I beg to move the Second Reading of this Bill, entitled the "Protection of the Community (Special Powers) Bill, 1926." As I said yesterday, from the information at our disposal, I am satisfied that a measure of this sort is necessary. The main necessity for it arises from the fact that there is a shortage of essential commodities in particular places in the Saorstát. As I mentioned yesterday, the satisfactory information we received with regard to the cessation of the strike in England did not bring to an end the coal dispute, and one of the commodities in which a shortage exists is coal. It may be necessary, therefore, to ration supplies, and it would not be possible for us, without this measure, to undertake that work in a satisfactory manner. I am, therefore, forced to the conclusion that this Bill should be passed into law without delay, and I accordingly move the Second Reading.
PROTECTION OF THE COMMUNITY (SPECIAL POWERS) BILL, 1926—SECOND STAGE.
The feeling I have in regard to this Bill at the present time is that the occasion for it does not exist. The President has told us that there is in some places a shortage of coal, or there may be a shortage of coal, and that inasmuch as the coal dispute in Great Britain has not come to an end the shortage may continue. But it seems to me that the occasion, even grave as it might be, does not warrant our speaking of it as a national emergency.
If the reasons the Minister has given are the reasons justifying the Bill at the present time, and that a proclamation will be issued in respect of these particular difficulties, then it strikes me the method of devising such measures as are necessary should not be, as outlined in this Bill, a declaration of national emergency. I feel that the use of the term "national emergency" is misplaced when we are dealing with what are comparatively small matters.
For instance, one could authorise the Ministry to purchase coal from other countries. There is no difficulty in getting coal from places other than England. It can be got without having to declare that a national emergency had arisen. In respect to the ordinary movement of prices arising out of hoarding, if you like, or any shortage of a particular commodity in a particular district, there again it may be desirable that the Minister should have power, but it seems to me unwise to have a declaration of national emergency before one can deal with some shortage of foodstuffs or essential commodities in a particular part of the country.
There does not seem to be any relationship between the case made by the Minister and that for the Second Reading of a Bill empowering the Ministry to declare a national emergency. I feel that the method by which the Government is endeavouring to secure these powers to do comparatively small things is entirely wrong. If the intention is to have powers of this kind in abeyance, then I think it would be wiser to defer the passing of a Bill of this kind until everything is calm and quiet, and do it in cold blood at a time when there is no feeling, no heat, or possibility of panic. Once we begin to talk about a national emergency as something that has suddenly arisen, then the state of the country's mind is going to be inflamed. Whether we intend to do that or not that is what will happen. If that is not the case, and if it is thought undesirable to take action which would have the effect of inflaming the public mind, then I think the methods of this Bill are quite wrong. I would quite approve of giving extended powers to regulate the supply and distribution of essentials in a particular district or area, when it is found that that district or area is being deprived of the essentials. But I would not say that we must wait until a national emergency has arisen before we could do that. I think there is no relationship between the proposals in the Bill and the case for the Bill which the President has made.
We are told that the occasion has passed and that there is no relationship between the situation that now exists and the case made for this Bill. Deputy Johnson has spoken of a national emergency. The Bill does not immediately create a national emergency. The Bill looks forward, with certain information in possession of my Department, mainly to the possibility of such a crisis arising quite soon, that a proclamation declaring a national emergency would have to be issued. Deputy Johnson speaks of avoiding panic. I could build up a case immediately for this Bill by taking out a series of commodities and stating those openly here. What is going to be the effect if I say definitely that over the greater part of the South and West of this country there is a definite shortage of a particular commodity? It is going to mean a rush on the part of people to seize whatever they can get of that commodity and hoard it up, so that we, in order to avoid any sort of panic, or any attempt at hoarding, before this Bill is, put through, deal with the whole matter in the vague. The President referred to one item and localised the emergency with regard to that item to a particular town. Just take that situation. At the end of last week we were advised by a certain merchant— the main merchant—in a fairly big town that he had three weeks' supply of a particular article. On Tuesday of this week he informed us that he had only two days' supply. You cannot build up a case on one city. I can say definitely that there is sufficient information at my disposal to state that that same report is likely to come in from other cities. People who advised us that they had three or four, or even six weeks' supply of certain articles, are now writing to us that their stocks are depleted, and that the period for which these supplies would hold out against ordinary orders must be cut down. The situation has not passed away. There is a coal strike continuing, and the absence of coal in itself may justify a proclamation, and may lead to measures for rationing of that article. If we had an absolute assurance that the whole situation would be confined to one article there would not be so much necessity for this proclamation. There is a necessity for something, and this supplies the necessity.
It is too optimistic to consider that the situation that brought this about has passed away entirely. One has only to read the newspapers this morning to see how many people have returned to work, how the transport services on the other side are running, and how far they have got back to normal. Even if they have got back to normal there will be a considerable time before there is the ordinary flow of things from the other side in here. There is a clearing up period which, after all the disturbance and discomfort, is going to be a fairly lengthy period, and in that situation we have to face the repercussion of increased demand on the part of the English for things that should come here. Simply to say—if it were the fact— that the strike situation in England had passed away, would not clear the situation with regard to Ireland. It is quite wrong to say that the difficulty spoken of yesterday is a difficulty that has arisen from rivalry between merchants. If anything, it might be said the difficulty has arisen from the fact that the town in question is fairly near the Border where rationing was in vogue on the other side but not here. There was, perhaps, a certain demand on this particular merchant which depleted stocks.
If these instances do not amount to a situation of national emergency there need not be a proclamation. But if the people here are going to take it, that because the strike situation in England is eased to a certain extent —it is still being maintained in regard to the mines—they can say in a mood of easy optimism there is no necessity for this, that we can wait, that the whole matter should be discussed in a calm, cool way and without panic— then they can take the responsibility for that. This Bill can be discussed to-day and to-morrow without any danger of panic in the coolest possible way. I have information that makes me believe that there is sufficient reason to entrust powers of this special sort to the Government; that there is a likelihood of that proclamation having to be issued next week. But if the instances do not reach that point that the situation can be said to constitute a national emergency, the proclamation need not be issued. That is no reason why the Dáil should be asked to refuse to pass the Bill. I cannot see that there is any argument against it. The powers will not be used unless required. They are powers for the benefit of the community. The Bill is definitely and clearly and singly directed against hoarding and profiteering, and I think that alone should make the Dáil willing to pass it in its present form.
I intended to say to Deputy Johnson what the Minister has just said—that even if this measure passed into law to-day, its exercise would not come into play until after the issue of the proclamation. The proclamation to be issued can be the subject of consideration here. The Executive Council would not be likely to take on itself the issuing of such a proclamation unless a real necessity for its issue arose.