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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 23 Feb 1926

Vol. 14 No. 10

SUPPLEMENTARY AND ADDITIONAL ESTIMATES. - VOTE 64—REPAYMENT TO NATIONAL LAND BANK OF ADVANCES TO WOLFHILL COLLIERIES.

I move:—

Go ndeontar suim ná raghaidh thar £58,032, chun íoctha an mhuirir a thiocfidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31adh lá de Mhárta, 1926, chun aisíoc do dhéanamh le Banc Naisiúnta na Talmhan ar shuimeanna do roimhíocadar san le Cual-Choiléir Chnocán na Mactíre, Teoranta, fé urrús Rialtais.

That a sum, not exceeding £58,032, be granted to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1926, for the repayment to the National Land Bank of sums advanced by them to the Wolfhill Collieries, Limited, under a Government guarantee.

This is the liquidation of a transaction which began immediately after the Provisional Government was set up. I might say at once that it represents an action by the Government which could not be justified in normal times, which could not be justified at all in the present circumstances, but which, I think, was justifiable in the circumstances that existed when it arose. I think that on the very day the Provisional Government was formed, representations were made to them that if they did not intervene in some way the Wolfhill Collieries, which had been giving employment to a considerable number of men up to that time, would be closed down. Members of the Provisional Government felt that it would be anything but to the public interest that the setting up of that Government should be signalised by the closing down of this colliery. As a result of conversations between the Minister for Economic Affairs in the Provisional Government, the Minister for Labour and the Colliery Company, the National Bank, College Green, was asked to make a loan of £25,000 to the Company.

On what security?

I am just coming to that. Debentures were of course issued by the Company, but the National Bank did not place any great reliance, naturally, on the debentures, and they received from the Minister for Economic Affairs, in the Provisional Government, a letter, I think dated 30th January, 1923, in which he stated:—

"Every member of the Provisional Government is prepared to recommend to the Government of the Free State, when elected, the taking up of a loan to the sum mentioned if your Bank will give to the Company the temporary accommodation it requires. You will understand that we are not in a position absolutely to pledge the credit of a succeeding Government, but as individuals we guarantee that and we will endeavour to secure that the loan be taken up."

On 2nd February, the Manager of the Bank informed the Minister that the loan of £25,000 had been sanctioned on the terms set forth by him. That letter stated that reliance was not placed on the debentures issued by the Company in the way of collateral security, but that the directors felt assured that the undertaking given on behalf of the members of the Provisional Government would be carried out. Perhaps it might have been better if the Company had not been assisted. Personally I happen to know a little about the Company and I never had any faith in its possibilities, but the circumstances of the time were certainly such as to make everything that would tend to continue employment and to keep people contented of the utmost importance. There were great hopes at that time that the civil war which afterwards broke out would have been avoided or averted, and anything like the closing up of the colliery at the particular time would certainly have an effect on public opinion that would not have made it easier to do what was being attempted, to avert the very disastrous civil conflict that followed. The loan of £25,000 was made by the National Bank to the Company. It did not suffice to do what it had been represented it might do. It did not enable the Company to get over any difficulties. It did not enable it to pay its way. By June, 1924, the advance was exhausted and the Company was no nearer to working at a profit. This, however, is attributed to various troubles that were represented as troubles that might not recur—labour troubles at the works, and so forth.

The circumstances connected with the working of the mines were then considered by the Government. We were just at the end of the civil war, and I think that I might say now that no guarantee or promise of further assistance ought to have been given by the Government without coming to the Dáil. However, we were just emerging out of the initial difficulties; the ordinary procedure of government had not been brought to the point of working smoothly, and a step was taken which, as I say, I do not think could be at all justified at the present time and which, I believe, was barely justifiable then. It was decided to assist the company by way of a further advance up to £50,000. The National Bank was willing, on the same terms as before—that the Government agreed to take all the steps they could to see that the bank was recouped in the case of the failure of the company—to advance a further £25,000. However, after consideration the Government decided to request the National Land Bank to pay to the National Bank the £25,000 which had first been advanced, and to advance another £50,000 to the company. The transaction was not one that the directors of the Land Bank would ordinarily have carried out; it was not a banking transaction, and they were only willing to do it on the same conditions as applied to the National Bank.

The company, to my mind, were really working an impossible proposition. I think the conditions underground were not such that, even with the best of management and with sufficient capital behind them, the company could have made a success of the undertaking. I believe that very considerable sums of private money have been lost in this mine, and I think that while there might have been circumstances which caused the company to get through the money that was advanced more quickly than otherwise would have been the case, the end was scarcely in doubt—that ultimately whatever money was available was bound to be exhausted and that the mine would have to be closed.

In June, 1924, the company asked for a further advance when the second £25,000 was exhausted. They were refused this, but the bank agreed to let them draw certain small sums not exceeding £600 in order to keep them going pending certain negotiations. With a view to seeing what could be done, conferences were held between representatives of the bank, the Department of Industry and Commerce and the Department of Finance, to discuss the position of the colliery, and Mr. Parkinson, who had been the owner of the mine, was anxious that an expert should be appointed to examine and report on it. Mr. Parkinson himself offered to pay a certain sum for the expenses of such an expert. In August the bank came to the decision that it was bound to appoint a receiver, and on 6th December, Mr. Smith Gordon, Secretary of the Land Bank, was appointed receiver. Following the previous conferences with regard to the appointment of an independent expert, Mr. Foster Brown was appointed to examine and report on the collieries. He presented a detailed report and his advice was that the collieries should be closed down at the earliest possible moment, after taking out whatever machinery could be recovered. There were then deputations to myself from the workers and people in the district to protest against the closing down of the mine, and statements were put forward by the workers that if there was better management and other conditions were fulfilled the mine could still be made to pay. As a certain number of men—I think, a couple of hundred— would have been thrown out of work if the mine were closed down I agreed to make a certain sum available out of the Distress Grant for the purpose of keeping the pumps working until something could be done.

Meantime, attempts were made to interest people outside the country, because the expert had also reported that if a certain considerable sum—I think, £40,000 or £50,000 more—were spent it might be possible for a year or two to run the mine, make it pay, and perhaps recover the original sum, but, of course, the Government felt that to do that would be throwing good money after bad. But in view of the opening the experts' report did give, attempts were made to interest people in the collieries and to induce them to invest money in it if they could be convinced that they could recover such money and make some reasonable profit on it. But these attempts failed. I consented to having the pumping operations continued until 31st January, 1925, and then it was reported that the miners themselves were working the colliery successfully and paying themselves out of the sale of coal. We agreed then to continue further the pumping operations to 31st March, 1925, the expenditure in February not to exceed £400 and in March not to exceed £200.

However, the attempt to work the colliery in any way was a failure, and the mine is now abandoned. I have said that I happen to have heard something about this mine long ago and I was personally somewhat sceptical of coal mining projects in this country. That was a view a great many people did not share. There was a very widespread belief that there were many seams of coal in this country that could be successfully worked, and that it was really due to outside interference, either secret or open, that coal projects had not been very successful. That belief was widespread in the country. There was the peculiar situation that existed when the Provisional Government was formed, and part of the situation was that belief. The Provisional Government came to the conclusion that it was in the public interests that they should take this unusual step. It is a step that was justified, I think, in the time and circumstances; I think it would not be justified now. I believe, moreover, one cannot look on the whole of the money spent on this mine as having been wasted because the closing down of the mine, the further embittering of feeling in that district by having the mine closed down, and the coming into operation of the Provisional Government, and having all those men thrown out of work, might easily have led to destructive activity on the part of men who were engaged in taking coal out of an uneconomic mine. That might have caused the State as much as the money that is now being asked for. The sum asked for represents capital and interest.

Would the Minister say what sum altogether has been given to this company by way of direct grant or through guarantee?

I could not say the amount that was given out of the Relief Vote, but it would not be more than £2,000 or £3,000, perhaps less. I have not the figures by me at the moment. It was probably a good deal less, maybe £1,500 or so. The grants in the latter end were given not to the Colliery Company which had gone out, but to the workmen who were making an attempt to work the mine for themselves, employing themselves by getting coal, and selling it.

I think the Minister has largely disarmed criticism in connection with this vote, which, on the face of it, is an extraordinary contribution to the many extraordinary transactions which took place at the time. I do not question that the Minister, in connection with this matter, has done everything in perfect good faith and with the view to meeting a situation that he thought might be helpful, but one cannot help criticising the transaction from the point of view of public funds. In the first place, I may point out that this money was expended some time ago and a supplementary estimate now comes before the Dáil when it can be no longer deferred. But it is an expenditure which, I say, should have been sanctioned by the Dáil long ago. In its essence the transaction was wrong. In so far as the Minister admits it was wrong. I have nothing further to say except to point out some of the lessons which I think this transaction brings to us and which may be the means of saving the country a considerable sum of money in the future. In the first place, I criticise very strongly the negotiations which took place as between a bank and the Government whereby the bank agreed to advance money on the understanding, without the sanction of this House, that if there were a loss it would be indemnified. Of course, on the other hand, if it had been a satisfactory transaction the bank would have gained. It looks to me as a transaction in which the bank was in the position of "heads I win and tails you lose."

This particular colliery was giving employment. In so far as the money was expended to secure that employment, I have nothing to say, but this is not the only money that has gone in this colliery, and it is not the only public money that has been unwisely spent. I do not question the Ministry or the Executive, but we all recognise we have, on our shoulders, a substantial charge on a railway up there which has never justified itself and which, before it was put there, anyone who knew anything about the case could have told you would not be justified.

Who put it there?

Ask Senator Burgess.

Quite so. I make you a present of that. But I was going to say that it was only one instance of many where any Government dealing with private business is almost sure to make a mess of it. That is not a strange doctrine for me. You have heard it before. I emphasise it and take this instance. As far as business transactions are concerned I think any government is incapable of taking a correct view of them.

Especially when they come in at the dead end.

I also make Deputy Johnson a present of that under his nationalisation scheme. There has been a considerable amount of money spent on this project. It would be of great value to the country if there were coal mines found that could be utilised for the benefit of the community. But, in that connection, might I suggest that the Government should confine itself to exploratory work and leave the rest to private enterprise. Private enterprise will do its part if it is a reasonable proposition; if it is not, it will leave it to the Government.

Was it not private enterprise which made a mess of this mine?

Private enterprise lost a good deal of money in it. With all that knowledge before them, surely it might have been realised that the Government came in to "hold the baby." The Minister comes to us today to ask us to pass this Vote, and I do not propose to go further than make the criticism which I have made of the expenditure.

Deputy Hewat has criticised the estimate in a very general way. He seemed to assume that from the time the Government first intervened the mine was worked and administered by a Government Department. That is not the case. The first £25,000 was given to a private company. I am not quite sure whether there is a written agreement as to the conditions on which it was advanced. I would like to know, however, if there was such an agreement, because I was given to understand, on very reliable authority, that the first £25,000 was advanced on condition that it was to be spent on the provision of plant and machinery, which was the principal requirement even then. That would have been the only means of enabling the mine to be carried on as a paying proposition. I join with Deputy Hewat in regretting that this estimate, or portion of it, was not brought before the Dáil prior to the closing down of the mine, because if the matter had been discussed on its merits before the decision to close was taken. Deputies might be slow to allow a mine of such resources to be definitely and finally closed. Many things could be said about the undertaking which I do not intend to say now, because it would be like holding an inquest which had been twelve months overdue. We are, however, entitled to know from the Minister before the estimate is passed how much of the amount sought was spent on machinery, how much was paid out in wages and administrative charges— including the salary of the manager appointed by the Ministry of Industry and Commerce and his clerical staff— and how much, if any, was let loose in other directions, not accounted for. The Minister can correct me if I am wrong in stating that a sum of £10,000 found its way to some unknown destination. I want to have that placed on record, and if it is not correct the Minister can state otherwise. I do not want it to go forth that the money now asked for was paid out in wages to the workers.

It is a pity it was not.

If it had been set aside for that purpose, the mine could be working still. I would like to know if the Company has been wound up, in accordance with the desire of the National Land Bank. I understand that a receiver was appointed by the National Land Bank to wind up the concern and realise the plant and machinery available. The reason I ask that is that a sum of £1,162 2s. 6d. is due for unemployment insurance. The money was deducted from the workers' wages but the cards were not stamped. There has been correspondence for a long time with the Minister for Industry and Commerce on the subject, and it is my opinion that this should be a first charge on whatever is realised. Any information the Minister has to give would be valuable to the workers because they have been denied unemployment benefit as the result of the mismanagement of the Company and the money not being paid to the proper quarter. The Minister has said that certain amounts were paid out of the Relief Grants Vote for the pumping of water from the mine to enable the colliery to be carried on. That is so, and it may interest the House to know that the workers made a final attempt at their own expense to save this mine and enable it to be carried on under certain conditions. I will not go into the history of the negotiations. The Minister did not touch upon them very much. Finally a proposal was put up to the Ministry of Industry and Commerce through the National Land Bank. This proposal had the approval of the old directors—Mr. Parkinson and others—and was made on 11th May. It would have saved the Government the payment of £200 per week in unemployment insurance benefit. The proposal was: "That the present employees purchase the undertaking for £1,000, or such smaller figure as will relieve the receiver from liability for arrears of rent, royalties and costs, as he may be disposed to accept. The money to enable the workers to purchase the mine to be provided by the National Land Bank, as security for which they will receive an undertaking signed by the workers to pay 5/- per week out of wages until the necessary funds have been accumulated. A credit of £1,500 to be provided by the Bank as against certified invoices for coal actually sold and delivered to Government departments, public institutions, or firms whose financial standing is beyond question." That was the final effort to save the mine by the workers themselves in their own interest and in the interest of the Government, who would have saved a considerable sum of money.

Deputy Good laughs, but it was agreed that if the mine was to be carried on a certain amount of money would have to be available for repair of the partially defective machinery at once. The Minister may point out that the Workers' Committee who were in control failed. The reason they failed was that they were not able to secure the money to have the plant repaired when the machinery broke down. The particular shaft which was being worked was uneconomic. It would grow still more uneconomic as they went further into the seam. The farther they went the more it would cost for pumping. The Minister is aware of the report of Irish and foreign mining experts, that if a shaft were sunk in another portion of the same colliery it would have a life of 35 years, turning out 200 tons of coal per day. If the present Ministry believe in the development of the mineral resources of the country, there should be something for them to consider in that proposition. I think the Minister is wrong when he says that £40,000 would be required to carry on this particular shaft. The recommendation in connection with that was for the sinking of a shaft on the Wolfhill side of this particular colliery, and that about the sum named would be required to provide the necessary plant and machinery. It would have a longer life in connection with coal production than the mine now closed up. Thirty of the two hundred miners thrown out of work on the Wolfhill Colliery are now working in a primitive way on a shaft not far from where the mine was closed down. I was informed last Sunday week that these thirty men were turning out sufficient coal to provide them with a profit of £1 per man per day. I have no proof of that, but I am convinced that they are making a profit out of their labour. That shows coal is available there.

I think the Deputy ought to advertise this new Klondyke.

I know it is hard for the Minister to go into this matter now, but he might have a word with the mining engineer appointed by the Government, as to what has been the result of the work that has been done by these 30 men. I suppose the least said about the whole transaction the better. The history of it is one that, certainly, does not reflect credit on the business activities of the Government. I suppose that certain reasons could be advanced at the time, particularly by certain Ministers, as to why they walked into this trap, so far as the tax-payers are concerned. In connection with coal mines or anything else I think if the Government set aside a large sum of money as a subsidy they should insist on some supervisory authority over the concern to which it is advanced. As far as I can understand, a manager was appointed and was supposed to be responsible, through the Ministry of Industry and Commerce, to the National Land Bank, but the actual supervision did not amount to very much. It is better, I daresay, to close the history of this whole bad business. At the same time I would like to have on record, if the Minister can give the information, how much of the money was spent in plant and machinery, how much was paid in administrative charges, and if the first £25,000 advanced by the Provisional Government was advanced on the condition that it would be spent on the purchase of suitable machinery for the mine. If that condition was laid down I would like to know if it has been carried out by the directors to whom the money was advanced.

I do not want to raise a controversy on a matter of this kind, in regard to the details of which I have not much knowledge. At the same time I feel that I have not a right to give my vote in support of this Supplementary Estimate as it stands. For that reason I move the reduction of the estimate by £5. As far as I can gather from the statement made by the Minister, this expense has already been incurred by the authority of the Executive Council and the Oireachtas has never been consulted. To all intents and purposes the £58,000 has been expended, and all we have to do is to meet it. It was a Government guarantee, and if the Dáil refuses to support the Government in regard to the guarantee it is hard to see how the Government can get out of the position. The Government gave their guarantee to the Bank, and evidently it is regarded as gilt-edged security. Having had no voice in granting the money originally, and, not being consulted since, we are confronted with an accomplished fact, and are blindly to vote this money without having any knowledge of whether it was expended economically or otherwise, or whether the proprietors of the mine themselves risked their own money and lost it in conjunction with that of the Government. Were the proprietors of the mine prepared to take risks or was it simply a case of "Heads we win and tails you lose"? If money was made the proprietors apparently would get their share of the profit, but if money was not made the Government stumped up the loss.

I think political reasons were the only justification given for this expenditure. I would like to remind the Government that there were political reasons, also, in other parts of the country, for giving money, in regard to which certain people had justifiable claims, but which the Government refused to meet. I refer to the claim that I made here on behalf of farmers who lost money owing to the seizure of creameries in South Tipperary. If there are political reasons for one thing there were certainly political reasons in the other case. I do not see why one case should be considered of such importance that the Government is prepared to expend a sum such as is mentioned here for fear of political disturbances. In the other case there might, very easily, have been political disturbances, on account of the refusal of a grant, were it not that those in charge of the demand did not see their way to stir up political fury, because of such refusal.

As to the subsidising of mines by the Government, I have always had little confidence in statements that were published concerning the possibilities of Irish mines. We hear a good deal about experts' reports. Does anyone doubt that if these reports were to be relied on we would not have mine owners coming across from England—business men with capital—to take charge of the mines? Will the men who come here and make these reports take a chance by spending their own money on the mines? It is all very fine to get the Government to give guarantees to support private industry. If the private industry succeeds the promoters will get their share, but if it does not, the Government will bear the loss. Let us have nationalisation or private ownership, but do not let us have the half-way house. That is what we are having in a great many of these cases. If we are to have nationalisation let the Government take up the mines and work them; otherwise let the private owners take the responsibility.

I do not think I have very much to add on the general question. I recognise that to some extent it is a case of the white sheet of the penitent. The excuse for getting into this thing is the abnormal circumstances which then presented themselves. Such a transaction could not be justified at the present time; such a transaction could never be justified in normal times. As to bringing this matter under the notice of the Dáil before, there was no occasion on which that could be done, and, any way, it would have made no difference. Of course, there was no Dáil, in the present sense, and there was no financial machinery available when this matter was first entered upon. It might have been brought to the notice of the Dáil in June, 1923, and I think it was wrong not to have brought it forward then. Once the extended guarantee had been given, there was no point in bringing the matter up until we reached the period when the guarantee had to be honoured.

With reference to Deputy Davin's question, as far as I can discover from records available, there was no guarantee; I can discover no written guarantee that the first fifty thousand pounds were to be used for plant and machinery.

The first £25,000.

That might have been understood; it might have been the thing that was represented, but I have not been able to find that there was any indication to the National Bank that the cheques were only issued to firms who supplied plant and machinery.

I did not mean that at all. Is there any written agreement on record? Is it possible that any money was advanced without a written agreement laying down certain conditions?

I have not seen any agreement; I do not think there is an agreement. With reference to the suggestion that the amount was misappropriated, I understand there was misappropriation. Of course, unless there were precautions taken that ordinarily a Government would not take, there might be misappropriation of the funds of the company. What happened was that the Government guaranteed to the bank, so far as they could give a guarantee—it was only a moral obligation, of course—that the bank would be repaid. The bank advanced the money to the company. As between certain officials of the company and the company itself something seems to have gone wrong. The money being simply an advance to the company, it would be impossible to say how much was spent in wages and how much was spent on plant and machinery. The money was simply advanced to the company.

Did the company render a balance sheet to the Department of Finance or to the Land Bank during the year in which the £25,000 was advanced?

I am sure the balance sheets could be got. I have seen figures supplied by the company. I have not them at hand this moment. There was not a very great expenditure on plant and machinery. With reference to the question of another shaft, if the Government were to do anything in that direction it would mean that the Government was entering on coalmining operations, a very speculative thing. I do not think the Government's duties would extend ordinarily in that direction. A case might be made for the Government doing something in the way of meeting the cost of borings to discover whether certain allegations were correct or not; but as to financing a mining company and exploiting a particular seam, that is not a thing the Government could enter upon. The statement that by an expenditure of £40,000 or £45,000 something could be made of the mine, applied to the existing mine. By the installation of ventilating machinery, new pumping machinery and other mine equipment to the extent of something like £45,000, it was alleged that the mine might be run for two or three years and might possibly be so profitable that that money could be recouped. The view taken by the Government, when that suggestion was put forward, was that it was a case of throwing good money after bad money and that the best possible thing to do was to cut the loss.

The first piece of horse-sense shown in the transaction.

I had not the slightest personal responsibility for entering on this thing. I was not a member of the Provisional Government. I had no responsibility. I knew something about the Wolfhill colliery, and I do feel that at the time I would have been opposed to having anything to do with it. In another connection, prior to the setting up of the Provisional Government, I did oppose the putting of money into the mine. But when that decision was taken, with the conditions of doubt then existing, with impending civil war and other things to be taken into account, I do not know, if I then occupied a position on the Provisional Government, whether I would have opposed it, having regard to all the circumstances.

I think it is desirable that somebody should say something in order to show that the money asked for in this case was to be utilised for the purpose of reviving an industry which was not a State service but a service run by private enterprise, presumably, in the minds of quite capable business men—presumably capable business men—an enterprise which they had a reasonable expectation would become a profitable undertaking. I find the people who were interested in asking for this money made representations to the Provisional Government. The Provisional Government, believing the money was needed to revive an industry which, presumably, to take the word of these gentlemen, had a fair prospect of being successful, granted it.

We have amongst these people a director of the National Bank, who is also a director of the Eagle, Star and British Dominion Insurance Company, Ltd.; a director of the Dublin South Eastern Railway Company and the Alliance and Dublin Consumers' Gas Company; a director of Messrs. Wallace Brothers, Limited, coal merchants, and of the Kells Gas Company; the managing director of a considerable firm of insurance brokers in Dublin; a merchant who is a member of this House; a merchant who sought to be a Senator—an auctioneer and cattle salesman; a landowner; a director of the Tramore Race Company, Limited, and of the Limerick Race Company. All these gentlemen are interested in the development of industrial and commercial enterprises of one kind or another. They are reputable gentlemen all, and it was they that came to the Government and asked for this money to revive and save an industry which up to that they had failed to save. Now I think Ministers were probably justified in listening to the representations of these gentlemen, and with their knowledge of the existing political situation and the political losses of the time, in acceding to the request of these gentlemen to save the company from disaster. I think that is quite an arguable proposition. I would like it to be understood that apart from the kind of examination which the bank saw fit to enforce in their inquiry into the bona fides or prospects of this company there is absolutely no difference in this Vote from what may conceivably come before the House in future years under the Trade Loans (Guarantee) Act.

This is the case of a company that went to a bank for a loan. The bank was not prepared to give the loan without a guarantee, but with a Government guarantee it was prepared to give the loan, and it so happened that the company which got the loan failed and the State is called upon to fulfil the guarantees. We hope before making any guarantee in future that inquiries will be made and that the promises will be fulfilled, so that there will not be any call on the State to pay out money in the way that has been asked for here. But there is nothing different in this proposition from any other proposition which may come before us in future years under the Trade Loans (Guarantee) Act.

Is the Deputy sure that this loan was recommended and had the support of the directors of the Land Bank?

I am assuming that the people who received the money were the people who asked for the money; that it was not thrown at their heads. They would prefer to keep the business alive, and in trying to keep it alive they went to the bank and asked for a loan.

The Deputy is assuming a good deal.

It is impossible for me to assume that the bank would offer to a number of men an amount of money which they were not prepared to receive and did not want. I presume the bank knew nothing about the condition of the company until the directors approached the bank for a loan. One of the directors of the bank which made the loan was a director of the company. Perhaps that will satisfy Deputy Good?

I am not satisfied that the directors approached the Land Bank at all. I have not seen any evidence.

The Deputy is under a mistake. This is not the Land Bank. It is the National Bank. A director of the National Bank was approached by a director of the Wolfhill Colliery, and both happened to be the same person. The National Bank lent the money on the Government guarantee, or, rather, on the guarantee of those individuals who formed the Provisional Government, and they promised to use their influence collectively with the future Free State Government.

I presume the Deputy speaks of the National Land Bank?

No. The Deputy did not listen to the statement of the Minister for Finance. The National Bank made the loan which was finally taken over by the National Land Bank and it is now guaranteed to the National Land Bank by the Government. But the fact remains that that is exactly the same kind of guarantee which is being made and may have to be fulfilled under the Trade Loans (Guarantee) Act. Possibly, and, indeed, probably, inquiries into any applications for loans will be more strict now than then, but I want to emphasise the point that it was this company of reputable experienced industrialists, bankers, merchants, and coal merchants that brought the company to a state when it was requisite for them to go to the National Bank for this loan which was only to be lent on the guarantee of the Government. If it was a dying baby, as Deputy Hewat suggested, this is the doctor's bill. But this baby died. Very often babies recover when treated by the doctor, but in this case the baby died and we are now at the funeral service.

I think it is a funeral service, and I hope Deputy Johnson does not want me to follow on the lines that he has gone on, because I think that would lead a very long way.

I have a somewhat greater measure of responsibility in this matter than the Minister for Finance. I was a member of the Provisional Government, before whom this matter came directly, and in consultation with another Minister who was dealing with finance the decision was taken to give the guarantee. The matter came up during the early days of the Provisional Government when we were in the City Hall and when we had less leisure than we have now to examine closely into the merits of a proposition of the kind, and incidentally, when we had less of anything in the nature of a financial organisation or staff for scrutiny. It was in that kind of setting that the matter came up for consideration, and I think that Deputy Johnson is right when he says that essentially, and fundamentally, it was the kind of thing that is done under the Trade Loans (Guarantee) Act without the precautionary scrutiny of application that is provided by the Committee which functions under that Act.

It may be that to some extent we adverted to the personality and the standing of the applicants and factors of that kind, but it was the Trade Loans (Guarantee) Act without its proper administrative precautionary machinery with the committee which that Act provides. It was the collateral security idea, that rather than see this industry go to pieces in such a time, with its reactions, the Provisional Government gave the guarantee. I was acting at that time under the title of Minister for Economic Affairs, and the late General Collins was Minister for Finance, and when this application came in, with its alleged urgency, the matter was hastily and quite inadequately considered by whatever skeleton there was of two Departments, and it was in that atmosphere and that setting it was dealt with. I just thought it proper to acknowledge a certain personal responsibility for the matter which the Minister for Finance has not got.

Will the Minister for Justice say whether there was any written agreement, or condition, on which, the money was advanced at the time?

I am very dissatisfied with the explanation that has been given, but I feel that I will not be satisfied before the matter comes to a close. It seems to me that there was a tremendous amount of looseness with regard to giving this guarantee.

There was quite a lot of looseness in that particular period in a great many things.

I know, but in the absence of the Minister I referred to another matter in which there was a certain amount of looseness.

No, not looseness. There was tightness there.

I would say that there was looseness there in regard to keeping a promise. I notice that Deputy Good, who is generally very militant in the interests of the taxpayers, is not as militant as usual this evening. The explanation may be that there were many business men concerned with this enterprise. From my point of view, the fact that there were so many leading business men, men of enterprise, and promoters of interests all over the country, concerned with this matter makes it worse than it ordinarily would be. Can anyone tell us whether these directors, these captains of industry, took any particular risk when they got this guarantee? Having got it, did they take any personal risk by sinking in it any capital of their own? Was the Government taking all the risk and were these men simply taking the chance of any profits that might accrue? There is, moreover, the question of the possibility of obtaining anything from the assets that are left. If this mine could produce coal, even only to the extent of 1 lb. per day, I presume that even that would be an asset. I presume that the mine has now fallen into the hands of the Government. If not, in whose hands is it? Is it still in the ownership of those directors of whom we have heard?

It will eventually.

Can they float a new company and again come to the Government and ask for a guarantee under the Trade Loans (Guarantee) Act? In my view this has been a most unbusinesslike transaction. I am surprised to see Independent members sitting here quietly instead of fighting tooth and nail, but I hope when this is put to a vote, as I intend to put it to a vote, we will hear from these Independent Deputies.

As regards the private money invested in this concern, I understand that a very considerable sum of private money, probably £100,000, was lost.

Since that date?

No, not at all.

The capital is £160,000. I have very good reason to think that if the Minister read the prospectus he would find that the capital was not subscribed.

It had been lost before that was issued.

I do not want to appear to be trying to flog a dead horse, but the Minister did not answer some questions which I asked. I informed the Minister for Industry and Commerce that it was up to him to advise the Minister for Finance as to how matters stood. I would like to know whether the sum of £1,162 2s. 6d. for unemployment insurance has been recovered from the official receiver. Has it been secured out of the assets? Is the Minister aware of what has been realised by the sale of plant and machinery, or any other assets which have been disposed of? I understand that that part of the business has been concluded, and I presume it must have been, before this Vote was brought before the House. Would the Minister be in a position to circulate to the House at a later date the information which I have asked for, as to how the money was spent? If the Minister says that it is impossible to get the information, I will assume that it will be impossible to circulate it at a later date. I think that the House is entitled to a more detailed explanation from the Minister as to how the money has been spent. I do not want it to go forth, or to have it stated later on, that this sum of £58,000 was set aside and spent for the purpose of paying wages. That is not so. We should be told how much of it was spent on plant, machinery, administration, and wages.

I am prepared to get these figures if they are available and put them in a White Paper and circulate them to Deputies. I do not know if the figures which would give the information, which the Deputy requires, can be obtained, but I will have circulated any figures, or approximate figures, which can be got and which would show, as nearly as possible, what was spent on, say, machinery and plant, after the first guarantee was given. With reference to the £1,160 in regard to unemployment insurance, I have had a discussion with the Minister for Industry and Commerce about that, but I do not know whether there will be anything at all remaining. There is another sum of about £1,000 owing to the National Land Bank, beyond the amount of the Government guarantee. I do not know whether any priority would attach in respect to the amount due for national health insurance. That is a matter I am prepared to look into with the Minister for Industry and Commerce. I recognise that it is extremely hard on these men, and very unfair, that after having had sums deducted from them for unemployment insurance, the stamps were not put on their cards, and that they are not entitled to get benefit.

With regard to the suggestion made by Deputy Davin concerning the production of accounts, surely the colliery company kept books and there are accounts on record? It should be within the power of the Minister to get a copy of the balance sheets showing their accounts up to 1923 until they went out of business, and submit them to the Dáil. It does not seem possible to segregate the accounts so as to show how this particular grant was spent, as it seems to have got mixed up with other moneys. If we got a statement of the accounts up to the date on which the Company went into receivership it would give us a chance of seeing how much money was spent on capital, renewals of plant, machinery and wages, and matters of that kind.

I do not think it would be worth incurring the cost of printing to do that, as it is of no practical importance at this stage. Whatever accounts and figures can be got I would be prepared to have typed, and copies made, but of course very little information would be got from some of the accounts the Deputy talks about. I would be prepared to have copies laid on the Table so that they would be available for Deputies, and spare copies might be handed to any Deputy who would wish to have them.

I am not pressing for the printing of the information. Statements have been circulated by people whose names are in that document that the money has been spent on wages. Whatever information is available with regard to the matters I have spoken of should be made available in the easiest possible way, and at the lowest cost.

I am not referring to special returns that would not be ordinarily available. Anything that is available, and that has been submitted to the Land Bank, to the Department of Industry and Commerce, or the Department of Finance will be made available to Deputies.

If there is an inquiry, I think there ought to be inquiry into a lot of matters raised. It is doubtful whether an inquiry would serve any useful purpose. I know nothing about this particular industry, or of any of the details in connection with it except what has been mentioned here. The situation is one of the most extraordinary with which I have come in contact. Deputy Johnson alleges that this particular company was functioning under a number of directors whose names he has read out. If that is so, how could it be true that the Minister was providing moneys direct for pumping in connection with this mine, in order that certain employees should quarry coal and sell it direct? Surely if the company were functioning that could not go on? I do not want to follow this into detail.

There are many matters in connection with this company that would require explanation if one were to be satisfied about a lot of things one has heard. I am not sure that what the Minister said at the outset is not the best course to adopt. It is not a thing anyone is proud of, and the sooner we lose sight of it the better. Possibly that is the best course, but one thing appears to be certain in connection with the transaction, and it is that the State has got to pay for this wretched mistake. If we have to pay I hope those who are responsible for the mistake will profit by the experience they have had, and if they do profit, possibly the money will not be wasted. I cannot help thinking of the statement of a man who is very much more experienced in connection with government than those in our Government have had the opportunity of being. Not very long ago Mr. Bruce, Prime Minister of Australia, made a statement, from which I will read a brief extract:—"Governments have certain things they can do reasonably well, but I can assure you, Governments are not really capable of initiating great schemes, sifting them to the bottom, and carrying them through. It is only rather by luck that they pull off a good one."

Amendment put.

declared the amendment lost.

Is the Deputy pressing for a division?

How many Deputies are claiming a division?

Deputies Heffernan and Connor Hogan rose.

Is the Deputy still pressing for a division?

Yes. I am within my rights in pressing for a division.

The Committee divided: Tá, 3; Níl, 33.

  • Connor Hogan.
  • Rísteard Mac Liam.
  • Mícheál O hIfearnáin.

Níl

  • Earnán de Blaghd.
  • Seoirse de Bhulbh.
  • Séamus de Burca.
  • John J. Cole.
  • Máighréad Ní Choileann Bean
  • Uí Dhrisceóil.
  • Thomas Hennessy.
  • John Hennigan.
  • Liam Mac Cosgair.
  • Maolmhuire Mac Eochadha.
  • Tomás Mac Eoin.
  • Seoirse Mac Niocaill.
  • Tomás de Nógla.
  • William Norton.
  • Peadar O hAodha.
  • Risteárd O Conaill.
  • Tomás O Conaill.
  • Parthalán O Conchubhair.
  • Conchubhar O Conghaile.
  • Liam O Daimhín.
  • Séamus O Dóláin.
  • Eamon O Dubhghaill.
  • Pádraig O Dubhthaigh.
  • Eamon O Dúgáin.
  • Aindriú O Láimhín.
  • Fionán O Loingsigh.
  • Domhnall O Muirgheasa.
  • Séamus O Murchadha.
  • Máirtín O Rodaigh.
  • Seán O Súilleabháin.
  • Mícheál O Tighearnaigh.
  • Caoimhghín O hUigín.
  • Seán Príomhdhall.
  • Liam Thrift.
Tellers: Tá—Deputies C. Hogan and Heffernan. Níl—Deputies Dolan and Tierney.
Amendment declared lost.
Question put and agreed to.
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