the community. It is not a tax that affects one class or one interest alone. It is a tax that affects people widely, and therefore the representatives of the people should have been consulted before it was imposed. Among the classes that are affected by this tax are students and scientific people who get books, specimens, and so on, from abroad. They now find that they have to pay 6d. on every parcel. I may quote, to verify my words, from a magazine which is not a political organ at all, the Dublin Magazine. It dealt with this at some length. I will not quote it at full length, but I will read the conclusion: “So far as the imposition upon books is concerned this tax is iniquitous. It is an outrage and ought to be removed immediately. The taxing of the acquisition of knowledge is not the way to produce an educated and a cultured State, and this tax upon knowledge should be abolished forthwith.” I want to call the particular attention of the Dáil to this: “Perhaps the Secretary of the Post Office will take action in the matter.” That is what it is coming to; when taxes are put on by administrative action, the people not only ignore the Dáil but they ignore Ministers, and expect the Civil Service to impose and remove taxes on their own initiative. That is the result of taking this action. But, of course, students are a comparatively small and uninfluential class in the community.
This tax has also been resented and has been much opposed by the business community, particularly that section who have an export trade, and I need hardly remind the Dáil that our greatest need at the present time is to build up our export trade in order to correct the unfavourable trade balance against us. I have a letter from a firm in my constituency, seventy-five per cent. of whose trade is export. They are employing labour and giving work, and they find that this tax is a very severe impediment to their industry, and that the concessions that have been made in response to the trade outcry do not meet it in the smallest degree. "The nature of our goods (which are stockings) is such that they are made up in small parcels, and so a considerable number of them are sent by parcel post, are returned from shopkeepers in England also by parcel post. Also we receive a considerable quantity of our raw material, such as yarns, dyes, etc., by parcel post. The Post Office regulations giving only fourteen days for the return of goods is impossible; many of our customers are in California and New Zealand, and it is manifestly impossible for goods to be returned from these places in fourteen days." That is one instance, and it is not the only instance. I could quote other cases if necessary, in which this tax has been felt as onerous and arduous by trade. But over and above the imposition on trade there is the claim of the ordinary citizen. I do not underrate the claims of business, and I do not want to exaggerate them; but there is hardly a household in this country which has not some member in the United States, the Six Counties or Great Britain, and every parcel that is received from these exiles has now to bear this tax, and what is more, they do not know that this tax has to be paid. If you go into a Post Office in England or in the United States with a parcel you are sending to Ireland, you do not see any notice about this Delivery Tax of 6d. The result will be that as the Christmas season is coming on, the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs will have more taxes to collect than he will know how to collect; that every family will get parcels, presents for the children and things of that kind, sent by exiled aunts and uncles, and on every one of these parcels the 6d. tax will have to be paid. I humbly submit, sir, that that is not to the advantage or to the benefit of the State, and that the soundest maxim of taxation is that taxes should be levied as unostentatiously as possible, and as seldom as possible, and that the continual putting on of small taxes of this kind is intensely irritating, intensely annoying, and calculated to make those people who are in a position to go out of the country make up their minds to do so.
Whatever the reason for the tax may be, I could understand a case being made, and I have no doubt the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs will make a case for it, but whether we approve of the tax or disapprove of it, surely everybody must agree that the imposition of any tax of this kind should have the widest possible publicity, should be made known to the world by discussion and debate in the Dáil, so that people would have an opportunity of putting their views forward. It should not merely be imposed by administrative action, and not very obvious administrative action. I have been in a good many post offices recently and I have never seen any notices about this tax. I do not know whether there are any; I do not know whether it merely appeared in the Post Office Journal or whether it only appeared in the Press. The first I knew of the tax was when I had to pay it, and I humbly suggest that the more people know what they have to pay, the more people know what are the exemptions—there is an exemption, I believe, with regard to Book Post; that was made known to the public by one line at the bottom of a long communication in the newspapers—the more people know, then the less troublesome it is. But to do a thing merely as a piece of office routine, with no explanation or communication to the general public at all, is the very worst way.
I am not disputing the power of the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs to impose this tax. He has it. Undoubtedly he has legal power to impose a delivery charge of 6d. on every parcel. He has that power under old British Acts. He has equally legal power to raise the postage on letters to a shilling a letter, or even to £1 a letter. But will it be contended that he would be wise to exercise that legal power while the Dáil is in existence, without coming to the Dáil and getting its opinion? I humbly suggest that it would not. It is excellent to have a giant's strength, but it is tyrannous to use it like a giant. The powers of the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs are very large, necessarily very large, but he would be wise, I think, if he exercised them subject to the advice, the guidance, and the help of the Dáil.
I believe he gave his reasons for imposing this tax to the Cork Chamber of Commerce. I do not wish to depreciate the Cork Chamber of Commerce; they are an important body, and as they are an important section of his constituents, the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs has a responsibilty to them. It is not a ministerial responsibility, but is the responsibility of a Deputy which each and every one of us has. His Ministerial responsibility is especially strong because he is an External Minister. It is to this Dáil, and to this Dáil alone, and his reasons for imposing this tax should have been made clear to this Dáil in the first place, and we should not be a second string to the Cork Chamber of Commerce.
I leave the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs. I am sure that he considers he was justified in what he did. But he could not have done what he did without the sanction of the Minister for Finance, and I am going to suggest, and more than suggest, that the Minister for Finance, in giving his sanction to the action of the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs, disregarded an undertaking given in the course of a debate in the Dáil. On the 15th of May of this year I moved an amendment with regard to the Statistical Tax, exempting parcels sent by book post or parcel post, and I explained, in moving it, that though the Minister might say that the amendment was redundant, I wanted to secure that he would have to go to the Dáil for authority before imposing it. The Minister for Finance then said:—
I may explain, when I said that something must be done in regard to the parcels post, that it will be done in an entirely different way. It will be done by an order made by the Postmaster-General and consented to by the Minister for Finance, fixing the postal delivery charge, but there is no intention whatever to alter the arrangement with regard to Customs and postal traffic. There is no intention to require the Customs entry for parcels sent by post. The matter will be done in an entirely different way.
I then asked him: "Will the Order be laid on the Table of the Dáil? Will it be open to have a discussion on it?" The Minister, in reply, said:—
Yes, it will be open to the Dáil to discuss it. It is part of the ordinary commercial arrangement of the Post Office. The Postmaster-General is carrying on a trade in connection with these charges.
I then said: "Is that an undertaking that the Dáil will be given an opportunity of discussing it," because I was not quite satisfied even with that. The Minister said: "I will undertake that," and I withdrew the amendment in consequence of that undertaking. I did not press it to a division. I wanted to have the opinion of the Dáil on this point, and in consequence of that undertaking I withdrew it.
How has that undertaking been fulfilled? I asked if the order would be laid on the table; the Minister did not answer, but I think he intended me to understand that it would. The order has been laid on the table. It was not there when I went to look for it on Monday. It was laid on the table of the Dáil to-day, long after I had put down this motion. It was issued on the 1st September and laid on the table of the Dáil on the 22nd October. I do not think that is a fair way of treating the Dáil, that Ministers should keep these orders up their sleeves and just dump them down, not on the first day the Dáil meets, but a week after.
I might have raised this matter as matter of urgent importance last Wednesday, but I did not want to interfere in the Boundary Debate. If I had I should have no facts to go on. I know now the terms of the order. I had time to read it twenty minutes before the Dáil sat. I do not know how many other Deputies saw the terms of that order. It is possible, I do not say it is probable, that the Minister will ride off and say he gave no specific undertaking that it should be discussed before it was put into force. He did not, but in these things in a give-and-take debate, there must be a certain amount of latitude allowed. He gave the impression that we should have an effective discussion, and on the strength of that impression I withdrew my amendment. I am not bringing forward this motion in any spirit of hostility to the Minister. I am bringing it forward mainly to assert the rights of the Dáil and also to establish the principle that the pledges of Ministers should be honoured in the spirit as well as in the letter. Unless we, who sit in opposition to the Government, can have that feeling—and we have had that feeling, and I think other Deputies will bear me out, especially towards the Minister of Finance—Ministers will find it very much more difficult to get the business of the House carried on, because we shall be forced to scrutinise every jot and tittle of every word of every undertaking. That would not be to the advantage of the Government or the Dáil as a whole.
I have not brought this forward, as I have said, in any hostile spirit to the Government. I realise that in present conditions a change of Government would be a disastrous and almost a ruinous thing to the State, but I felt bound to assert at the earliest possible moment the principle of the supremacy of the Dáil in all matters of taxation. I beg to move the motion.