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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 4 Jun 1925

Vol. 12 No. 3

COMMITTEE ON FINANCE. - OFFICE OF THE MINISTER FOR LANDS AND AGRICULTURE—VOTE 48.

I beg to move:—

Go ndeontar suim na raghaidh thar £237,766 chun slánuithe na suime is gá chun íochta an Mhuirir a thiocfidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31adh lá de Mhárta, 1926, chun tuarastail agus costaisí Oifig an Aire Tailte agus Talmhaíochta agus seirbhísi áirithe atá fé riara na Roinne sin, maraon le hIldeontaisí i gCabhair.

That a sum not exceeding £237,766 be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1926, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Minister for Lands and Agriculture, and of certain services administered by that Department, including sundry grants-in-aid.

Deputies are at some disadvantage this year in connection with this particular Vote by reason of the fact that they have not before them figures for last year with which they can compare this year's figures. Up to this year, in fact, until last May, the Department was financed not only by Vote but by an Endowment Fund which was constituted under the Act which constituted the Department, that is the Act of 1899. It was a very complicated fund and it amounted originally to about £166,000. When divided between north and south and between the Departments of Education and Fisheries, the Departments which the Department of Agriculture originally administered, the amount allocated to the Department of Agriculture was £92,050. That fund has now been abolished by virtue of Section 10 of the Ministers and Secretaries Act, and abolished with my consent. The position with regard to that fund is really this. It was supposed to be a fund which the Department could administer at its own sweet will, but in fact and in practice, it was on the Vote and for this reason. The Department, say, required money for a new service and considered, perhaps, that some new departure should be made, and it applied to the Minister for Finance in the ordinary way for that money. Before getting that they had to show the Minister for Finance that there was no money in the Endowment Fund from which the particular service could be financed. That applied practically to every application made by the Department to the Treasury for moneys for any new service, or for the development of an old service. Frankly, I do not see how the Department of Finance, having regard to the infirmities to which Departments of Finance are always liable, could have acted differently. In any event the net effect of that was that the Endowment Fund was really on the Vote, and was as much under the control of the Minister for Finance as if it was voted by the Dáil. Half of the Endowment Fund was in fact voted each year by the Dáil. The Endowment Fund served a rather useful purpose when this country was administered from London. It was distinctly useful at that time that there should be a certain fund here which could be used to meet contingencies which might arise suddenly, but the real usefulness of that fund, in so far as it was useful, lapsed when you had a Treasury and Parliament here whose duties were to attend exclusively to the needs of the country.

I believe that on general principles, and, moreover, having regard to the way in which the Endowment Fund worked out, that it was a sound policy to abolish the fund, and that the moneys for the Department of Agriculture should be voted every year by the Dáil. It is, at least, as satisfactory to the Department, and I take it that it is more satisfactory to the Dáil. At any rate, the Endowment Fund was abolished by the Executive Council under the powers obtained by them from the Dáil under the Ministers and Secretaries Act. It amounted, as I have said, so far as the Department of Agriculture is concerned, to £92,050. The fund is now merged in the Vote, and the services which formerly were paid out of the Endowment Fund are now entirely paid out of the Vote. We would have the task, therefore, if I were to endeavour to give figures to the Dáil which would enable them to compare each sub-head this year with its appropriate sub-head last year, of allocating that Endowment Fund together with other funds which I will mention later under the sub-heads of last year. That was rendered doubly difficult, not only because the Endowment Fund is abolished, but because the whole structure of the Department's Estimates is changed, as I think, for the better. The Estimates, as prepared this year, show at a glance what the operations of the Department are, and generally what the various activities of the Department are costing approximately. It would be necessary, as I have stated, if the Estimates this year were made up exactly as the Estimates were made up last year, with exactly corresponding sub-heads, to divide the Endowment Fund, and certain other funds, for each sub-head, but the whole structure of the Estimates is changed. The best I can do for the Dáil in the circumstances is to give some approximate idea as to what certain big expenses were for last year, and what they are for this year, and to announce that I will be glad to give corresponding figures to any figure which appears in the Estimates this year, if any Deputy wishes to have that done.

If the Minister has these figures, and if there is any distinct and considerable departure from last year's Estimates, will the Minister show that without Deputies having to ask questions?

Mr. HOGAN

I intend to show where there are considerable departures, and Deputies can ask for information on the details. In addition to the Endowment Fund there was also brought in as appropriation-in-aid a sum of £21,000 from the Development Fund. That is voted also this year, and there is voted another addition, a third addition if you like, in the form of certain reserves, which the Department held on the Endowment Fund, which accumulated for years.

I have spoken of the Endowment Fund, and of a grant from the Development Fund which came in on the appropriation-in-aid last year, and which is now voted, and of a reserve on the Endowment Fund, which is voted this year as well. I would just like to say a word about that. The reserves amounted to £106,453, of which £48,510 are securities, of which £26,770 are loans outstanding at present. The cash balance in the hands of the Paymaster-General amounts to £31,173. Of the £106,453, £40,725 appears in the Vote this year under the following sub-heads:— (e) (1), £2,000; (f) (1), £7,425; (f) (2), £2,050; (f) (3), £250. All that, I think, is capital expenditure in connection with institutions. The figures amount to £11,725. The next sub-head is (m) (4), and the figure there is £19,000. Of that £11,000 is from reserve. Finally, there is a figure under sub-head (h) (1) of £18,000, that is to say, of the total reserves on endowment there appears in the Estimates this year £40,725. The balance is still there. As to the exact allocation of the balance certain proposals have been made, but there is no decision as yet. With reference to item (h) (1) £18,000, Deputies are probably aware of the methods of financing county committees of agriculture. A grant is given to them every year, and they have their own funds also. From that joint fund the schemes are financed. Some of the counties since 1899 have not taken the whole grant they are entitled to as fixed in the beginning. Some counties, Limerick, for instance, have big balances. Limerick decided that it would not take all the responsibilities which it might have undertaken in one year, and cut down the schemes. That means an accumulation of the reserves for the lean years, or for other periods. It was entirely in the discretion of the county committees to decide what they would do, and in many cases they decided they would not spend their funds, but would accumulate a balance to their credit.

The accumulated balances of some of the counties are:—Cork, £1,450; Donegal, £200; Dublin, £894; Galway, £800; Meath, £1,100; Sligo, £1,397, and Limerick, £6,305. Counties that have no balances are Carlow, Cavan, Clare, Leitrim, Longford, Louth, Mayo, Tipperary North Riding, Westmeath, Wexford and Wicklow. These balances were much bigger last year, and much bigger the year before, but the tendency had been up to, I think, 1916, to accumulate balances for four or five or six years, but since that time they have been getting smaller and smaller. In other words, the counties have been availing, not only of their joint funds, but for the last three or four years have been eating into their balances, with the notable exception of Limerick, and after this year all the balances of these committees will have been expended. In connection with that point, I may say that the Department has received applications from various county committees for an increase of funds from the Department of Agriculture, but the Minister for Finance has to take into account when considering the applications that a very large number of counties have not struck their full rate. In addition to that, practically all the counties last year, and most of the counties up to this year, have had balances on hand. I agree that if the schemes which are at present in operation are to be continued other provision will have to be made for the year after next, but these balances are still in hands in practically all cases, and in very few cases have the counties struck their full rates. So far as the year 1925-6 is concerned the funds are, in fact, there to continue the schemes in full operation. On that point I might also say that I certainly am not going to ask the Ministry of Finance for more money except on the basis of a contribution from the counties themselves.

took the Chair.

While some of the counties that are doing the best work would agree to this there may be other counties that would not. At the same time, I think counties and county committees should realise that if they wish to increase their schemes they must strike a rate. I have received from the County Cork, where there is an exceedingly good committee, a recommendation to introduce legislation empowering the county committees to strike a bigger rate. I have not done so for the simple reason that with the exception of four counties none of the other counties has up to the present struck its full rate, and county committees will have to remember when they are thinking of bigger schemes, and getting more money from the central authority, that they must avail of the reserves that they have, and they must show a tendency if they expect more money to put up more money themselves. That is the reason I refuse to introduce legislation this year. Some counties have availed fully of their facilities, or are going to do so this year. If they have exhausted their reserve, and if they wish to raise money, they should be empowered to do so.

As I have stated, Deputies will see that in this year's Vote appears not only the Development Fund but the £40,000 odd of the Reserve of the Endowment Fund. I think I would have to give some further figures in order to enable Deputies to compare last year's Estimates with this year's Estimates. In last year's Vote, Deputies will find if they turn to the three first pages that the net Vote, as set out, is £259,583. The Vote for 1924-25 is shown in that column; it is set out in the first three pages of this year's Estimates—£259,583. Some Deputy might possibly indulge in some exploration and might find that that is not exactly the figure set out in last year's Estimate. It is not. That figure is £261,432 and there must be deducted the sum of £6,509 which was in last year's Vote and which went to Technical Instruction. That reduced the figure to £254,923. There must be added to that a sum of £4,660, which was made available to the Department last year from the Technical Instruction Vote. In other words, the Estimates of last year contained moneys which went to the Ministry of Education, and the Education Estimates last year contained moneys which came to the Department of Agriculture. After making the necessary additions and subtractions you will get the figure of £259,583. You must add to that last figure the following sums, which were available last year:—The Development Fund, £21,551; the annual grant to the I.O.S., £4,500. That did not appear in the Vote. The figure that was available last year from the Endowment Reserve was £22,225. That makes in all £48,276 from non-voted sources. Therefore, last year's correct Estimate would be for the purpose of comparing the final figure with this year's final figure:— From voted sources, £259,583, and from non-voted sources, £48,276, making a net total of £307,859. The net total shown this year is £357,766, or an increase of £49,907. It is simple enough to explain the increase. Of that increase, new legislation is responsible for £30,680. That new legislation would be the Agricultural Produce (Eggs) Act, the Dairy Produce Act and the Live Stock Breeding Act.

I thought they were to pay for themselves.

Mr. HOGAN

We will come now to that. They are very nearly doing it. That is the gross figure. The County Committee Reserve which I have mentioned is £18,143. These are reserves that were due to the county committee. The net increase on the old votes services—the services which existed previous to the passing of this new legislation—is £1,084. You have the figure, £30,680, of an increase caused by new legislation; £18,143 reserves due to the county committees, and £1,084 for the net increase in services which existed prior to the passing of new legislation. These three figures together make £49,907, which is the total increase. The net increase in the estimates of the Department is due practically entirely to new legislation. I leave out that £18,143. That was a reserve always on hands, and is being paid over now. What I have given is the net increase, and Deputies will have to keep that well in mind. If Deputies turn to Sub-head (g) (2), (Improvement of Milk Production) they will find that the figure set out there is £18,252 for 1925-26, and the corresponding figure last year was £16,156. That is to say, an increase of £2,000.

Will the Minister say what is comprised in that increase?

Mr. HOGAN

Grants to cow-testing associations. There is an increase under that sub-head of £2,000, which is more than the whole net increase. That is the gross increase. There is an increase under that sub-head of more than the total increase on all old Vote services. That is due to the fact that when I gave the Dáil a figure of something over £1,000 for the total increase of all old Vote services it was a net figure, and there are small decreases under other sub-heads which make the difference. There is an increase under (f) (1), a small increase of a couple of thousand pounds. There is an increase which I mentioned under (h) (1) of £18,000, balance of reserve which goes to the county committees, and which is not a real increase. It was always there. There is a slight increase in the Congested Districts scheme of about £2,000. There is a decrease under (o) (3) ("Black Scab in Potatoes Order") of £1,000. There is a decrease under (o) (7) of over £1,000. There is a decrease under (m) (1) of £2,316; and then there are a few small decreases, £500, £50, £30, and so on; but the increases or decreases, with the single exception of an increase in grants to cow-testing associations, are negligible on the old Votes services.

Did the Minister say that there was an increase over last year's Estimate in respect of (o) (7)?

Mr. HOGAN

I said there was a decrease of £1,220. The figures are: 1924-25, £2,720; 1925-26, £1,500; decrease, £1,220.

Are these regulations in force still?

Mr. HOGAN

No. This sum is to pay compensation for allotments which are not yet dealt with. They are becoming less and less each year. I should, perhaps, say a little more in connection with sub-heads that were not dealt with under the old services— (n) (4), Livestock Breeding Act, 1925; (o) (1), Agricultural Produce (Eggs) Act, 1924; (o) (2), Dairy Produce Act, 1924. The gross cost of the Dairy Produce Act will be £21,225, and the estimated receipts this year—Part 1 of the Act will be in operation this year—will be £2,800. The net cost of the Act will be £18,425. In connection with the Livestock Breeding Act, the gross cost will be £10,772, and the estimated receipts £7,500, making the net cost £3,272.

The figure given by the Minister does not appear to work out.

Mr. HOGAN

No. I find that the gross cost has been cut down since these figures were prepared. The total cost of the Agricultural Produce (Eggs) Act would be £8,446. The receipts would be over £2,500. The net cost would be about £5,000. In other words, the gross cost of these Acts would be about £40,000, and the net cost about £25,000. The Dairy Produce Act will come into operation, so far as Part 1 is concerned, on June 8. That part deals with conditions of cleanliness, order, etc. There was an informal meeting of the Consultative Council already and there cannot, of course, be more than an informal meeting until the Act is actually in operation. The appointed day for Part 1 of the Act will be June 8. We expect that the Livestock Breeding Act will come into operation in the end of August, or beginning of September, when the first inspections will take place. It will be necessary to settle all the regulations in connection with the other parts of the Dairy Produce Acts during the winter, so as to be able to bring the export provisions of the Act into operation early next year. I do not think, at this stage I need refer to any other items in these Estimates. The Estimates are, of course, very complicated. They give rise to a number of very important questions of detail, and I had better, perhaps, let Deputies discuss these things before saying any more. If I went into one item I might as well go into all the items, because they are all almost equally important. The general position is that the Estimates for the Department this year are about £48,000 greater than the Estimates of last year, and that practically the whole of that increase is due to new legislation. There is no big increase on old services, with the exception of one service—that in connection with cow-testing associations. I am sorry that there is not a bigger increase there, but I am of opinion that the State should not be asked to do more than give four shillings for every three shillings put up by the farmer. Either it is valuable to have cows under tests or it is not. I am not going to argue that question at this hour of the day. Everybody gives lip service to it. Everybody agrees that it is a great thing. Everybody agrees that dairying is at the foundation of our whole agricultural industry——

The whole agricultural industry?

Mr. HOGAN

It is the foundation of the whole industry. I think everybody will agree that it is the foundation of the butter trade, the store trade, and the fat beast trade. It is the most important aspect of our agriculture. Everybody will agree that to have 40,000 cows out of 1,300,000 under test is absurd. This State gives far and away—comparatively speaking— bigger grants for the furtherance of this particular activity than are given in any other country. It gives four shillings per cow for every three shillings put up by the farmer, and yet we have only 40,000 cows under test. I regret that, and I will certainly keep asking the Minister for Finance for four shillings for every three shillings that comes along, but I will ask him for no more.

Before the adjournment for tea is taken, I want to suggest to the Minister that, in the interval, he might gather together the papers he has with him with a view to continuing his opening statement when we resume. I should like to have from him a statement as to the position and prospects of agriculture in the country. For instance, it would be well if we could have the area of land under cultivation this year compared with last year, the number of livestock in comparison with recent years, and an outline as to the general prospects in regard to the crops. What I am anxious to get is a review as to the general position of agriculture. If the Minister can do that, it would help us to visualise the position or what the possibilities are of spending these moneys to advantage: to enable us to see for ourselves where the money can be spent to advantage. It is possible always, of course, for Deputies to delve into statistics, but they are now produced rather intermittently, and for that reason I think it would be helpful if we could have a statement such as I suggest from the Minister: a statement with regard to the pig population, the cow population, and to compare that with the figures for a year ago. It would enable us to see what the tendency is, whether it is downward or upward; and also a statement on the same lines in regard to tillage and pasture. That would be very helpful in enabling us to approach the figures which the Minister has given and to have a better understanding of their purpose.

Before the Minister replies I want to make a suggestion that would give him rather more time to prepare a statement such as Deputy Johnson suggests. I would ask the House to accept a motion to report progress on the grounds that the Minister has devoted 40 minutes to giving us information which we ought to have had before us in black and white in order that we could consider these Estimates. If it was impossible to fit that information within the frame of the Estimates, which this year are in a different form to what they were last year, then I suggest these figures might have been circulated to Deputies with an explanatory memorandum. It would be utterly impossible for the average Deputy—I speak for myself, at any rate—to take in the full bearing of the great mass of figures read out by the Minister and hurriedly taken down without any time for consideration.

There was no time to make a comparison with earlier years. There was no time to make a comparison with the years of the British administration, for instance, and, therefore, I say we are placed at a hopeless disadvantage by the procedure adopted by the Minister. I hope the Government will not resist the motion to report progress, but that they will give us an opportunity to study the official report of the Minister's speech. If we get that opportunity we can study carefully the figures which he has given, and we can discuss this Estimate with the care which it demands. I do not mean to suggest that progress should be reported on all the Estimates for which the Minister is responsible. I only mean this one particular Estimate, which in its new form is baffling and puzzling, and is one on which we need all the enlightenment we can get. We might, for instance, go on with the Land Commission and the Forestry Estimates. What I do suggest is that if we are not to be placed in a very unfair position we ought to report progress on this particular Estimate.

Mr. HOGAN

I might say that I had thought of making a statement such as Deputy Johnson suggests, namely, a statement which would include not only the financial aspects but the general prospects as regards agriculture. I came to the conclusion that in any event I would have to make a statement like that, either in instalments or at the end of the debate, and I thought it would be more useful to reserve the statement until I was replying. It seemed to me that if I were to make it at the opening I would be rather speaking in the air. However, I may say that I was thinking of making a statement which would be somewhat wider than what Deputy Johnson suggests. It might be well just to outline in detail the prospects in regard to the particular matters Deputy Johnson has mentioned.

I feel sure that opportunity will be taken to discuss every important issue which arises on this Estimate. Therefore, I do not see how you could discuss agriculture by way of a set speech at the beginning. Agriculture is a series of important details and general principles and rules do not apply, and I can deal with each item as it arises. If the Dáil wishes to hear a short statement as to the prospects in regard to livestock population, crops and so forth, I can make that, and afterwards deal with other issues as they arise on the Estimate.

I made no apology whatever, and do not think I should be asked to make an apology for not circulating certain figures with regard to the Estimate. I gave the explanatory figures in regard to this Estimate which every other Minister gives in regard to his particular Department. These figures are not any more complicated than say, the figures in connection with the Department of Industry and Commerce. Deputy Cooper suggested that this Estimate is in a new form. In regard to that I might say that the Estimates are changed in all Departments year after year, and I do not think it can be accepted as axiomatic that when Estimates are in whole or in part changed in form that a special explanatory memorandum should be circulated. I suggest to Deputy Cooper that the figures which I have given are inherent in a comparison between the Estimates of last year and this year, and I do not say for a moment that it is easy to get them. It is not easy to examine any Estimate. I know that from examining my own estimates. If you want to get a grasp of the Estimates of any Ministry it takes hard work to do it, and if Deputies are not prepared to give that hard work to it they ought not to complain. I admit that it means a certain amount of hard work, but I suggest to the Deputy that it is his duty to do that work and not to be asking for something which he is not entitled to in the ordinary way. The information which I have given about the Endowment Fund is available in a great many public accounts. I gave that information last year. I gave information as to how the Endowment Fund is made up, and what I said about the Development Fund is contained in the appropriations-in-aid part of last year's Estimate.

Surely the greater portion of my statement was taken up not so much with an examination of any figures which can possibly appear in the Estimates, but rather with figures dealing with the finances of county committees. Surely the Deputy would not suggest for a moment that the Treasury should put these things into the Estimates for his information. That is the kind of information that is given across the floor of the House by Ministers to the Deputies. During the 45 minutes that my statement occupied I should say that at least 25 minutes was taken up with the finances of county committees. Does Deputy Cooper suggest that a memorandum should be circulated setting out exactly what the position is in regard to the finances of county committees? If he does, he is asking what I suggest he has no right to get in any other way than in the way he is getting it now. If he suggests that I have given information either in connection with the Endowment Fund or the Development Fund which is not available to the Deputy if he takes the trouble to find it out, then I say he is making a statement which is not correct.

The Minister is the first who has accused me of laziness. I do not think that the Minister for Finance would accuse me of that.

Mr. HOGAN

I do not think that the Deputy should assume that.

I am not making any assumption. Many of the points that I have raised are points that I have given some work to, and I have discovered that before such a change is made in the form of the Estimates the Public Accounts Committee should be consulted. Were they consulted in this particular case?

Mr. HOGAN

I could not say.

There is something that the Minister does not know, apparently, in connection with his Department. Yet the Minister lectures other people about laziness. I have asked questions about these Estimates. I have asked about the number of people employed. Last year they were all bulked under this head and put down as 409. This year they are divided up into a great many sub-heads, and finally they add up to 562. Now in addition to the 409, there are the transfer services of the Botanical Gardens, Glasnevin, which came in under another Vote last year. It is impossible to tell how many people were employed there. Three people were employed, and there was a lump sum for gardeners, carpenters, and so on. This year it shows 55 people. Possibly the same number of persons are employed, but we have no means of knowing.

Mr. HOGAN

I should be very glad to give the Deputy the information.

In addition, there are 70 people employed in connection with the new series of Acts—the Agricultural Produce, the Dairy Produce and the Live Stock Acts, which makes up about 530 people. This year there are 563. Is there an increase of 30 people, and if so, in what Department has there been the increase? That is not in the Appropriation Account. It is in this year's Estimates. I do not know whether there is an increase or not. It may not be, and it may be, but in that the new Estimate is misleading. That is one of the difficulties that we have to encounter. We know that there are far greater difficulties in discussing these Estimates than we encounter in discussing the Estimates of the Ministry of Industry and Commerce. After all, when it comes to a question of saying Deputies do not work, a Minister who absents himself from the House for considerable periods, no doubt engaged in departmental work elsewhere, is not the person to get up and rebuke Deputies who are here every day and who put in a great deal of time here. It may be that our work is not well done, it may be superficial, but certainly we do not have the help in the way of secretarial assistance that Ministers have, and therefore I think that the Minister might assist us, as many Ministers do assist us, instead of rebuking us when we are looking for information.

Mr. HOGAN

I never refused any information to the Deputy. I offered to give him any information I could. There is no use putting up a case for complaint for the purpose of merely knocking it down again. When I refuse to give him information the Deputy can complain. I have said, and I do not withdraw it, that the Deputy has not taken the trouble to analyse these Estimates, and I say it is the duty of Deputies to take that trouble, and if they do not take that trouble it is not for them to complain.

With regard to the various questions that have been asked here, I wish to dispose of Deputy Johnson's point before going into the Estimates in detail. If Deputies wish I shall be glad to make a general statement of the kind I mention, and allow the discussion to be proceeded with in detail on the important issues as they arise.

The difficulty we are in is that that whereas in last year's Estimate the number of persons employed were bulked under one sub-head, they are now under twenty sub-heads. If the Minister will answer my question I should be glad.

Mr. HOGAN

The reason I did not answer the question was that I wished to dispose of the points put by Deputy Johnson. That is a point that I expected would be raised, and I shall answer that question to get it out of the way.

If the Minister wishes I will move after he makes his statement to refer the Estimate back in order that we may have a general discussion under such of the sub-heads as we may wish to raise.

Mr. HOGAN

The Estimates, as I said, now are in a new form. The first sub-head (a) deals with the central staff, salaries and allowances. If you turn to the following sub-head (e) (1) you will get salaries there also, and, in fact, if you go through the Estimates you will find salaries as well as other expenses — contributions towards county committees and contribution towards livestock. The idea was, as far as possible, to include under sub-head (a) the central administration staff. But when we come to say what is the central administration staff and what is not, we may have different opinions and different ideas. For instance, the head of the seed testing station was not regarded as central staff. Neither would the officers of the various colleges be regarded as central staff. Some might and some might not, but, as the Estimates are prepared, sub-head (a) is central staff.

Does each sub-head contain a number of officials, and are they exclusively for that sub-head, or are they for a number of sub-heads?

Mr. HOGAN

They are for that particular sub-head. I am certain.

They do not come in under two or three sub-heads.

Mr. HOGAN

Oh, no. The idea was to set out under sub-head (a) the central staff, and officers appropriate to the particular sub-head. They are not increased, except in regard to new work, and in regard to new Acts, and in regard to the staff taken over, and formerly paid out of endowments. These increases are due (1) to new work, (2) there appears now in the Vote all officers formerly paid for out of endowments. I have disposed of that point. I am in the hands of the Committee as to whether a statement should be made such as Deputy Johnson has suggested, or whether we should discuss matters and go on and deal with each item.

I suggest that if there is an adjournment it had better be now, and let the matter be discussed afterwards.

I would like to make a statement. We have it from Deputy Cooper that if a change was made in the form of the Estimates the Public Accounts Committee should be informed. The Committee was informed that a change was a necessary consequence of the rearrangement of the Department's work, and the Committee agreed.

I support the suggestion made by Deputy Johnson that the Minister should make a full statement.

Sitting suspended at 6.45, and resumed at 7.20, An Leas-Cheann Comhairle in the Chair.

Mr. HOGAN

I hope I understand, at least approximately, what exactly the House expects of me. I take it that the House would like my views as to what the present general conditions and prospects of agriculture are.

And the remedies.

Mr. HOGAN

Let me deal first with the specific point raised by Deputy Johnson. The cow population of the country at the moment is approximately the same as last year; if anything it is a little more. Incidentally, I believe that the export of butter for the first four months of the year has been a little more than for the first four months of 1924. The calf population is about the same as last year. There are less yearlings and two years old cattle, and that is due, not to fluke, except to a negligible extent, comparatively speaking, but to the fact that there was an abnormal export of live stock last year, especially yearlings and two years old cattle. Roughly speaking, you had last year an export of 1,000,000 cattle as against a normal export of about 750,000. That means that so far as the most important item of our exports is concerned it will be less this year. The figures last year were at least ten or fifteen per cent. higher than in a normal year. Sheep are approximately the same as last year.

With regard to pigs, in spite of the advice of the Department of Agriculture, and, if you like, for very good reasons, people began to get out of their pigs last year. Prices varied from 40s. to 60s. Very little profit was made on pigs last year, and people got out of them to a very large extent. The pig population is constantly fluctuating, and at present there is a tendency to increase everywhere. That is due to the fact that the price for pigs has been good for the last three months. Prices dropped about a month ago, but have gone up again, for reasons into which I need not go. I will not attempt in this regard to prophesy as to what the year will bring. Prices of live and dead pigs and pork, especially in the Free State, fluctuate to an extraordinary extent for reasons which are very obscure, but one reason, at least, is that the trade is in the hands of a very much smaller number of people than is the Northern Ireland trade, when you compare the population, the number of farmers, and the number of pigs. That is one big reason, but whatever reasons can be found the price of pigs fluctuates to an extraordinary extent in this country year after year, and, with the price, the number of pigs in the country. The tendency at present is to increase, and that is due to the simple reason that there is a good price for live and dead pigs, and a good profit on both.

As to the prospects for the coming year in regard to cattle, sheep and pigs, there has been, and is, a good price for cattle, sheep and pigs. Sheep are down, but the prospects are good. The price of cattle, sheep and pigs has been good for the last three months, and in that respect we have a decided improvement over last year. I do not intend to take on the mantle of a prophet. I do not know what the future will bring; no one would be able to say that until autumn, but people who have been relying on the spring trade have done very well in cattle, sheep and pigs, and there is no prospect that it will be any worse.

The area under crops is again down; not very much in regard to potatoes or oats, and what I say must be taken with a certain amount of reserve. It is impossible in the month of June to get accurate figures; they will only come in later. I can only give you the impression which the Department's officials have. We have officials in every county and they have not yet got accurate returns; they could not do so for mangolds and turnips. The area under tillage is less; not very much less in regard to potatoes and cereals, but mangolds have not been sown to the extent they were sown last year, and I should say that turnips will be down as well. There has been no improvement with regard to crops, and may I say at this stage, that whatever the abstract merits of the case may be, it is very understandable that farmers would have got out of tillage sooner than begin to increase tillage slowly. I can even make allowances for them in that respect, because the last three years were extremely bad years, not alone here but in England and all over Europe so far as rainfall is concerned, apart from all the other causes which made tillage farming unprofitable. You had this specific cause, which is, after all, the main thing that the practical farmer thinks about when he is considering increasing his tillage. You had that cause operating; the result is that there is no great enthusiasm to increase the area under tillage, and as a consequence this year the area has gone down a little, not very much, but a little, I am extremely sorry to say. The one big outstanding fact that emerges from all this is that Deputies must be prepared for a decrease in exports this year in the big item of our exports, namely, cattle, due to the fact that there was a very big increase in exports last year. While I am on that I may say that I do not take as seriously as I should this question of the adverse trade balance, because no one seems to be able to agree whether we have, in fact, a real adverse trade balance or not. On looking up the figures I see that we have had an adverse trade balance since 1910 except for the few years during the war. Do not take me as saying that a real adverse trade balance is anything but what it is, a disaster, and that it shows we are not living within our income. I suggest that Deputies should be careful before they read too much into that. There has been an adverse trade balance this year. You have financial experts to prove that an adverse trade balance does not exist by reason of the fact that dividends are exported, but in any event, as I said before, there has been an adverse trade balance since 1910 except for a few years during the war. That one fact makes me think that that particular question requires more examination before you can draw any conclusions from it. I make that point on the assumption that we can expect our exports of cattle to be down this year. Our exports of poultry and butter have been up all last year and I hope our exports of poultry and pigs will more than counterbalance the loss due to the fact that we had an abnormal export of cattle last year.

The fluke as well.

Mr. HOGAN

The fluke is negligible when we are dealing with those figures. When considering the exact agricultural position in a country like this, I think Deputies should realise this big fact. It would save them from a lot of statements which are not to the point if it were realised that out of the total number of farmers which is approximately between 420,000 and 430,000, there are only 10,000 farmers over £100 valuation and only 20,000 over £50 valuation. If all the implications of that fact were realised I think it would change a great many people's points of view on a great many agricultural problems. What does it mean? It means first there is no use in talking about the grazier as somebody who is ruining the economy of the country and who is playing a big part for evil in the country. I have no use for the grazier, but, like the fluke, he is absolutely negligible, and if you abolish every grazier in the country you will only change the figures from 400,000 to 410,000. When people are talking about increased tillage and what can be done by abolishing the grazier and all the rest they should realise that the grazier owns less than five per cent. of the land of the country.

Realise this also. These are figures I intend to give on the Land Commission Vote, and they have a real bearing on any problem that faces the country. When we have completed land purchase we will only be able to deal at the very outset with about 60,000 congests out of a total number of 120,000, and with not more than 20,000 landless men out of, I suppose, 500,000 applicants.

Does the Minister state 20,000?

Mr. HOGAN

Yes; and you can deal with no more than that—I would like farmers to realise this—even if you proceeded to reduce everyone in Ireland, landlords, tenants and all, to £100 valuations. I can give the figures leading up to those conclusions. I say it is a matter of addition and subtraction.

Would the Minister give us the figures now? They will be reported then in relation to this Vote.

Mr. HOGAN

Yes. There are about 14,000,000 acres of cultivable land in the Saorstát. If you take the Trade Report you will get 12,000,000 and something. I am including fairly good grazing mountain and cut-away bog. In other words, I am including every acre in the country except high bog and non-arable mountain. Of that 14,000,000 acres there are about ten millions purchased and vested already. That leaves 4,000,000 acres. Of that 4,000,000 acres there are at least 2,000,000 acres under holdings of tenants. That leaves 2,000,000 acres of untenanted land. That 2,000,000 acres include demesnes, home farms, all untenanted land; in other words, all lands except tenanted lands. You must take at least 700,000 acres of that if you are going to leave anything like a reasonable holding to landlords, and you get 1,200,000 acres to be used for the relief of congests and landless men. I suggest these figures are accurate from the mathematical point of view, and there is only one "if" really in them; that is, that there are only 14,000,000 acres of land in Ireland. That is an outside figure. One million, two hundred thousand acres for the relief of congestion and landless men. Keep that figure in mind.

Would that include what was in the hands of the Congested Districts Board, say, for ten years?

Mr. HOGAN

It would. That is negligible in these calculations. There are 100,000 tenants to be purchased. Of that 100,000, there are about 50,000 or 60,000 congests, and there are at least 60,000 congests amongst the tenants already purchased, whose holdings were vested in them, in the congested districts, because there was no other land to give them. They are just as much a problem, with their valuations of £3, £4 or £5, as the tenants who were not purchased. Together they make a total of 120,000. If you wish to make congests of that type economic, you have to give them at least 20 statute acres on an average, good, bad and indifferent, in addition to what they have got. That would amount to about 11 Irish acres—I am dealing in statute acres. If you give 20 statute acres to 60,000 congests, you will get 1,200,000 acres. All the land is used up. You can possibly deal with 20,000 landless men if you acquire compulsorily 500,000 or 600,000 acres from existing tenants. I think that is plain. You could give them 30 acres each if you can acquire compulsorily 500,000 or 600,000 acres from existing tenants who are amongst the 10,000 with over £100 valuation. I do not believe for a moment that these figures will work out. These are ideal figures. Such as they are, I would like Deputies to realise them.

It is very hard to envisage the problem and to see what figures mean, and I should like to be pointed out any errors which possibly I may have made. But if these figures are correct, and I have taken as much trouble as I could to get the figures, then they reveal a rather new agricultural problem. It means that unless you drain the sea you cannot deal with more than 60,000 out of a total of 120,000 congests. It means that the unfortunate Land Commission has to pick that 60,000, and to pick about 20,000 landless men out of a total number expecting land of about 500,000. That is the position. I do not believe that the Land Commission will be able to do that. If they deal with 40,000 congests and, say, 30,000 landless men, it will be much more likely, because the unfortunate part of it is, that you have congests where you have not got land and that congests, as a rule, will not migrate.

They will not?

Mr. HOGAN

In a great many cases. Everyone knows that. They are unwilling to migrate. I would very much like to have it the other way, but they are unwilling to migrate in a great many cases, and in a great many cases also, they are unfit for migration. They do not like it. Deputies who have some idea of the practical difficulties will agree that, if these figures are right in the abstract, the Land Commission will be doing well if, in the circumstances, instead of dealing with 60,000 congests and 20,000 landless men, they deal with about 40,000 or 45,000 congests and 30,000 landless men. That is probably the way it will work out. You leave, therefore, a problem in the congested districts of 60,000 congests untouched, and you leave also the real agricultural problem as I see it, the problem which requires solution, and which I do not see my way through—the problem of the second, third and fourth son of the ordinary farmer, whose valuation is about £30.

That is the real agricultural problem. It is not the existing farmer who has the cheapest land in Europe. I leave out the congests for a moment. I leave out people who have purchased economic holdings. I am talking now of the bulk of the country, both in population and in area, who own holdings from about £15 to about £25 valuation. So far as they are concerned I wish they were the only problem. They are no problem. The State should not be nearly so much concerned with them as with the other agricultural problem which I have just tried to envisage, namely, 120,000 congests, of whom we cannot deal by land purchase with more than half, and the second, third and fourth sons of existing farmers. The real problem before this country agriculturally is that problem. What are they to do?

The farmer who has anything from a £20 valuation holding in this country has the cheapest land in Europe. The land is amongst the most fertile land in Europe, on the whole, as compared with any other country. I should like to be told if that is not a fact. If these are the facts, they have serious implications. He has the cheapest land in Europe. He has cheaper land than the English farmer, taking rent, rates and everything into consideration. He has cheaper land than the Dutch farmer. The average rent of a Dutch farm is £6 per statute acre. He has cheaper land than the Belgian and the Danish farmer, but not than the French. The land is far more fertile certainly than that of the Danish farmer and, on the whole, than that of the English farmer. I say deliberately with regard to that man—and he represents the majority of farmers—the man who has a holding of £20 valuation, that if he is not able to make ends meet, and has not met with undue misfortune, the sooner he sold out the better for himself and the country.

There is a big agricultural problem. It is the problem of that farmer's second, third and fourth sons and the congests I have mentioned. That is the real problem which the State will have to concentrate on. I should like to have these figures examined. I know that examination of them from different points of view would modify them to some extent, but I should like to have them examined genuinely, and to get the views of Deputies on them, because they are the figures and the conclusions I have reached, and they do seem to me to point to a rather serious agricultural problem before the country, of a rather different type than the problem which we have been discussing up to the present.

When the Minister spoke of 430,000 farmers, can he tell us down to what acreage he included?

Mr. HOGAN

I have deducted one-acre holdings.

It includes all over one acre?

Mr. HOGAN

Yes.

Can the Minister give the further figures which allow him to say that the graziers only hold five per cent. of the land?

Mr. HOGAN

Not at the moment.

Would the Minister give the figures which enable him to come to the conclusion that the ravages caused by fluke are negligible when dealing with the question of the export of cattle?

The Minister has told us that the land is the cheapest in Europe—the lowest rented—except the French. Could he give us the figures for local charges in these other countries as compared with ours?

Mr. HOGAN

When we begin to discuss a serious problem, Deputy Baxter suggests by implication that the rates are so high that they really make the land of this country dear as compared with other countries.

I only want to know all that we have to pay and all that the others have to pay—the figures given are not sufficient.

Mr. HOGAN

We need not go into statistics to work out that. The average valuation of land in half the counties, let us say, would not be £1 per acre. That is certain. There is very little land in Galway of £1 per acre valuation, and there is some good land there. There is very little in Cork; there is very little in North Tipperary.

Are these statute?

Mr. HOGAN

Statute?

Quite right.

Mr. HOGAN

These are things we should not disagree about. I do not know of a rate this year of ten shillings in the £. I doubt it.

Mr. HOGAN

It is the exception. Certainly the average rate would not be more than eight shillings in the £. These are things we all know, and need not argue about. Eight shillings a statute acre would be the average, and a very high average. I will take that very high average, and I think I am putting it a couple of shillings too high when dealing with statute acres. What would be the average rent, then, or Land Commission annuity? Twenty-five shillings an acre would more than cover rent and rates for the average statute acre. It would be nothing like that.

It was reported to the Agricultural Commission that the costings of 18 mixed tillage and grazing farms in different parts for rent and rates, including annuities, for 1922 was an average of 22/7 per acre.

Mr. HOGAN

And that, of course, was much higher than this year. It is really a thing farmers should not argue about. It will be agreed by farmers, anyway, that 25s. is the outside figure. Rent and rates in England are far and away higher. Rent in Holland is three times higher than in Ireland. Land in Ireland is the cheapest in Europe, possibly with the exception of France, where most of the people own their land. I am talking of exports amounting to millions, and no one has suggested, let us say, that 100,000 cattle died of fluke.

The Minister must have some figures at his disposal that enabled him to form this conclusion. What are the figures approximately?

Mr. HOGAN

I have given these figures already. Assuming that 5 per cent. of the deaths were from fluke, that would not really affect the problem very much.

I suggest that we are entitled to the figures. They will affect the discussion, I presume. The Minister has the figures, and the Dáil is entitled to the figures that enabled him to come to the conclusion that the results of the fluke were negligible.

Mr. HOGAN

I would be delighted to give all the figures with regard to fluke, but I would really be taking up the time of the House. At the outside, as compared with the big exports of cattle last year, fluke is only a small item. I am not now going into the question of whether it is not a very serious thing for people who suffer from it. This is the real agricultural problem, and I want to say in regard to it that we may possibly be able to deal, though at big expense, and in future years with about twenty thousand of the congests by reclamation. In one sense that is the ideal way to deal with them as you are dealing with them at home, with the class of land they are used to, and in an environment to which they are accustomed. You can deal with perhaps twenty thousand out of the balance of sixty thousand by reclamation, but the others are there, and will remain until someone solves that problem. I do not see a way through it. It is a very big problem.

I am not going to enter further into the question of how to deal with that problem, but I suggest that Deputies, when thinking of tariffs or anything else, would keep that problem in mind. After all, the small farmers own this country. The graziers are negligible, even if they, in fact, owned 25 per cent. of the land. That state of affairs will be changed rapidly under the new Act. Even if they owned 25 per cent. of the land they would not affect the problem, which I put up, especially in view of the fact that it is a problem within reach and which we are tackling. When you remember that the man who owns this country is a small farmer of £20 or £30 valuation —who owns practically most of the land and most of the wealth of the country agriculturally—when you remember that very little more can be done by land purchase, and that anything you do will leave a big residue undealt with, then I think you would have to realise what the State has to concentrate upon, and what the Farmers' Party will have to concentrate upon, is the problem of the farmers' second, third and fourth son and the problem of the congested districts. That is the real problem. The Government had their own way of trying to deal with the problem. It is a problem that can only be dealt with over a great number of years by a great many methods. That is the real problem, in my opinion. I will not say anything more about that.

I will come back to the position of the man of £20 valuation, who is the average farmer of the country. What are his prospects? We are meeting increased competition every year. Competition increased last year. It is increasing not only from the countries that were competing with us in the past, such as Denmark, but is developing in new countries like Canada. The Baltic States are coming in, and Russia will come in. The Acts which we passed here to control butter, beef and poultry gave us no advantage over any of our principal competitors. They merely put us on a level. Schemes of control of butter, beef, and so on, are already in operation amongst most of our main competitors. That has to be remembered. I said that the area under tillage has gone down somewhat. It has. That is quite understandable, having regard to all the circumstances, whatever the abstract rights or wrongs may be, but it is a pity. I say there is no real excuse for it if farmers only knew their own interests. Whether a farmer who has 150 or 200 acres should till 50 or 60 acres is a debatable problem. It is debatable whether he would make money by it or not. There is no doubt whatever that the average farmer who owns practically all the land of the country, who has 30 or 40 acres of land and tills five or six acres per annum, could do much better by tilling a lot more. When I say that I want to discount a good deal of the talk that is going round about increased tillage. Increased tillage is necessary. If farmers knew their own interests they would increase tillage and go in more for winter farming. What Deputies have to realise is that this is a particularly fertile country, and that we ought not to throw away the obvious advantages at our disposal as a result of having a particularly fertile land, and from one point of view a particularly suitable climate.

Deputies will have to remember that there are two types of farming, winter and summer farming. People speak as if we should give up summer farming and go in entirely for winter farming. That is absurd. No one who knows the problem would advocate it. There was nothing ever put into a bag as good as the best grass produced in this country. There will be always grazing for fattening cattle and dairying in summer, and there should always be. From that point of view what you have to do is to improve the pastures of the country and they badly need improvement. The position is that the pastures of this country are going back year after year since the year 1848. They are going back until we have practically reached the stage now where you have really no old meadow hay.

Do you mean that the pastures have gone back since 1848?

Mr. HOGAN

Yes. During all that time farmers have been taking something out of the land and putting nothing back. Pastures have been disimproving year after year, and we have now practically reached the stage when a very large area of the old meadow hay of this country is almost useless. That is the real reason that underlies people's talk about the climate changing. The climate has not changed to any very great extent. You have only to examine the rainfall statistics for the last 30 years and the previous 30 years to realise what the conditions were. The land has deteriorated; it has become poorer. The farmers blame the weather. That is what really has happened. In this country we could do, and we should do, a tremendous amount to remedy matters. There should be a very large increase in our winter farming, in our tillage for winter feeding. Quite a lot could be done in that direction.

This is a very bad year. There has been a very late spring and everyone will agree that it is very difficult to sow things. Take the case of the ordinary farmer who now complains. He has 20 or 25 acres of land; he has probably 5 acres of tillage, a few acres of oats, an acre of potatoes and possibly half an acre of mangolds and turnips. That would be the average crop of the ordinary farmer who possesses 20 or 30 acres of land. Bad and all as this year has been, there is no excuse for the farmer who did not get down his oats and his potatoes—who did not get down his usual crop. March was fairly fine, and there was a week or so in April fine. He could have done a good deal during that time and he could sow his turnips now. A lot could be done even though this is a really bad year.

August would do for turnips.

Mr. HOGAN

This is a particularly bad year, but still something might have been done. You can look at the problem in that way. Even if you realise this was a particularly bad year from the tillage point of view, yet there is no excuse for the average farmer, and we are dealing with the man who does an average amount of tillage, for not having his tillage completed. Take the case of the man I am considering now. How is the typical farmer to meet competition? What has he to do to meet the competition of rivals in Denmark, the Baltic States and elsewhere? He has to pay 12/- for Indian meal. He is buying practically all his carbo-hydrate food in the shape of Indian meal. Any man in the Midlands can produce barley at 8/- per cwt. in the average year. I will give you some figures which may be of interest. He can produce barley at 8/-, yet he is giving 12/- for Indian meal. That man might have two or three sons who would not be working terribly hard. What has that man been giving for flour, for instance, for the last two or three years? He was paying £1 or £1 0s. 6d. for the bag. He could produce that for about 12/- off his own land, if that land was in good heart. When I stated that before, Deputy Gorey said that very little land will produce wheat. Most of the land of this country has produced wheat.

Of a sort.

Mr. HOGAN

It was done, practically over the whole country.

It was done. When?

Mr. HOGAN

It was done between 1840 and 1850.

It was, when they had nothing else to eat.

Mr. HOGAN

This subject is worth considering seriously. It is not a matter of whether they had nothing else to eat. I am only pointing out that they could produce wheat, and did produce it. Wheat cannot be produced upon a good deal of the land in the country at present because the land has gone back and it is not in good heart. I have seen the land myself, and I know that if it were treated properly it would be productive. If it were treated in proper rotation, let us say, for three or four years, you would have a very different crop at the end of that time than if you ploughed it up and sowed it right at the beginning. I realise that it does require an explanation why this country could produce all the wheat it required 60 years ago and why it cannot—and I agree in this with Deputy Gorey—produce more wheat now. The explanation is that the land has fallen back, and it is not in good heart because it is not being properly treated as pasture land or tillage land. Go back to the case of the average man again—he is the man who produces the wealth of the country. He could, if he so desired, produce his own wheat. It would mean working harder and making his sons work harder, but it would result in producing more riches for the owners of the land. The fact is, however, that farmers will not do that.

I must say the farmers are turning in that direction and they are beginning to think in that direction. I may say also that there is not much of a future for the country unless they do so and unless they begin to realise that they can produce food of that sort at a much cheaper rate than it can be purchased for. They can make provision for man and beast. They can grow wheat, barley and oats, and they can produce it far and away cheaper than what it can be purchased for. They could on the average produce barley and oats 3/- or 4/- a cwt. cheaper than they can purchase Indian meal. They can produce wheat for 7/- or 8/- per cwt. cheaper than they can purchase flour. They can, if they wish, bring back the tillage and pasture land into good heart. They must think in this direction and, if they do, it will be all the better for the country. If I am wrong in that, I want to be shown where I am wrong. I want to be shown I am wrong when I say that you can produce a cwt. of barley for 8/-, and you can produce it, on the average, slightly less than one ton to the statute acre. We all know what it takes to plough and harrow an acre of land and put in the seed.

I have tried to envisage, and I have tried to state here often, my ideas as to what our live-stock policy could be. Here and elsewhere I have invited people to say what is wrong with our policy. It has been asked: "Is this arm-chair farming; is it something which some well-fed officers of the Department are accustomed to trot out, but which has nothing to do with the realities of the situation?" At the risk of reiterating—because I have never got an answer—I will put the matter forward again. I am dealing now with the live-stock problem. It is realised that so far as live-stock is concerned, we do not want a change. The system of farming that has been done in a second-class way is indigenous to the country; it has grown up gradually and it is suitable to the country. But we can develop it. We would be very foolish indeed to give up raising beef because the Danes do not do it. That would be very foolish. We know that our land and our climate are particularly suitable for this purpose.

The rich men from the Argentine have had to come here from England year after year, and they have paid thousands of pounds for our animals. How is it, it may be asked, that they have not the best cattle in the world? It is simply because the cattle deteriorate the moment they go there. Those people have come time and time again to this poor country and to people whom they could buy twenty times over, and they look for our animals. The real reason why our animals are worth seeking is because our climate is suitable. For that reason we could not, and should not, give up either our store trade or our beef trade. We could at least better finish what we export as alleged fat cattle. We could do that much. I am again talking of the 20-acre farmer who has a few sons. We could at least provide ourselves with enough decent hay and enough roots, mangolds and turnips in order to keep what we call our stores in fairly good condition during the winter. Everyone knows that the store-cattle trade of this country could be summed up in one sentence: cattle are put in fairly good condition on winterage in the month of September, but in the month of May they come out living skeletons. That is exactly the position. We are losing money all the time, and what are we losing money for?

I am not talking of the grazier. I am leaving him out because we may dispose of him. I am talking of the average farmer who has only about 20 to 50 acres, and who can do things cheaply, and who has an interest in his own holding, and who has not any of these alleged extraneous difficulties. I must say, so far as live stock is concerned, he must treat his cattle better in winter if he is dealing in either store or fat cattle. He must till more land, and if he does not he will have no winter keep. He must endeavour to meet the only demand which it will pay him to meet. In England the demand is for first-class store and first-class beef. He is not doing it at present. He was not doing it last year or the year before. There is a change coming. People are beginning to realise it. For the last three or four years I say the farmer had drifted into the position of competing with the Argentine for second-class beef. He had thrown away all his natural advantages to compete with the Argentine chilled meat on the second-class markets in London and elsewhere in England. He left the cream of the market to the Scotchman so far as beef was concerned.

I do not want to delay the House to go into the question of whether there is more money in feeding cattle properly in the winter as against the present system of wintering them as stores. I think no one will deny that there is far more money in the proper feeding of cattle in winter. If that is so, if you multiply the difference in the profit by the yearly export of cattle from the country, you will get something like four or five million pounds. That is there for the taking. If we had four or five million pounds earned in that way, we would be the richest country in the world. It is too much, however, to expect the farmers to wake up to the advantages proposed, and the advantages of doing things rightly at once. In fact, it would take a very long time before the individual farmer would wake up to the possibilities of that direction, unless he is organised just the same as any trade or business is organised. The State can do very little for him except to educate him.

The State is in duty bound to place facilities at the disposal of the farmers, and the State can do nothing else whatever. Nothing that the State could do would at all rival in importance what it can do by educating them. It can do that, and that is now the main function of the Department of Agriculture. But the Department of Agriculture are in this difficulty—and I see it myself at every turn—that they are dealing with individuals, that they are trying to administer a policy which is not a very obvious policy, which is not like the Shannon scheme, or one of these big things with obvious advantages or disadvantages, which you can see at a glance, but a policy which is a series of important details. They cannot do that effectively dealing with the individual farmer. They can only deal with the farmer who is organised for business purposes, and we have not got that existing, or at least it exists to a very small extent in this country. So far as cattle and beef are concerned the policy is quite simple. There are 1,300,000 cattle in the country. These are for the production of milk and beef, and that is what they will always be for. There is no other system that has the same likely advantages. That means that we really want about 250,000 heifers to replenish our herds every year if we want to breed beef cattle. That is the policy stated in simple terms. I know it is not as easy as it looks. Is that policy realised?

If you had the farmers of the country organised to carry out that policy, realising that it was in their own interests and the interests of the country as a whole, do you think you would have the haphazard breeding and the haphazard treatment of cattle that you have at the present time? Yet it is too much to expect of the individual farmer who has 12 or 14 cows. He breeds his cattle for all sorts of purposes. He will breed from cross-bred heifers for one reason, and he will buy cows for one reason and sell them for another. Everyone will admit that he is acting in an absolutely haphazard way. That is not in accordance with the general policy. He is not in touch with his neighbours; he has no realisation that there is a policy behind cattle breeding in the country. He never will have unless you have the farmers organised for the purpose. If you do, I have not the slightest doubt, so far as the quality of the cattle is concerned, that you can increase their value within three years by something like £5,000,000 on the whole lot. That is by better breeding and feeding. Take the butter question. Deputy Wilson, in a speech which I had the advantage of reading, dealt with the problem of winter production of butter, and he discovered that you can produce milk at 4½d. per gallon. He proved to the satisfaction of the House, but especially to the satisfaction of Deputy Figgis, that the milk can be produced at 4½d. per gallon.

Did he prove it to the Minister's satisfaction?

Mr. HOGAN

No, he did not, and I hope he did not prove it to the satisfaction of the Deputy. There is the other side of the question. We are not able to carry on winter dairying at present. Why? First of all, for the reasons I have given in connection with the tillage. We have not winter keep. Deputy Gorey will say that it is no use, that in dairying we have not a profit. You have not a profit in dairying with a 350-gallon cow. You could not produce winter butter with a 400-gallon cow at a profit even with the best policy in the world. When you touch the 600-gallon average you can go near it, but it is not by proving you can feed a cow at the rate of 4d. a gallon in winter that you are going to reach winter dairying. You can reach winter dairying by better tillage and better cows. The striking part of it is that there is no doubt that you can reach that standard within two or three years. You can, undoubtedly, by cow testing increase the average milk yield of the cows by 100 gallons in two years.

I suppose there is not a single Deputy here who has anything to do with it, who has done any dairy farming, that will not agree that in his own person he can increase the milk yield of his cows by 100 gallons per year by cow testing. What does 100 gallons mean at 6d. per gallon? It means £2 10s. per cow and that we would increase the value of our dairying industry by about £4,000,000. How do we expect to compete with Canada, Denmark, Holland and the other countries if we neglect to do the obvious? If the dairy farmers of the country refuse to organise themselves, unless the State does it for them and pays all the expenses of doing that simple task, what can be done? They have got to do that though. There is no way out of it. It is by producing a better type of cow, by improving the technique of the butter making, that the Danes are able to put £20,000,000 worth of butter on the market. Why should not we do it? We can do both. We have an advantage over the Danes. You will agree that so far as our live stock is concerned we can produce not only the kind and the quality of the store which I mentioned, but a cow to produce five or six hundred gallons of milk as well. We have two great advantages over the Danes, yet I am afraid that at the rate we are going, it will take a long time to compete with them, but it has to be done, and there is no royal road to success. Success in farming means to do things better both in regard to our cattle trade, our butter trade and our pig trade. That is all it comes to—do things better and work harder. The State has only one duty to the farmer, and that is to educate him. It is about the most responsible duty it can perform—putting all the facilities for the education of the farmer at his disposal—but it is the only duty left, and the next move is with the farmer. Farmers can have no protection in the way of tariffs. I agree with Deputy Baxter. I am not going to follow Deputy Wilson into the question whether you can produce milk at fourpence halfpenny a gallon in the winter or go into his figures in regard to pigs. This is not the time for that. It is obvious to me that you can do nothing for the Irish farmer by way of tariffs. The only way is for the State to give low taxation and efficient government. That, I suggest, is being done, so far as it can be done, consistent with the other big problem with which the State should be concerned, namely, the farmer's second, third and fourth sons, and the farmers living in congested districts. In a word, my solution for the agricultural problem may be humdrum and it may not have the advantage of being new. I am not going to suggest that the farmer is going to find his salvation by sugar beet, or tobacco, or flax or any of those other crops. They all have their time and place, but my solution of the present agricultural problem is, better farming, producing better cattle, better cows, better butter, better poultry and other products. It can be done. I tried to give an example as to how it can be done in regard to cows and beef. It can only be done by the educated and organised farmer, like every other farmer in the competing countries who takes pains to educate himself and who is not afraid of hard work.

I suppose this is a Vote which gives us an opportunity of expressing our views as to the policy of the Ministry of Agriculture, as to the position of agriculture in the country, to make complaints, if the necessity exists, about the deplorable conditions of to-day, and to suggest remedies or, if you like, a way out of the difficulties with which we find ourselves confronted. With a good deal of what the Minister has said, I find myself in agreement. I am not going to say that he has stated everything, and that all the complexions which he has put on the position as it exists are really the same as I see them. If, however, there is one thing which he did not say, and if there is one thing which he understated, or, if I may say, hardly referred to, it is the very serious and, in fact, deplorable, condition of agriculture in Ireland, and the very deplorable condition in which the Irish farmer finds himself. The farmer whom I speak of is the farmer the Minister has been talking about, the farmer of fifty acres and down to twenty acres and under. Anything that we have got to say may be criticism of the Minister and of the Ministry's efforts in some respects, but on the other hand I regard, and I think every Deputy and everybody outside regards the situation of agriculture as being so serious that it demands immediate attention, the cooperation of all parties, and the best efforts of the State to put it on its legs. I recognise that it is not often the best policy to sound a wail about things being very bad, but I am not in agreement with the Minister when he said that the seasons are not worse than they used to be, and that the rainfall is not greater than it has been at other periods in this country. I think the experience of everybody in Ireland, and of nobody more so than the farmer, is that the rainfall in this country is making the life of the tillage farmer absolutely impossible. One has only to go to the country at week-ends, meet the farmer, talk to him, and go into the fields, or rather try to go into them, to recognise the awful fight which the Irish farmer has for existence. Whatever policy any party or any Deputy may advocate in this House, one thing we have to recognise is that the seasons in Ireland are not what they used to be.

They never were.

Deputy Johnson says that they never were. I do not know what the Deputy means by that, but the rainfall in this country and the seasons which we have been having for a number of years past are absolutely making it impossible for farmers to sow and reap their crops and pay their way. The Minister may smile at that. That is exactly as I see it, and my experience is the experience of the small farmer in Ireland.

In West Cork, where there is the heaviest rainfall in Ireland?

I do not know. I can only talk of West Cavan and the districts there. I do not know that the State can do anything to alter the conditions with regard to the weather. I do not know if the Minister, by a policy of re-afforestation, could do anything to change our climate. I do not know what scientists have to say on that, but there may be possibilities in it. The moist and over-damp climate we have might be altered, and we are told that the temperature could be raised. If the officials engaged in research in the Minister's Department have anything to say on that we ought to hear something about it. Be that as it may, whatever the weather conditions are, we recognise that the farmer has got to live, and we recognise that agriculture in Ireland is making and has to make a desperate fight to hold its own. What we have to consider in discussing a Vote like this of over £300,000 is, what can be done in the spending of that money by the State to put the Irish farmer in a better position to make that fight and to hold his own. The Minister has given us a sort of lecture as to what organisation may do for the farmers, and I think I may say that it is, perhaps, a bee in the bonnet of the Minister, that it is lack of organisation which is entirely responsible for the condition of agriculture in Ireland to-day. I agree with the Minister, this far at least, that if the conditions of this country were such that all the farmers, big and small, had the same point of view economically, and were thoroughly organised, and so well educated that it would be possible to organise them to that pitch, we could alter things very considerably. We and the Minister, however, have to take things as we find them, and we have got to consider what we can do to alter the present position. The Minister, if he likes, may throw the responsibility on Deputies at this side of the House, or on some of those behind him, and say: "Why do you not organise, and then things will not be as they are?" I think that attitude of the Minister is not a correct attitude. It is if you like, discarding the responsibility which the Minister should take to himself and discharge. He has given figures as to what it is possible to do on an average farm in this country. He has given figures as to the cost of growing wheat, and as to what a man can do on an average farm. I do not know where he has obtained his figures, and how he arrived at them, and whether the figures are those which would have been supplied, say, from the model farms or from other sources.

I want to remind the Minister that the Agricultural Commission, in its report to him, recommended that a number of farms should be acquired by the Department all over the country, and managed under his supervision by the men who have been trained and equipped at the College of Science to do this work. It is easy for the Minister to tell us across the House what the farmers of Ireland might do. That will have a certain effect and carry a certain distance with the men who will read what he has said in the daily Press to-morrow. The Minister knows that would not represent one-twentieth of the farmers of Ireland. The Minister's point of view never reaches the great majority of the tillage farmers, who are men with under fifty acres. It is no use for the Minister to make a declaration——

Mr. HOGAN

I only gave my opinion on a matter on which every farmer should have an opinion. I stated it as my opinion that barley could be produced on average land at 8/- per cwt. The Deputy may have his opinion on the matter, and it may be different to mine. He can contradict me, and he can say what barley can be produced at per cwt. or per barrel. We are not dealing with something obscure.

Has the Minister figures as to the cost of production?

Mr. HOGAN

If I was at a fair down the country and met a farmer in a publichouse, and began to discuss the price of oats he would give me his opinion as to what it costs to produce an acre of oats. If I am wrong in the figure I gave, let the Deputy give me his figure, and we will see how far we agree.

That is not the point I am going to make. What I am trying to get at is this: whether the Minister is correct or incorrect as to the cost of production, and while he may say that the farmer can do certain things, he must bear in mind the weather conditions and the land that some of these farmers have to live on. The Minister would want to do more than that to prove to the satisfaction of those men that what he says is true and can be done. If the farmers are not doing what the Minister thinks is right, and if he thinks the policy they are following is not in the best interests of the State, then the Minister, in his capacity as such, has a duty to perform, and that is to educate these people as regard the methods he thinks right, and prove to them that they are right. The Agricultural Commission set up under his Ministry saw the force of that argument, and they recommended to him that he should acquire a number of average farms over the country, manage them under his supervision, and prove to the people that those farms, managed according to the ability and the scientific knowledge of the men trained for that work, could turn out a certain crop valued at so much for a certain cost of production. Why has not the Minister done that, and taken his chance with the ordinary farmers who have to get their living from the land, and prove to them unmistakably by work and scientific knowledge what could be done? Why has he not, in the interests of these people in order to educate them to understand that their condition can be bettered by pursuing a certain policy, discharged that obligation? I put this question to the Minister last year. He replied, and I think there was an amount of weight in his reply, that the advisability of taking a chance in doing that was questionable, but when the conditions are as serious as at present desperate efforts have to be made to improve the situation. I think the Minister will agree with me that if farmers are not doing certain things it is because they have not the knowledge of the good that would come from doing those things. It is no use in saying that the fault lies with their laziness. The majority of the farmers under 50 acres are, with their families, the hardest worked people on the face of God's earth. The Minister has admited that it is his function and the function of his Department to educate the farmers. There is no better or more practical way for the Ministry to try and educate the farmers than by going amongst them and doing the work they have to do, showing them it can be done better than they are doing it, and that by so doing they will get more money and help towards building up a happy and prosperous State. The solution of the problem is—we will not disagree on the necessity for organisation—for the Minister to take his courage in his hands and acquire farms in every county, say, within 20 miles of each other, and under the management of the instructors in that county, show what can be done with that farm to restore its native fertility, improve its productive capacity, improve the live stock, and the rest. But the Minister will have to battle with the climate as we do. I am not saying he does not appreciate the difficulties, for he does to a certain extent, but he will appreciate them better when the men come to him with the cost of production and the produce they have been able to collect. He will also have reports from his men coming in contact with the farmers, who will perhaps understand the psychology of the farmers better than the Minister does. As a result, he may devise other means of educating them so that they may organise. I am not going to dispute with the Minister what may be done through organisation. I have a little experience of organisation, and I say the first thing you have to do in organising is to educate the people. If the Irish farmers are not in the position of the Danish farmers, we must remember that the Danish farmers got their opportunity fifty or sixty years ago by a system of education to improve their standards of knowledge, and the Irish farmers have not so far got a similar opportunity. We ought to have sympathy with the Irish farmers, recognise their difficulties, and see what we can do to improve their position. I am inclined to the view that practically the whole fate of agriculture in this country is and will be dependent on the education we can give to our people. We are going, in a sense, to have a new problem when we put on the land thousands and thousands more small farmers.

There is certainly going to be more tillage. We should, I believe, be able to add to our exportable surplus. If we are to get the best out of our exports, I recognise that there has to be organisation amongst our people. But take the position as you find it to-day in the country. Let any man here go down to the country and try to get the farmers in a district to do certain work. Will he not find great difficulty in trying to have them organised? Take the Minister's own agricultural instructors in the various counties. Question them as to the effect of their efforts in the counties in trying to educate the people. Some farmers think that they know everything about their own industry. They do not. There is any amount of room for improvement. There are a lot of things to be taught, but who is to do the teaching? The Minister took responsibility on behalf of the State. The Minister has got to consider whether the money spent in this way is giving the best possible results. This work has been going on for a considerable period. I admit that good results have accrued up to a stage. A certain policy has been pursued for a number of years. But the Minister has to consider whether pursuing that policy for a further series of years will bring improvements or whether that policy will have to be changed. If you ask a county instructor—even one of the ablest men you can get in any county —what the result of his efforts will be if he goes into a district to get a body of farmers to come to a lecture, you will learn that not five per cent. of the farmers living in that district will come to the lecture, although it deals with matters that affect them in the management of their own business. The men you cannot get to come to the lectures are the sons of farmers—even the eldest boy in the family, the man who is to get the farm. This is an important fact and it has got to be recognised. If you are to have organisation, you have to expend a certain amount of energy. The people who have energy to expend are generally the younger people. If they see the reason for organisation, you can get them to do the work. But it is much more difficult to get the man of 50 or sixty years of age to tramp out to a meeting and do his part in organising. You have got to train and educate the younger men—the coming farmers.

How is that to be done? I believe that the system of education that the Ministry has pursued will have to be altered. I think that a good deal of the work done by agricultural instructors will have to be changed. They will have to concentrate on other work and on other methods. The first effort, I believe, must be the management of these farms. After that, if you are going to educate the people, you have to make an effort to arouse their interest. You have to interest the younger people and get them to come out. We must all recognise that a lecture is often—even on the part of the most capable lecturer—very dry. A lecture on something material has not the charm for the young man or the young woman in the country that the picture-house has for the people of the towns and cities. They cannot be got to come out in crowds to the lecture down the country as they come to the theatre in the city. I believe that the Minister for Lands and Agriculture must change his methods if he wants to educate; and if he is serious in trying to educate the farmers and their sons and daughters, he must employ methods that will arouse their interest and get them out. I suggest to the Minister that modern methods must be employed to achieve this end. I believe that if the Minister makes an effort to use the cinema, and to use other things that can be employed, it will be possible for him to educate the farmers who, he says, require education. I see the Minister smiles. Perhaps he does not believe it. I will try to represent to the Minister what I think ought to be done, and the effect it would have amongst the people. I myself was at the Spring Show, and from what I saw there I believe that one way in which the people of the country could get a better indication as to the faulty methods employed and the possibilities of improving those methods, would be by the Minister organising visits, through the railway companies and through the County Committees of Agriculture, of large parties of farmers to the Spring Show. It may be a big thing. But we must all admit that the majority of the small farmers of the country have never been given a chance of getting far enough from home to see what other people are doing.

That is the cause of the failure to get better results. The man who has never been farther than the next town, and has only seen his neighbour's fields as he passes to the fair or market, has very little opportunity of knowing what other people are doing. If he has not changed his methods and brought his land into line with the land of people who follow the best methods, it is because he has not seen any better. Many people have to see to believe. I went through the Department's section of the Show, and I saw cattle there from the agricultural station in my own county. I saw them side by side with the cattle brought in from the Dublin market for demonstration purposes. I saw big animals which we should not have, six feet high, and animals three feet high, which we should have. That in itself would be an education to any young man. In every other branch of our industry there is an opportunity for the small farmer to get an education at the Spring Show that will be lasting. It is no use telling a man what he ought to do if he cannot see it done. That is my experience of the ordinary farmer, and I have as much experience in that respect as anybody else. If there was sufficient organisation amongst our people to make it possible to bring them by the hundred or thousand to a place like that, you would accomplish more educationally by a few visits than by other means in twenty years. I am convinced of that. If that is not done, and if education is to be continued, I believe other methods must be adopted. Demonstration plots along the roadside—a method that has continued for a number of years—will, in my opinion, not be of much value any longer.

Perhaps, to a certain extent, tests of the newer varieties of potatoes coming out might be continued, but as far as I can see that method of demonstrating must be changed. It has served its purpose. All that could be got out of it has been got out of it, and these instructors must concentrate on other methods and on other work. If there is necessity for education, they must continue education. But how are they going to do it? The Minister smiled when I spoke of using the cinema. But get a man understanding agriculture and capable of giving an interesting lecture, take him down to a hall in the country, and let him have a film that will demonstrate up-to-date methods in connection, say, with cattle or pig-rearing. Let him start, say, with turning the good one and the bad one out together, the animal that is properly shaped and the animal that is not properly shaped; let him go on with the feeding of it through the various stages; let him go to the market with the animal that has done well and the animal that has done badly on the same food; let him compare the weight of the two animals; let him compare the return in £ s. d.; let him take the animals to the factory and have them made up; let him take them out of the factory, say, in sides of bacon; let him demonstrate the value in pence per lb. of the good animal over the bad animal. Let him do the same with every other branch of the industry. Let him deal with the breeding of cattle. Let him deal with the milch cows. Let him deal with the seeds, particularly the newer varieties, with the fields properly manured and the fields not manured—let all that be done, and I say that the man who would not walk one hundred yards to see the effect of the application of manures or the growth of certain seeds in his neighbour's field, and on whom, if he did go, the result would make very little impression, will go a mile to a hall to see this film which will make a lasting impression on his mind. If he has cattle or pigs he will go next day and turn them out to see the comparison between his own stock and those that he saw the previous night. I make that submission to the Minister. It may be of no value. I am giving my own opinion of what ought to be done. It is very difficult to arouse interest in agricultural education in the country, and the Minister has got to consider, if he is going to spend more money, whether he is going to get value for the money or not. I believe that practically everything depends on the amount of education we can impart. If that is done proprely there will not be half as much trouble as regards organisation.

I would remind Deputy Baxter that he has exhausted his time.

I will conclude in a few minutes. I want to make one other point in reference to organisation. The Minister dealt a good deal with what could be done by way of improving our live stock, and particularly our milch cows. He has pointed out that he has raised the grant for cow-testing associations by £2,000. I suggest to the Minister that he will have to do a good deal more than he is doing in the way of organising cow-testing associations. The policy at present is that if there is a demand from the farmers the Minister's men will go to the district. I submit that the Minister has got to educate the farmers on this matter, and that he has got to organise them. I submit, further, that he will have to consider the reduction of the number of cows necessary for the formation of an association in the case of many districts. The present number is all right in a district where you have big farmers with 40 or 50 cows. It is not so simple where you have to get in a couple of hundred farmers in order to bring the cows up to the required number. If the Minister wants to have winter dairying, if he wants us to export £8,000,000 worth of butter instead of £4,000,000 worth, he has got to organise the farmers and to induce them to form these associations, so as to get from their cows 600 gallons of milk instead of 400 gallons. If he does not do that, it will not be done. We will go on for the next 20 years, perhaps, adding to the number of cow-testing associations here and there, but if the Minister does not take action it will not be done generally. There is no use leaving a thing like this to the farmer and saying that he has got to do it himself. There, again, there is the necessity for education. Education will tell. If the Minister is prepared to supply it, it will bring results. But if he is not prepared to supply it, he need not try to cast the responsibility for failure of organisation on the farmers. It is his business and his duty, in the position which he holds, to educate the farmers. If he does that, they will organise.

I would like to pay a tribute to the Minister for the speech he delivered. While we might disagree with him in some of the details, we must agree with the outline of the speech. I, for one, find myself very much in agreement with the lines of agricultural development which he has indicated. There are, however, a few points on which I do not see eye to eye with him. One of these is the point regarding organisation for trade purposes amongst the farming community. I am not in disagreement with the principle, but the Minister must surely realise that when he states in this House that the farmers must organise for trade, he is taking the armchair view of the situation, while ignoring the fundamentals. The fact of the matter is we have not been trained, and we have not been educated to that ideal. I have no hesitation in laying the fault for agricultural depression, to a large extent, on a system of bad education. What do you find to-day in the country? You find a young fellow growing up just as ill-informed as his parent. Oftentimes, he is worse, because his character, somehow, is not as stable. The old man has had some sense knocked into him by bitter experience, but you find the young fellow with all the impetuosity of youth and with all the ignorance, perhaps, which we are to suppose surrounded a past civilisation. This horrible product—I must so express myself—is asked seriously to take up the idea of trade organisation. It is true, perhaps, that we have down the country, what I may call a triumphantly crooked environment. For the last 20 or 25 years large sums have been spent in agricultural education. I submit that for every £ expended annually in this way a large part falls, more or less, on barren and unreceptive soil. Amongst the masses of the people, amongst whom this money is distributed and whom we expect to reach by it, very few respond and very few take an interest in the teachings and findings of science. Still less will people apply these teachings and findings. Therefore, I said that you had a triumphantly crooked environment, and I reiterate that remark.

Is there any country under the sun where such a thing could be, except perhaps in Ireland? The agricultural instructors going through the country do their best, I admit, but how many people do they reach? It is absolutely impossible for them to reach the product of the national school. Why? Because the boy from the national school has not reached that educational standard that would enable him to benefit and to appreciate the teaching of the instructor. The instruction given would be Greek to him. There is a point I want to make in connection with this. It is that these boys will not attend the lectures given by the agricultural instructors through the country during the winter months. Why is that? Because they are afraid of making an exhibition of their ignorance. This, perhaps, is not the place or the time to discuss the sins of primary education. Their ignorance may be due to the system, but it also may be due to the fact that children are allowed to leave school at too early an age, or that their attendance at school during school-going years was very bad. The fact, at all events, remains, that the agricultural education given by these instructors cannot touch the masses of the young people. They are not mentally prepared for it.

Take the position as regards secondary education. Very few people who have had such an education ever turn to farming. Even as regards secondary education, there seems to be something radically wrong with it. Those who attend secondary schools, perhaps, get a superior education to the primary school boys, but that education seems to have been based on less substantial lines than the primary system, and those who come from the secondary schools seem to become more superficial than solid. There is no such thing as cultivating the business instinct in the secondary school. The pupils are not taught what their chief object in life is, and the result is that they become more or less wastrels and parasites on the general community. They seem to have no proper conception of the fundamentals which go to make up life or production. They are not taught to realise that they have to go out and work for their bread. They are more or less trained for sedentary occupations. It seems to me that secondary education exists to fill a more or less beaureaucratic role. It teaches nothing about the requirements of agriculture.

As regards the universities, those who pass through them do not go back to the land. You see then that in the educational sphere there is a great gap. You have the agricultural instructors, in the knowledge and technique of the subjects they have to deal with, on a parity with the university man. These instructors have to deal with the product of the primary school, and there is an unbridged gulf between the two. Agricultural education, then, as it is expounded by the instructors, remains outside the scope, mentally, at all events, of the majority of those who should avail of it. The point to be considered, then, is: educate your people first by a good national-school system, and if possible by a secondary-school system, and do not hope for anything regarding organisation for trade or perhaps even for rational politics or anything of that kind unless you proceed on these lines.

The Minister stated that the land of the country had been deteriorating over the past seventy-five years. To a very large extent I agree with him. At the same time, I submit, we are not very much worse now than what we were in those days. If we could get a historical retrospect of the conditions that prevailed in the "forties," we might be able to learn something and to outline a progressive policy for the future. At that period far more land was under cultivation than is the case at present. I have not the actual figures before me, but I should say that the area under cultivation then was five or six times greater than it is now. I suppose it is the first law of eugenics that when you have a large population on the sonl you have a low standard of living. We have improved, I admit, since that period, but at the same time you have to-day a much-reduced population, and the standard of living is not so low as it was then. Many people who contrast the system of tillage that operated then and now forget certain fundamentals when advocating a tillage policy at the present day. In my opinion, the aim of tillage must be for the production of meat on the farm whether you regard it as bacon, beef, or poultry products. It is no longer feasible to grow corn for export in this country. That is an absolutely uneconomic proposition to put forward.

Tillage to-day must aim at the production of beef, bacon or poultry and dairy produce for home consumption. What is required in this country, is not an extension of the area under tillage, but a higher standard of tillage: that is to get the maximum yield from the minimum of soil. It does not necessarily follow that, by extending your tillage area, you will do that. It is even conceivable that by reducing your area under tillage and by putting in more farmyard manure, implemented with artificial manure, and by giving more attention to the area under cultivation, you will certainly get better crops and a better yield than by having an increased area. That is the most economical way in which you can use the land.

I am no believer in cultivating a large area of land—running over it and scamping the work as it were. What the State must do is to endeavour to instil into the minds of the people the idea that the great need is to get a maximum crop and a maximum return from the minimum of soil, and with the minimum of labour. That is consistent, of course, with the fundamentals of production. I believe that before we embark on very large tillage operations more stall-feeding must be done in the country. Stall-feeding is the basis of good tillage. To have at your disposal large quantities of farmyard manure is one of the rudiments of good farming. You will exhaust your land rapidly if you attempt to cultivate it without sufficient supplies of farmyard manure. Artificial manure may be an aid to that end, but the proper and correct thing is to have a good mixture of both.

took the Chair.

You cannot have farmyard manure unless you are prepared to stall-feed and to go in more for the rearing of pigs. I think that a great part of the troubles in the "forties" was due to the fact that people did not stall-feed and go in for pig-rearing of an appreciable character in many parts of the land. People simply grew corn, and sold it, and paid their rents. They lived on potatoes, but they paid a high rent for the land out of corn. They did not stall-feed because, owing to the operation of the corn-laws, corn was sold dear, and it was not an economic proposition to transfer it from the cereal to beef. But nowadays the position is the reverse. The position, as I see it, is this: that if we do go in for increased tillage we must necessarily go in for more stall-feeding.

That brings me to another fundamental, as to what the land is suffering from, and that is, that the land is suffering from the want of capital. Let no man disguise that. The land is suffering from want of scientific and educative treatment directing the activities of its owners, but it is also suffering badly from want of capital. While the farmer in this country is kept accustomed to a very low standard of living, while his family are enslaved—because I regard it as slavery when the children have to work on the holding of their parents without wages, and merely for the food they eat and the clothes they wear—while these conditions prevail the land is bound to deteriorate. The fact is the trouble is due to this. It has been the custom for many years in this country to ignore fundamentals and to lose sight of the physical law that no stream can rise higher than its source or fount, and to lose sight of the economic law that no section of the people can afford to maintain a standard of luxury higher than the basic earning power of its industrials. That is the position I submit in this country to-day.

You have great cities like Dublin with little internal production, living absolutely parasitically upon the agricultural community. You have the people in Dublin, and in many other towns as well—I need not confine my remarks to Dublin—living with an absolutely false sense of reality. They see things, perhaps, in a wrong perspective. They have not conformed to the idea that they must live smaller and live poorer, if I may so express myself, having regard to the fact that the total income of this country is raised from agriculture and from an agricultural system, the momentum of which is provided by unpaid family labour.

I quite appreciate the fact that the Minister for Agriculture has laid great importance on the need for turning out first-class products from the soil. Needless to say, I am whole-heartedly with him. But here again comes in the want of education. There is no disguising the fact. I know what it is to go amongst the people and try to convert them to my view-point. It is almost impossible; it is very difficult to get them to do it and that brings me to another view-point.

While you have the people on the land so badly remunerated and while, on the other hand, you have the people in the cities in the professions and in sedentary occupations so much better paid, there is a natural exodus of the young fellows from the farm to the town or the city. It is natural for one to look for the "cushy" job, but the whole social system is wrong. I believe those engaged in productive work should possess the cream and the plums, and should not be left merely with the crumbs. A good deal of useful work could possibly be done through the country, through the agricultural instructors, but the question remains to what extent they can do it. They are prepared certainly to do it, but the response I admit has been very poor, and the results for the money expended have been very meagre. The people as yet have not been sufficiently impressed with the need of turning out the first-class article. I regret to say it. They do not take that view-point, but unfair comparisons perhaps have been drawn with Denmark. The Dane is what I might call the docile Teuton. We rather resist; we do not respond so readily. We are individualists, and owing, unfortunately, to bad education, we move on wrong and perverse lines. The question as I see it must come to this, sooner or later: that a more intense educational effort must be made to endeavour to get the people in their own interests if for nothing else—it is no use appealing to patriotism—to stir themselves. The fact is, they are in many cases disinclined to work. There is a wave of pessimism in many places sweeping over the land. We must counter that. Perhaps the country is too dull, but while this fact remains, that those people who contribute nothing to production still have the plums, I fear that it is not so easy to move the people forward on higher and more scientific lines of production. Therefore I have to take up the point of view with the Minister that his arguments as to organisation for trade or otherwise with the farmers are on an incorrect basis and that they do not have regard to realities.

I agree with the whole lot of what the Minister for Lands and Agriculture said here this evening. I think most of the reasons for the land getting poorer are the constant application of artificial manure to the land annually taking all that is good out of it. What is it applied for at all but to purge the land of all substance that is used for the particular crop without giving it anything back in return. I submit that the proper thing to do, especially for the growing of wheat, would be the application of lime. I did not hear a word about lime this evening, and it was that that prompted me to stand up here. Lime is an artificial manure produced at home with home employment, and I think lime is worthy of an agricultural subsidy. Deputy Baxter a few moments ago asked what can be done with the £300,000. I say, firstly, subsidise the lime-burner and then subsidise the farmer for growing the wheat. If you do not grow the wheat and if the farmers and the labourers do not come together and grow more food in the country, it is absurd for us to be prating here about reducing the cost of living. Let it come from within ourselves. That would be the proper way to reduce the cost of living. I, too, am in agreement with Deputy Baxter in believing that you ought to do it in the old way, when he pointed out that the difficulty was the want of education, and I would like to go on the plea, "Bend the twig and you will bend the tree." Why not have agricultural education in the schools and demonstration plots attached to the schools for the benefit of the children?

I listened very attentively to the Minister's exposition of the agricultural problem, and he reviewed it, I must say, very fully. He put before us statistics regarding cattle, sheep, pigs and crops, and he went into details regarding prices. I agree that cattle prices for the early part of the season were quite good. At present they are not so good, except for one quality of cattle, and that is beef, but very few farmers can at present supply beef. The store-cattle trade has gone back, and gone back considerably. To-day prices are not within £1 or 30/- a head of what they were this day month. I agree that the price of sheep is very good, and I believe that to a certain extent this inflated price is due to the great losses of sheep during the winter. The price of pigs is also good.

Turning to that portion of the Minisster's statement dealing with crops, I cannot agree with him that tillage is a paying concern at present. Take the price of barley, oats, and wheat. I do not believe that any of these is a paying proposition to the farmer who has to employ every ounce of his labour on his farm. I hold that if a farmer wanted to become bankrupt quickly, the easiest way for him to do so would be to employ labour and to till his land. I have had a long experience, both of tillage and grass lands, in my own county, and that has been my experience for the past three years. I do not care who the farmer may be; even the most scientifically worked farm, if tilled at present, will lose money if labour has to be employed. It is all very fine to talk about increasing tillage, but is the farmer to increase tillage until he finds himself bankrupt? With the present prices of agricultural produce that is where he would find himself very soon. You may produce barley for 8/- a cwt., but it will cost you every farthing of that to do so. The cost of producing a statute acre of barley, not allowing for bad weather, at present is about £10.

Mr. HOGAN

Not far wrong. We are nearing agreement.

I hold that with the straw and the corn together you will find it hard to realise £10, taking the average price at 24/- a barrel.

Mr. HOGAN

How many cwts. would be got in average good times from an acre?

I would say about 18 cwt. from a statute acre. I think that is a very fair average, and it was not exceeded last year.

Mr. HOGAN

A very fair average indeed.

One thing I regretted in the Minister's statement was his reference to the deterioration of land. I do not agree with him. I agree that land has deteriorated in many districts owing to flooding and the need for drainage, but I do not believe that the great bulk of the land or good pasture-land has deteriorated. We are paying £30,000 a year to agricultural instructors; we staff the Minister's very big Department at a cost of nearly half a million pounds a year. If land has deteriorated, in view of all these officials, I say that we should scrap that Department at once, that it is no use, and that the half million pounds would be better spent in some other way. I emphasise the fact that if the Minister's statement is true the Department should be scrapped immediately. I consider that the county instructors have done good work. I hold that in my own county they have done remarkably good work. We had the Minister there recently, and I think he has seen the results of the good work done there by the instructor. But if the Minister thinks that the land has deteriorated, that the agricultural instructors are no use, I repeat that his Department should be scrapped.

The Acts that have been passed recently may improve conditions after a time, but the unfortunate part of the matter is that the people have not capital to enable them to benefit by these Acts. Many people would go in for better stock if they had capital to do so, but the capital is not there. That has been my experience in my own county with the twenty-acre farms that the Minister has talked about. It would be quite easy to regenerate our stock and to do many other things if we had the money, but we have neither credit nor capital.

Deputy Baxter suggested that model or demonstration farms should be opened in different districts and run by the Minister's experts. This matter was before the Agricultural Commission on several occasions, in fact on nearly every day the Commission sat, and all the experts of the Department gave evidence. Strange to say, not one of them relished the idea of establishing these farms. One would think that the Minister and his experts would be glad of the chance of doing so to show their ability to make farming pay, but not one of the experts favoured that idea. I often impressed on them what a great education it would be to a district to have such a farm, but for one reason or another they never could bring themselves to the idea of starting a farm on these lines. It was suggested that they should run such a farm, keep costing accounts, pay the men the usual wages of the district, show what their balance was at the end of the year and let us see if the farm was a paying proposition. Yet they did not favour the idea at all. We went so far as to make such a recommendation, but it has not been put into practice yet. I hope that it will in the near future, and that the Minister will give us a proof of the ability of himself and his experts to make such a farm pay.

I would like to say a few words, especially in regard to Deputy Baxter's references to the lack of appreciation of the methods of education in agricultural matters afforded to the people. I think that Deputy Baxter under-stated it when he said that not five per cent. of the young farmers of Ireland would avail themselves of a lecture on agriculture. That in itself, I think, is a full explanation of the position we occupy in agriculture to-day. We look at agriculture and agricultural work as a degrading occupation. I must admit that agriculture as done in Ireland is more or less a degrading occupation. For that reason I would like to support Deputy Doyle when he suggests that model farms should be acquired throughout the country, and I go so far as to suggest to the Minister if it is practicable—the Minister may be able to give reasons to show that it is impracticable—that he should set up one of those model farms in every parish in Ireland.

Every county.

I will say parish because I am bearing in mind the idea of Deputy Baxter that you will not get them to go to a county model-farm. You must bring it nearer home to them, and if Mahomet will not go to the mountain we must bring the mountain to Mahomet. If I were King of Spain or Minister for Agriculture I would set up a farm and run it on the lines on which the Dane, the Belgian or the Dutchman conducts hi agricultural pursuits. Those people have adopted up-to-date methods and thereby ousted the Irish farmer from the English market. I would acquire an agricultural holding, say, of forty or fifty acres, especially if it were occupied by a farmer who was not running it on up-to-date methods and I would give an exhibition of how things were done in Holland and Denmark. We can then show how the cows should be kept, how clean they can be kept and how little effort is required to keep them in that condition.

It is also deplored that we have no winter dairying. Without advocating winter dairying in the extreme, I think it has been a great mistake for farmers in recent years to have discontinued the habit of having their cows calving at the end of January. If they had continued to do so, it would mean that they would have them in milk. They would then be profitable and they would have good forage to feed them. At present, cows during the winter and spring months, are on a starvation diet of hay, which, through no fault of the farmers, is badly saved and is musty. Those cows are deteriorating and die, if not of starvation, at a later date of tuberculosis. Bad feeding is not only a disposing cause of tuberculosis, but it is actually an exciting cause.

Deputy Doyle has taken a pessimistic view of tillage. I think tillage on a large scale is not practicable in Ireland, but I think the farmer makes a great mistake, inasmuch as he does not grow enough corn to feed his own cattle. That will mean keeping him out of the shops. If he grows oats it is easier saved than hay. You can save oats and have a fairly decent crop when hay would be a failure. With oats crushed and some cake, at least if you have not winter dairying, you can have early spring calving, and you can make it pay. I think it would be well worth the Minister's while to pay attention to what Deputy Doyle has said. He should have demonstration-farms to show how things are done in other countries, and how things are to be done in Ireland, if we are to hold our place in the English market. We have a bad reputation in the English market at the moment, as to the way we market our butter, eggs, and other articles of food. Deputy Gorey handled me rather severely on one occasion about this. I think it is well to look at facts as they are, and we may find the Ministry of Health in England putting an embargo on Irish butter, if we do not manufacture it on the same up-to-date methods as it is manufactured in Denmark and Holland.

I have listened with great attention to the very serious speech of Deputy Doyle. He stated, after his long experience, that tillage is not profitable in the Free State, and that any farmer that adopts tillage will surely go into bankruptcy. If that is not his case, it is very nearly so. If that is true, what is the use of cinema lectures or model farms? What is the use of organisation when tillage does not pay? I believe tillage does not pay in Ireland because our system of exports and imports is not well-balanced, and because we pay £250,000 a month to the Canadian and American farmers for wheat, the product of their prairie lands. That huge sum of four or five millions a year would be a fine endowment to tillage if we had it. I think we should do in that matter what other countries have done. Our problem is to make tillage profitable. If it is made profitable you will not want model farms, cinema lectures, or many instructors. They will all follow it if it is made pay, and it can be made pay.

Why should we be endowing the Canadian or American farmer by giving him £4,000,000 or £5,000,000 for his wheat? I say that the importers of foreign grain are a greater menace to this country than any enemy could be. I say the same with regard to foreign-manufactured articles. Our economic system is altogether unbalanced. We send millions of money out of the country to keep the artisans and the plough-men of Canada and the United States busy, and we keep a line of ships running from Quebec to Liverpool, and from Liverpool to Dublin, carrying wheat. All that money should be coming into the pockets of our farmers, and we would not then have the complaints about farming not being profitable.

I was delighted to hear the Minister's vindication of Irish soil. We are told that Irish soil cannot grow wheat. It grew wheat 70 or 80 years ago. If America was never discovered, we would have as good wheat to-day as it was then. The Minister for Agriculture provided the best argument that could possibly be brought forward on the question of the weather when he said that the rainfall of this generation is not any worse than that of the last generation, or the one before it. Deputy Baxter contradicted that, although he has had experience only of one generation.

It is enough.

That is like the man who, when his argument did not agree with the facts, said, "Well, so much the worse for the facts." I thoroughly agree with what Deputy Baxter said about the use of the cinema. If that idea could be carried out it would be a great advantage. Even though it could be carried out with great advantage, it is no argument against the Minister's suggestion about organisation. Organisation is a difficult problem. Young farmers will not attend lectures or respond readily to organisation. But they will have to do these things, particularly as long as we have free trade and are competing against the organised farmers of Denmark and the big capitalist farmers across the ocean. They will have to do these things or they will have to drop out of business altogether.

I listened with great interest to the speeches from the Farmers' benches, and I agree with a good deal of what was said, but not with what was said about model farms. I know from experience that that would be no use. If the Minister produced the balance-sheet of a model farm he would have to include the salary of the manager and the high wages paid to all the hands. Where would you get the cheap labour on a model farm that the farmer can get?

We can afford to work for nothing.

What would be profitable for an Irish farmer or for a Danish farmer could not be profitable on a State farm. Anyone who contends that is in favour of State socialism. I could expect that argument from Deputy Johnson, but not from Deputy Gorey. The State supplies capital to buy the best machinery, to get the best agricultural implements, the best manures, and the best seeds. That would not be commercial farming. The argument of the Minister is that commercial farming could be improved. That cannot be met by the model-farm argument.

I would like just to say one or two words to try, if possible, to relieve the gloom. I think we have heard more pessimism this evening than would be possible in any country in the world.

Mr. HOGAN

Not from me.

No, particularly not from the Minister, but from those who are supposed to speak in the name of, and on behalf of the people who, on other occasions, say they are maintaining the country. I do not believe half these stories. I do not believe the farmers are so bad exponents of farming as they are professing to be. I do not believe they are so incapable as they are professing to be. They tell us that tillage will not pay, cattle raising will not pay, pig feeding will not pay, nothing will pay! Yet, they are maintaining the country and themselves ! The contention is really extraordinary to me. The fact is that farmers and their families are living better than they did twenty or thirty years ago.

They talk about failure, that farming will not succeed, that tillage will not pay, that cattle raising will not pay, that poultry raising will not pay, that pig feeding will not pay. Supposing they do not pay, and that they are living better, is not that something to be proud of? It is really a scandalous state of things that a body of men, professing to speak for a big section of the community, should be so miserable and depressed as to pretend that all their efforts, all their training, all their experience, and all the experience of their fathers and grandfathers and generations gone by, have gone for nothing, and everything is depressed, everything is useless, and one might as well pray for the deluge.

We have that already.

You may get things without praying for them when you pull a long face. However, even the sample that you have had of the deluge is not anything like so bad as you will suffer in your own minds and thoughts if you let this particular kind of pessimism prevail. I maintain that the people in the country are living better than they did generations ago. I think they can only live better than they did a generation ago from the fact that they are producing more out of the soil. The Minister for Agriculture did say that the pasture land of the country had been steadily deteriorating for seventy years. That is a surprising statement, in view of the statistics that have been produced by the Department for which he is now responsible, which have attempted to show quite the contrary.

And which do, in fact.

As I believe. The Minister usually is able to produce some kind of statistical evidence, and I should like to hear what evidence he has for that statement. Everything, as I say, that has been adduced by the Department for which he is responsible, tells the opposite story—that the average grass land of the country is producing more cattle per hundred acres, more beef and sheep than it did a generation ago. That is one of the justifications, at any rate, for the continuance of the Department of Agriculture, and I do not think, notwithstanding the Minister's responsibility for the Department, that there has been any violent and radical change in policy. If that statement were true regarding pasture, then I say it is time that we should have a change, an absolutely radical change, in the whole outlook of the Department, and the policy that has been carried on for the past 10 or 20 years.

The figures the Minister gave regarding the land available for distribution, the number of congests, the number of landless men, and so on, I think ought to have a good deal of consideration. I do not know whether these figures are to be placed in the category with other facts which have tended to disillusion the public. There will be a great deal of disappointment, if not disillusionment, and I think there will be a rather unsatisfactory reaction from the hopes that were aroused during the course of the discussions on the Land Bill, and on public platforms prior to, and subsequent to, the passing of the Land Bill. Many people who expressed themselves very loudly in respect to the revolution that would come over the face of the country as a result of the Land Act, a redistribution of the land and the relief that would be given to the congested areas, will find that that picture is not quite so bright as it was painted. Nevertheless, it is well to know the facts; it is well to have the knowledge before greater harm is done. The statement that the number of congests that will be relieved, or that could be relieved, according to these figures is only about one-half the number that was expected, and that the number of landless men that will find holdings is very much less than half, may relieve a good many Deputies if they are able to send extracts from the Minister's speech in response to the numberless letters that come from all parts of the country. That, at any rate, Deputies will be able to be thankful for. The Land Commission may continue to get more letters of a different character. My chief purpose in rising was to say one word at any rate on behalf of the farming population, and to refute some of the charges against the agricultural community uttered from the Farmers' Benches this evening.

I have listened with great interest to the Minister's statement and, like him, I find that the great problem is to know what to do with farmers' sons. I am sorry to know that the graziers have been reduced to five per cent. Because the more you reduce the graziers the more you reduce the occupation of the small farmers. The grazier takes, probably, almost fifty per cent. of the cattle in the constituency I represent. If you do away with the graziers you reduce employment for the small farmers, and you not only do that but you reduce any possible chance of having a dead meat industry in this country. You will be reduced to raising stores instead of beef. The result will be that there will be no beef for a dead meat industry. Although I agree with the Minister to a certain extent in what he said, I do not agree with him when he lectures farmers on the weather, and as to what they might have done during the month of April. I do not know if the Minister still follows the occupation of a practical farmer. I have some experience as a farmer. I was able to get in, after great trouble, some acres of oats, but I have a neighbour who also tried to get a lot of oats in. He tills a good deal more than I do and the result is that his oats are now rotten in the ground. He put in potatoes at the same time and they are also rotten. It is all very well to tell farmers what they ought to do in the Dáil. It is different on going out to the fields and finding, as I did this year, that it was impossible to work the land with horses. I had to go back to the spade and try to get a few men to get the crop planted in that way. I was also unsuccessful in that effort and the result is that the seed is lying cut in the barn. It could not be got in.

Mr. HOGAN

Would the Deputy tell us how much roots and oats he has?

I have no roots, and only fourteen or sixteen acres of oats. I can speak with a certain amount of confidence on this question, and also with a certain amount of experience. I can make the glad boast that during the time tillage was compulsory, an inspector never came on my land, for the simple reason that I had the reputation of always doing a great deal more tillage than I was expected to do.

I listened with a great deal of interest also to the Minister's references to the barley question, and I heard him speak of how barley could be grown at 8s. per cwt. in comparison with the cost of yellow meal. We have a local paper in my constituency of which Deputies heard last night—and a very interesting paper it is—which tells us what we are to do and how to make things pay on the farm. I doubt if it makes its own business pay. Nevertheless we are told to grow barley. I happened to have a crop of barley on one occasion and I calculated what it cost to put in and what it cost to take it out. There was no slacking going on during the work. I happened to be working at it myself, as I took part in the reaping. When I counted up the cost I found that barley cost twice the price at which I could have bought yellow meal.

Mr. HOGAN

About £1 a cwt.

It is all very well for the Minister to talk about the big farmers in Galway where you can put a binder and other machinery into the fields. The Minister must remember and he referred particularly to the small farmers whose land consist of fields of small acreage where a binder could not turn. The barley there has to be cut with a hook or scythe and it has to be remembered what it costs to do that by manual labour. The crop has also to be taken out and thrashed in a small barn. The Minister also referred to the wheat question, I have some experience of growing wheat as I grow it every year. During the war I tried to make flour from it. I would like the Minister, when he has elaborated so much on the question of flour, what quantity of wheat could be grown in Ireland, and what flour can be made from that wheat, to tell us where are the mills in which the flour can be manufactured. Provided we had the wheat and every convenience, where are we to get the flour millers to manufacture it. I sent wheat down to one of the best flour mills that we have in the country. I got back what they called flour, but it was the type of flour you could not eat. It was black musty stuff. Probably it was milled in the best way they could do it, but it was not the type of flour we would like to get. If, for instance, the Minister got a taste of it for his breakfast, he would not digest it for sometime afterwards.

He would want holidays.

Yes, and he would want an extension. It is all very well to talk about growing wheat and to refer to the wheat that was grown 60 years ago. We heard several remarks on that subject. I really believe that what the people 60 and more years ago were satisfied to live on would not be sufficient for the people now; they would not be satisfied with it now. The flour handled in those days might be satisfactory enough when the people then did not know anything better; but supposing we even had the wheat now, how much further would we get? I say, and with some experience, that it is impossible for us to grow wheat in this country that would be suitable for flour. It is quite good enough for making meal out of, and it can be pressed for cattle, but it runs a long way off the quality suitable for making flour as we would like it.

The Minister has referred also to store cattle. He says that the store cattle are brought out in the spring-time as skeletons. I have had some experience with store cattle, too. I do not do a lot of stall feeding, but I go in for a lot of stores. If I have a dry field where the cattle can lie out in comfort, there is every reason for having good store cattle and having them in good condition. However, the weather we have had during the last twelve months or two years has been very bad for the purpose of feeding store cattle. It would be almost impossible to rear them and turn them out in the condition we would like to turn them out in. The weather has a lot to do with it. I do not know whether the Minister is aware of the fact—the farmer Deputies, I am sure, will bear me out in this—that store cattle, if they are to be produced in good condition and style in the spring-time, should not be in-fed. Cattle must be allowed to lie out if they are to be of any use for the spring market.

I would like to reply to Deputy Davin, who has made a very flimsy statement as regards the fluke disease. On account of what was said about credit societies and so forth, I made some inquiries and I sent leaflets, notably to the west end of Cavan. One man took it up there with a view to seeing what could be done and if a society could be started. He said he went out in the expectation that only a few cattle here and there had died from fluke. He came back saying that he realised that every farmer, almost, had lost half of his cattle. Fully 50 per cent. of the cattle of the country are dead as a result of that disease. I am making a statement now in connection with which I can produce a letter. I repeat that in some places there are 50 per cent. of the cattle dead.

Mr. HOGAN

In other words, there are about 2,000,000 cattle dead?

In certain districts.

I am giving you now the result of inquiries that were made in West Cavan. I am speaking for districts where there are fully 50 per cent. of the cattle dead as a result of the fluke.

The Dowra district.

This letter I speak of came from Dowra. It was certainly surprising to find that there were 50 per cent. of the cattle dead. I do not agree altogether with Deputy Daly when he speaks of bad manure and so forth being the cause of land deterioration. If Deputy Daly would consider the effect of putting slag on the land, he would know that it results in feeding more cattle and naturally the land will improve. I do not think there is very much in that argument. I do, however, agree with his idea about having plots connected with schools. That is something that is badly wanted. However, that is a matter for the Education Department. The question of model farms has given rise to some controversy. I would like to know from those who propose model farms, whether they would be in the nature of commercial propositions or merely experiments. We do not want such experiments at all. The type of farm that I would like to see would be one that would pay and in connection with which proper accounts would be kept. I would like to see those people who tell us that farming could be made pay and does pay, put on a model farm; then, perhaps, they would show us how to keep proper accounts. If they would show us how accounts should be properly kept, possibly it might help the farmers in the way of Income tax and so forth, and it would be an education from the farming point of view. It would show farmers how the accounts could be kept and it would put them in the position of dealing with the question of Income tax. Deputy Sears did not think it could be made pay, simply because those in charge would have to be paid.

I think one of the greatest mistakes farmers make is, they use their families and sacrifice their education. They keep their girls and boys at home in autumn and sometimes in the spring. Enough stress cannot be laid on this matter. They compete with the farmers in other districts, and if they have no labour to pay, they imagine there is so much expense saved. They look at the matter from the point of view that it will cost them so much for the crop. That is the very worst thing that could happen. If we want to find out what farming would really cost, we should put down every day on which the child is, or the children are, from school, and we should estimate what the cost of the child would be. If farmers would only realise that they would find out that in the end it is the dearest labour they have to pay.

I am very glad that fate has not consigned Deputy Johnson to a farm. If it had, I believe that unless he is a second Mark Tapley, he would have become a confirmed pessimist, because he would have seen his capital—whatever little capital a farmer, small or big, would be able to accumulate during the boom period—vanishing year after year. As far as pessimism goes, I do not share the very gloomy views which have been expressed by some Deputies as to the character of our people. One would judge from some statements that have been made that they are not only untaught, but unteachable. I do not share that view. There are reasons why our young people are not so much inclined to settle down to the humdrum existence of a farm as their fathers were. I need not particularise reasons for that. Their minds were diverted to other things.

Silk stockings.

They had other aims, and it will take some time before that feeling passes away. I believe eventually it will. I have heard it alleged here that the farmers are very inefficient. No doubt a considerable proportion of them are, but I do say that the great bulk of them are not inefficient, and that they are not allowing their land to deteriorate. At least they are taking means to keep it from deterioration. I disagree with the Minister when he says that the pastures and the meadows of the country are deteriorating. I believe they are not. From what I can observe, and I have some knowledge of a considerable portion of Leinster, I think that they are not deteriorating. I see farmers expending large sums of money on artificial manures, so much decried by Deputy Daly, but very much valued by me. I have seen them buying basic slag, even at a very high price, and top-dressing their pastures and meadows with very good results, such good results that if a farmer tried it once he would always do it so long as he could pay the merchant the price of the slag. The Minister has also stated that barley can be produced at 8/- per cwt. I will not contest that. No Deputy can; but how can it be produced? The Minister for Industry and Commerce was asked by Deputy Gorey——

Mr. HOGAN

Deputy Doyle's figure is 9/-.

Your figure was 8/-.

Mr. HOGAN

There is very little between us. You can have it that way. I accept Deputy Doyle's figures for the purposes of my argument.

To act as farmers do, perhaps we would divide the difference.

Mr. HOGAN

That would be 8/6. I would take that figure.

I was about to say that Deputy Gorey asked the Minister for Industry and Commerce what was sweated labour. He defined that. I say the definition of one particular sweated labour is producing barley at 8/- or 9/- per cwt.—the sweated labour of the unpaid farmer's son and the unpaid farmer's daughter.

And his wife, when circumstances admit.

Mr. HOGAN

Would the Deputy say what would be the cost on an average? It seems to be most obscure. Apparently nobody on the Farmers' benches knows or expresses an opinion except Deputy Doyle.

It will take some calculation, but I say it cannot be economically produced at that figure.

I would say £1 per barrel on a twenty-acre farm.

Mr. HOGAN

That is 10/- a cwt.

Any farmer who pays a labourer in cash and has not the labour of his unpaid son and his unpaid daughter to do this sweated labour, cannot produce it at a smaller figure. We have had a very important —what I look upon at all events as a very important—pronouncement some time ago from the Ministerial benches. I allude to the speech of Deputy Sears. I think Deputy Sears made a most important speech. The Minister for Lands and Agriculture some time ago proved to his own satisfaction, and to the satisfaction of a great many Deputies, that it was not possible to protect any single article of agricultural produce. Well, I am glad to know that it has not reached Deputy Sears. Deputy Sears, in the absence of the Minister I must say, has come out as a whole-hogger, and he has asserted—and he will not dispute it, I am sure—that agricultural produce is capable of protection.

That is common sense.

It is common sense; quite so. I recognise that.

A tariff will make tillage pay, that is what I say. That is common sense, that a tariff will make tillage pay.

I thoroughly agree with the Deputy. The Minister has also put blame on the farmers for not having got in their crops early this year. He said there was fine weather in March. There was some fine weather in March, but what sort of weather had we from autumn to March? It was weather in which cultivation could not be carried out, and I say it is not fair to charge the farmers with inefficiency, when they could not put in their crops in such weather. In March most of the accumulated work had to be done which ordinarily would have been done during the autumn and winter.

Mr. HOGAN

Has the Deputy got in his crops?

The Deputy cannot address the Minister.

Can the Minister address the Deputy?

Neither one nor the other is in order.

I know the Minister is a very formidable cross-examiner. It is very hard to restrain him in that way. I am not surprised at the hesitancy of these experts in undertaking the management of a model farm and showing a profit. I think they are quite right not to enter into any such work. They carry on model farms very successfully and I may say it is a great treat to farmers to go from time to time to these model farms. They can see things there that are very instructive but nobody pretended that they are run as commercial concerns. We have examples of that all over the country. I have known very successful farmers who were farming for country gentlemen and who conducted the farms in great style. As soon as they were unfortunate enough to take a farm on their own, it was a different story and they proved the most unsuccessful farmers in the country. I do not think that it is necessary for me to enter into the question which has been so well expatiated on by Deputy Sears—whether agricultural products can be protected or not. One thing I think he mentioned is barley. Well, people may object that articles used for human food should not be protected but that is a product that is not used as human food and which, in my opinion, could be quite capable of being protected. I thoroughly agree with Deputy Cole that it is next to impossible to grow wheat that will give eatable flour in this country, especially in the seasons that we are having. It becomes what we call malted. It is most distasteful. Indeed it is very poor stuff to give anyone to eat. I do not think the present generation would eat it at all.

For that reason I do not think that this will ever be much of a wheat-growing country, but so far as barley and oats are concerned, I think we can compete with any country in the world. Another proof of the fact that the Irish farmers are not so inefficient is this: The Minister, in the figures he issues year by year as to the production of crops per acre, proves that we produce more corn per acre than they do in England or Scotland and that we produce a greater weight of roots per acre than they do in England or Scotland. How, if we are able to do that, can we be so inefficient? I cannot think that we are. The English farmers and the Scotch farmers are held up to the whole world as models of what farmers should be, and I think if we can beat them in root production and crop production we are entitled to first place.

I wish to congratulate the Minister on the lines which he adopted in his statement. He has told the farmers straight out what is wrong with agriculture, and has pointed out to them the methods which they should adopt to put it right. The Minister's method is quite different to that which we usually adopt in this country, where we generally praise one another. The Minister is, however, absolutely wrong about flour made from Irish wheat. You cannot make saleable flour from Irish wheat. Modern flour is made from a mixture of several varieties of wheat. Irish wheat, which was originally manufactured into flour in Ireland, was often kept two years before it was used. It used to be kept for two years to be dried in the kilns by Messrs. Bannatyne in Limerick, but that method is not followed to-day. Wheat is now washed and run over a kind of endless contrivance, and then it is dried by electricity. I wish to goodness that the Minister was right about the weather. There is certainly one thing on which you can never depend, and that is having two days' fine weather. The rainfall may be the same as it was years ago, but you certainly cannot have two fine days together. The statement that gave me most pleasure was that in which the Minister advocated the reclamation of land. I am glad that he has been converted at last. Twelve months ago he was not an advocate of reclamation. The reclamation of lands should take precedence of a great number of quixotic schemes so enthusiastically advocated by the talented Deputies who sit on the front benches. This question of the land and of the division of land will recur generation after generation if you do not reclaim land which can be reclaimed. That is one of the first questions that should be tackled by the Dáil, and it should take precedence of one scheme, at any rate, which I do not exactly wish to mention now for fear of consequences.

Instead of establishing these model farms, which Deputy Baxter advocated, I think it would be advisable, in order to educate some of the farming community, to send them down on a little visit to Cork. I was down in Cork during Easter week, and I kept my eyes open, and I saw what was being done there. I am not speaking of isolated cases, but of cases in the districts of Clonakilty and Skibbereen and along the Cork and Bandon Railway. The oats were green above the ground. There were hundreds of acres of oats not only planted, but they were coming above the ground. I motored through the country, and saw that the potato crop was well down, that the potatoes planted in ridges were ready for the process described in County Cork as second earthing. Several farmers were ready for the planting of potatoes in drills, and I saw potatoes sprouting. The bad weather did not prevent them doing that. I challenge anybody to say that they have better conditions in South or West Cork than elsewhere, or that they have better land. The only secret of their success is hard work, and they have accepted the climate as it is, and they also avail of the few dry days which they experience.

Tell us what sort of of sub-soil they have?

Deputy Baxter, to my mind, gave the case away when he mentioned that not 5per cent. of the farmers attended agricultural lectures. He must have been referring to Cavan. For ten or fifteen years I had experience of agricultural lectures in Cork. When an agricultural lecture was announced all the young men, and some of the young women, for a radius of three or four miles around, attended the lecture. I maintain that they took home with them what they were taught, and availed of the instruction given by the lecturer. My only reason for intervening in the debate was to point that much out, and to say that the sooner the agricultural population come to realise that God helps those who help themselves the better for them.

Mr. HOGAN

I assume the debate will not finish to-night, and with the leave of the House, I want to make a personal explanation. I made the statement that the pasture land of this country has deteriorated, and I wish to modify that. What I meant to say was that between the years 1830 and 1850 about four times as much land was tilled then as compared with the present, and it was well tilled, well manured, and in good heart. We know what happened in 1848. A tremendous amount of land went back to pasture, and there was an immense amount of clearance before the operations of the Land Act of 1900 had gone any distance, and before there was any land division. Much of the land went back to ranches, and to grazing for a long time by store stock, and the land undoubtedly deteriorated.

I wish to modify my statement to this extent, that where you have land divided, and in the hands of small farmers that land has improved, is improving every day, and improving rapidly. That, however, is a tendency that has only set in, so far as a very large area of the land is concerned, during the last seven or eight years. The real point I wished to make was that up to 1860 the land was in good heart because it was well tilled and manured. Areas were tilled then that have never been tilled since. The land was allowed to deteriorate when the country was cleared. Since the land has been divided, it is carrying more, and is getting back to better heart, but we have not got it back to the position that it was in. People will tell you that the seasons are getting later, and that the land will not grow wheat. The average lands in Galway will not grow wheat satisfactorily or economically, and I quote Galway because it is an averagely poor county. If that land had been tilled by a good small farmer for three or four years—land in Galway, Wexford or elsewhere— and if plenty of farmyard manure had been put into it, it would give a good crop of wheat. Mrs. Collins O'Driscoll has reminded us that God helps those who help themselves. If the farmer took that to heart and worked his land well he would get better results.

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