The Dáil is now going to adjourn for approximately two months. We are adjourning at a time when our national economy in this country is in a very serious, but not dangerous state. It so happens that we are amongst the few countries, if there are really any other countries in the world, in the position of a creditor State. We have considerable investments outside and we had up to some short time ago a fairly sound national economy here. At present we are in the throes of an economic conflict which is reducing considerably the revenue from our principal industry— agriculture. The effects of this economic war are manifold. They have their results upon other people as well as those immediately engaged in agriculture. In so far as the agriculturists are concerned the effect on some has been almost catastrophic. Few have escaped lightly, and it would be impossible to estimate what the actual losses are in a great many cases or what the potential losses may be in quite a number of cases. Agriculturists have really been attacked on two sides, on the one hand in respect of their exports and on the other in respect of the costs incidental to their industry. These costs have been very considerable. The result of these two attacks has been that while the immediate effect of the blow has directly affected agriculturists its reactions have been felt all along the line and employment throughout the entire State has been affected. Unemployment has increased; want has increased; poverty has increased, as is evidenced by the numbers receiving home assistance and the cost of it throughout the State. The numbers compare very unfavourably with last year.
We have now certain people who were quiescent a short time ago redoubling their efforts, and who are interesting themselves in a policy which they describe as "Boycott British Goods." Our main market is in Great Britain. The main source of the wealth that comes to this country is Great Britain. We are one of Great Britain's best customers. National economy in practically all countries is such that few countries can expect to export and to escape importing. There has been, however, quite recently an activity on the part of certain people to boycott British goods. I understand that one of the persons most prominently identified with that is an Englishwoman. In any case the Press reported recently instances where certain traders had been called upon in Dublin and elsewhere throughout the country and warned against stocking British goods. One of the disadvantages of this conflict is that you have not alone what are called statutory impositions on the part of the two countries, but you have also the boycott, either silent or pronounced, in either one or the other. I think it is the duty of the Government to take steps to see that there is no interference with traders stocking goods here and doing business according to law. If we desire to prohibit goods from any country let us do it according to law. Let us enact legislation and let it be seen clearly and distinctly what our proposals are. We have passed a measure here within the last ten minutes giving preferential rates to British goods. Let us be honest both with ourselves and with those with whom we are in conflict, if we are in conflict with them. If there has been any departure from the settled practice of giving traders the protection to which they are entitled, then I should like to know why that departure has been made. I do condemn most positively any attempt on the part of any of our citizens to organise with a view to injuring either the trade or the goods of any other country. I have no apology to make for that statement because there is no person here who has, so far as his means allow, done more than I have in respect to Irish manufacture.
We are a separate and independent State and we have all the obligations as well as the rights of an independent State. We have obligations towards people outside this country as well as towards our own people. Apart altogether from any spiritual obligation that there is on us in that connection, it is to our material advantage to keep on good terms with our neighbour when we are dealing so extensively with him as we are. By reason of this economic war there has been a shortage in the money circulating in this country. Traders are short of money; business is interrupted; there are complaints about the state of business and complaints about the difficulty of collecting accounts. At this period, when one requires to have circulating in the country all the money available, this economic conflict we are now engaged in with the British is stopping the circulation of money, decreasing the wealth that should pour in here, and is leaving us at this time of universal world depression in a weak position.
One of the most remarkable publications issued by this Government since it came into office was the record of the proceedings at Ottawa. At Ottawa the other countries of the Commonwealth all stated what their difficulties were; how hard pressed they were to meet the enormous obligations that were resting upon them in respect of borrowed moneys. New Zealand, Australia, Canada, and perhaps to a lesser extent South Africa, had to point out how much money they had to pay to their creditors in respect of borrowed money. It transpired that in one case, I think it was Australia, where they were in serious financial difficulties a few years ago, they had to increase their production enormously and reduce, as far as they could, their importations. The result of the increase of their production has been that we have had to meet enormous competition on the British market in respect of mutton, lamb and butter. Australian and New Zealand— particularly Australian — exports to Great Britain have practically doubled in respect of mutton, and they had gone up two and a half times in respect of butter. Those are articles with which we are in competition. Those countries, as I have said, have their own serious financial liabilities to meet, but they met them in the way in which they almost deluged with goods the market with which we are in competition. They have drawn from that market, and must draw from it even though the price is small, very much more money than might otherwise be expected. They have reduced the price of our goods there, and have in consequence limited our spending capacity, limited the means we have for providing employment, curtailed our wealth, and interfered with our production.
In the case of those countries the appalling thing about it was the enormous sums of money they had. We were, as I have said in the beginning, better equipped to enter upon this international competition for trade than any of the other countries, and we have, unfortunately, come back from Ottawa, where there was a possibility—not alone a possibility but a probability—of doing a great good for the country, empty-handed, except for two agreements, negligible in value, but of themselves capable of extension, if we had had proper attention paid to the needs and the requirements of this country. We have got to make up our minds here now that it is upon whatever we are able to produce at a competitive price that we are going to make the prosperity of this country. We have to make up our minds, so far as public expenditure is concerned, that if it is raised to such a height as will interfere with that production or increase the cost of that production above any relative international standard, the people of the country are going to suffer.
While we have heard that this Government, according to its own account, has practically carried out its undertakings in respect of public commitments before the election, it is quite apparent from what has transpired that they have achieved all the easy things. The passing of Acts empowering the spending of other people's money is no fulfilment of what they promised before the election. They have introduced two or three Acts. I will give them credit for all the Acts they like to claim for. What it has come to in substance is this, that they have collected more from the people, when their capacity to pay was never lower, in order to vindicate themselves, but they have failed in their fundamental policy, and that is to rebuild on sounder and better foundations the national economy of this State. Now, if we were to take stock of the wealth of the country and its potentialities at this moment, as compared with when they came into office, they would show a very large falling off, and it is from the wealth of the country that any possible results can come in respect of employment. The returns in respect of employment, the returns in respect of home assistance, and the huge amount of money spent in that connection are proof positive of what I have said, that notwithstanding the moneys they have raised and spent, the results are much worse than what they were before they came into office.
In July, 1931, 76,000 persons were in receipt of home assistance: in July, 1932, 90,000; in August, 1931, 76,000 approximately; in August, 1932, 92,000; in September, 1931, 26,000; in September, 1932, 94,000; in October, 1931, 80,000; and in October, 1932, 102,000. Practically the same results can be seen in respect of the expenditure. The expenditure in July, 1931, was £10,748 per week; in July, 1932, £12,307; in August, 1931, £10,642; in August, 1932, £12,475; in September, 1931, £10,933; in September, 1932 £12,956; in October, 1931, £10,954, and in October, 1932, £13,432. It is no pleasure to read out these figures. I would very much prefer to see the other side of the picture, but taking the case as it is and seeing that danger signal, what is going to be done about it? In respect of the taxation that has been imposed this year, has the Government taken advice as to what possible results their policy might lead to, whether or not they had been drawing upon capital, or whether they were simply drawing from revenue. If from capital then the results in the future are going to be worse than they are at present. Much the same result, as I have said, can be extracted from the figures of registered unemployed.
We have had our political experiments here in this country; we have had our political differences; but on one thing, at any rate, there ought to be agreement, that is what is the measure of the contribution that can be given from all sections towards the rehabilitation of our national economy. On that question there can be agreement. The first essential in that connection is peace with Great Britain. One does not win all one's wars, and it may be too costly a war to win if we won it. It may be much too costly. If we save £5,000,000 and lost our export trade what we have gained is a bagatelle — an absolute bagatelle. If we could save some of the £5,000,000 and keep and extend our trade, then we would have done well. If, as a result of the sober weighing up of all those factors, the Government sees the wisdom of doing what is best for this country then they will end this war, and the sooner they do it the better.
