I was speaking for about five minutes on Wednesday evening when the debate had to be adjourned. I was endeavouring to impress upon the Minister and the Government generally the very grave need which has arisen owing to loss amongst livestock and to make some suitable provision for dealing with the crisis occasioned. I was about to say that it would be wrong, highly improper, perhaps suicidal, to minimise the distress which exists. To-day, I feel, in addition, bound to say that it would be criminal perhaps to exaggerate the position or to distort the facts in any way, or to endeavour to do anything in that way, for the sake of propaganda, to make the position appear worse than what it is. Our credit is so intimately connected with the health of our livestock and our income is so largely derived from our sales abroad, that I ask the House, the Press and the public to have a rational appreciation of the facts. In am informed that at the present time the publicity which this thing has received has occasioned a sort of distrust amongst persons who import stores into England from Ireland, and that people are not inclined to buy Irish cattle at the same rate as heretofore. That point of view was put before me recently. Of course, I was at all times conscious that it is quite an improper thing to exaggerate conditions.
I had given some statistics on Wednesday evening. I had stated that several people whom I had named had suffered losses, taking them at random. One man named Pat Tubridy, of Kilkee, County Clare, lost fifteen yearlings, five two-year-olds and a bull. I can pick out others who sustained very serious losses. These figures have been with me for some time and I am certain they are accurate as to the date on which they were compiled and as regards the localities they deal with. I do not pretend that with all this mass of figures I am putting anything exhaustive before the House or that it represents or draws a complete or full picture of the situation. I have heard of two districts in West Clare, Lisheen and Rahona, where a number of persons lost a total of 229 yearlings, 28 two-year-olds, and 18 cows. The position is then, without exaggeration, very serious in these areas. The Minister and the Government can, perhaps, claim that none of the speakers so far have put forward suggestions for amelioration—nothing concrete, nothing definite, nothing crystallised, except perhaps the suggestion made by Deputy Johnson, which I propose to deal with in a moment.
Deputy Johnson's suggestion was, I think, to regulate the export of milch cows and, perhaps, to restrict in a varying degree the export of store cattle. To that suggestion I, for one, could not for a moment agree. The losses amongst milch cows have been heavy in certain districts. Let us think in local terms, and let us segregate the fact that national terms are distinct. The losses have been serious in certain areas, perhaps ruinous to the persons involved, but it does not mean to say that the losses amongst cows throughout the country have been appalling. You might have about one and a quarter million milch cows in Ireland. Even if we had 20, 30, 40 or 50 thousand of a loss, that percentage does not call for such extreme or radical measures as Deputy Johnson proposes. What would the effects be in the first instance, of adopting this policy? You would, perhaps, bring down the price of cows if you absolutely bar export or if you put a strict prohibition on it. You would certainly bring it down, but where is the gain to the nation at large? In addition, it cannot be demonstrated that the gain would be material to the persons interested, who, having sustained losses, would be obliged to go into the market to purchase stock. With this total of about 1,200,000 cows in the country at present, there is no need for such panicky measures. It would lower, I repeat, our national income, inasmuch as no money would come in when we are not exporting any milch cows. In addition, our ordinary internal trade would be very seriously affected; prices would go down as between man and man, and remember, there is no such thing as famine prices prevailing at present for milch cows; they are sold at comparatively reasonable prices. Deputy Johnson's suggestion is altogether impracticable, and would, in my opinion, be absolutely ruinous to our livestock trade, would confer no benefit on the persons whom he seeks to benefit, or would give very little benefit. It is a penny wise pound foolish system. I want his suggestion to be disregarded. It could have no effect and can have no toleration or support, at least from this side of the House.
The question of this loss has another implication which I have not touched on, and that is in connection with our national and public services. How can you get from people who have lost their all and who, unfortunately, live in the poor counties where the land is unfertile, congested areas where a large number of mouths have to be fed, money to maintain local services? The man who has lost two-thirds, three-fourths, or all of his cattle is potentially or actually a bankrupt unless he obtains relief; you cannot wring money from such a man. Yet, what is the position to-day in large areas? This question of agricultural credit is so much connected, so inter-related, with all phases of our national life that I cannot refrain from touching upon this question of local administration. The position, as I see it, is this. The loss of stock is only one part of the distress from which we are suffering. In years gone by serious losses were sustained, but that did not affect the capacity to some extent of the farmers to pay, because they had some reserves. They drew on these reserves; they restocked their land, or they spent this money in keeping up their homes. Perhaps they lowered their standard of comfort, but, in any case, they did not face the country, crying, as it were, for bread. What has happened in the last four or five years? It is well to face the facts; it is as well to be honest with ourselves and with the situation. Four or five years ago, the gentleman who is at present senior Deputy for Clare, giving way to an impulse, which I may perhaps term the call of the blood, made a celebrated speech. At that time, under the auspices of Sinn Fein, the new councils were "elected," if I may use such a word with propriety, which is questionable. At all events they were permitted by the indifference or the criminal folly of the people to assume the reins of office. That was not confined to one county, it happened in each county, and the result has been manifested in each county. You have had inflated public expenditure, expenditure far in excess of local needs, far in excess ordinarily of the capacity of the people to pay, even in the best times. You have had wanton, reckless waste, and this at a time when, owing to the slump in livestock subsequent to the Great War, the value of agricultual produce and the capacity of the farmers to pay had declined by fifty per cent. In the year 1921. at the time when the Second Dáil, that most unfortunate of institutions, came into being—I say unfortunate, for they, too, contributed to it by their factious conduct; they gave us a civil war, and that contributed potently to agricultural distress—a slump occurred in a few weeks. The nation lost half of its capital capacity in livestock and produce; prices fell fifty per cent.
There is no doubt whatever about that; it is a matter of common knowledge, and it is as well known to the Ministry as it is to me. In other words, if half the livestock of the country had died at the time, and if the prices existing up to then had been maintained, we would have been in no worse position; we might to an appreciable extent have been in a better one, because had the prices continued high, we could, over a certain number of years, have retrieved our position. All economical principles were more or less flung to the wind and disregarded during the time that has since elapsed. We have had then contributing to this agricultural distress high expenditure. It is well to remember that the land over that period was not sterile; that productivity remained fairly high; that while the price of his produce remained low the cost of living for the agriculturist was high; the fact remains, and will, I suppose, continue to remain, that the lowest charge on the land is the maintenance of the workers thereon. Taking that view-point then, we find that the farmer had to sell his produce at a relatively small price; that he had to pay out still on the inflated scale; that local and national services had still to be maintained; that every form of parasite in the country had a call prior to the farmer on what the farmer produced; that even the tout and the thief got a share of the wealth that he produced, and that practically no share was left to him. That is the position. Payments are demanded, which the agriculturist cannot give, for those services which he does not need, but which he is compelled to pay for to satisfy the demands of visionaries and men of that ilk, and it is because of this that he has been reduced to the horrible position in which we find him at present. When I raised the question of distress in Co. Clare some months ago, the Minister for Agriculture sought to emphasise the fact that expensive county councils were permitted by us to function. But we have had no option in the matter. We did not support a policy that approximated to revolutionary activities. In many cases I believe that these men were prepared to seize power, by force if necessary——