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Dáil Éireann debate -
Friday, 14 Jul 1933

Vol. 48 No. 19

In Committee on Finance. - Vote 56—Industry and Commerce (Resumed).

We are now about to embark on a 48 hours discussion of these Estimates and it has puzzled the minds of some as to why we are going to do it. The more I consider these Estimates, the more evident it becomes to me that the members of the Fianna Fáil Party have made up their minds that, for them, there is in this country only one place where the wicked cease from troubling and the weary are at rest, and while they can escape from their constituents into this House and there is an ample force to protect them from cross-examination by the people they are supposed to represent, it is very difficult to dig them out of that safe refuge. I should not be in the least surprised if we had many motions of this kind, particularly in view of the legislation introduced yesterday. This will become, by the time the Land Bill of 1933 is explained to the people of this country, the most popular refuge for members of the Fianna Fáil Party in the whole country. Deputy Mulcahy to-day dealt with the failure of the Minister for Industry and Commerce to meet the problem of unemployment as he promised to meet it, and I think Deputy Mulcahy was too severe on the Minister for Industry and Commerce. What can the Minister for Industry and Commerce do? If you wreck the whole economic fabric of a country, if you deliberately put your hand to a national policy the principal consequence of which is the destruction of the purchasing power of the public, how can any Minister, no matter how he administers his Department, prevent the rise, the daily increase of unemployment amongst our people? It does not matter what the Minister or the Acting Minister does, if the present policy of the Government continues, the tide of unemployment will rise and continue to rise in this country. The policy of this Government is reducing the consuming public in Ireland, the agricultural community, to destitution and you cannot employ men manufacturing goods if there is nobody left in the country who has any capacity for consuming them. When the goods accumulate to a sufficient extent, then manufacturers, no matter how good their will may be, must pay off their men when they cannot sell what they have already produced, and the longer the present situation goes on the higher will flow the tide of unemployment in this country, and it does not matter what means the Minister adopts, he will be absolutely powerless to deal with it.

Considerable fault has been found with him for the way in which unemployment grants have been administered. The unemployment grants have been administered for the purpose of pouring out money at the most propitious moment from the Government's point of view; and when you are trying to make people forget the destitution and the poverty that Government policy is bringing upon them, the best way in which you can do it is to pour out relief grants on the eve of the occasion when they will be called on to make a decision and to give their verdict on Government policy. That is what the Government has done and, so far as the Minister for Industry and Commerce is concerned, he deserves high credit from his own Executive. No man skipped into the breach more agilely than did the Minister for Industry and Commerce with a relief grant and, if there is a general election in October, be perfectly certain of this: the relief grants will pour out to the country like a revivifying stream.

The policy of the Department of Industry and Commerce is now under review. The question of giving relief grants does not come within the jurisdiction of that Department.

I understood we were permitted to discuss the administration of the Department.

I respectfully submit that the Minister for Industry and Commerce was concerned to assure this House that if any complaints were made to him, as to the invidious selection of any one employed on relief works, or in the administration of relief grants, he, through the labour exchanges, would take every possible step to see that relief grants were administered in accordance with the will of the House. I am suggesting to the House that the way he is demonstrating that is this: that when things are getting hot with the Government in the country he will cool them with relief grants.

The Minister has not the giving of relief grants.

He has the administration.

The giving of relief grants at elections is not a function of the Department under control of the Minister for Industry and Commerce.

It is astonishing how he makes provision to make them flow in the right direction when the elections are on.

Is not the Deputy implying a charge of corruption against the Minister?

Mr. Kelly

The Deputy is getting close to it.

To a Deputy who publicly advises impersonation that is corruption. I do not think there is any corruption in connection with what the Minister did, astuteness, perhaps skill, but not corruption. All the Deputies in Deputy Kelly's Party are not so honest as he is.

Get up and bow, Tom.

Mr. Kelly

Indeed, I will not.

So much for unemployment. I want to refer again to what I consider to be a very grave scandal in connection with the administration of the Department of Industry and Commerce. I referred to it on two or three occasions before but, so far, the Minister has never attempted to meet the case. Under the legislation to regulate the milling of flour in this country, the Minister was given authority to issue permits to certain individuals to import flour free of duty, if he considered that to be in the public interest. In County Donegal one particular case came under my notice in which a certain individual set up a bakery. In the course of time, there were some labour troubles on the railways in the Free State, and that individual then represented to the Government that, as a result of these labour troubles, he was unable to secure supplies of bakers' flour for his bakery. Deputies who are familiar with the flour trade will know that bakers' flour is an entirely different commodity from household flour; that the average housewife could not use bakers' flour in her kitchen, because it would be quite unsuitable for the purposes ordinarily employed in the kitchen. On the other hand, a baker could not ordinarily use household flour in a bakery, because it is not a suitable grade of flour for the manufacture of bakers' bread. At this time there was a duty of 5/- a sack on flour, and the Irish millers, of course, raised their prices by about 4/- a sack in order to get the benefit of the tariff.

All the flour factors in Donegal were obliged to import English flour and to pay the 5/- duty or to buy Irish flour from Irish millers at 4/- a sack above the English price. This gentleman came to Dublin and got a permit to import bakers' flour, on the ground that he could not get supplies in the Free State. He got the permit to import, free of duty. Having got the permit, which was probably simply a permit to import so much flour free of duty, this prudent gentleman went into Derry to Spillers's agent, and got half the quantity of bakers' flour, and half the quantity of household flour. When he got back to Donegal his flour came after him. He then sailed round to all the customers of his rivals in the wholesale flour business and asked them what so-and-so was charging for flour. These customers said, perhaps £1 9/- or £1 10/- a sack, which was the Irish price. He said to them: "Do not bother dealing with them. I will give it to you at 27/-." So well he could, because the Minister for Industry and Commerce had given him a permit to import flour, free of duty, and no one else could get a permit. Let me be clear about this. I am satisfied that the Department of Industry and Commerce believed that the man wanted bakers' flour and gave a permit to bring in bakers' flour. Having got it on these representations this man went on to use that permit, partially to bring in household flour, which he sold for the purpose of injuring his competitors in the trade. I asked the Minister for Industry and Commerce to inquire into that locally and, if he found the allegation I made in this House true, to bring that man to justice, if he had not given a satisfactory explanation.

Why did not the Deputy make that allegation publicly in Donegal?

This is the place to make it.

I have already placed the facts in the Minister's hands, and it is quite probable that Deputy Brady is as well able to put these facts in the Minister's hands as I am. This gentleman does not live 100 miles from Deputy Brady. The Deputy knows the man, and knows that what I am saying is true.

Mr. Brady

I do not.

When I had something to say about lobster breeding, the Deputy's only contribution was that my statement was not right. I repeat the charge. Every syllable that I utter now I challenge the Minister to inquire into, by sending down a responsible officer from his Department. Every word I have stated will be demonstrated to be true. I challenged him to do that three times in this House. He can do it now.

Mr. Brady

The Deputy is using his position to make charges in this House that he cannot substantiate.

I will substantiate the charges, but it is not in accordance with the well-established precedent of this House to mention the names of an individual, because the person is not here to defend himself. I formally inform the Minister that I am at his disposal now, or hereafter, to place the name and the circumstances in his hands. I gave them to the Minister for Industry and Commerce before he fell ill. That specific case falls under the head of this system of issuing permits. On the general question of permits I say that the whole system is breaking down, and making the conduct of business in this country virtually impossible. Omnibus tariffs are being imposed, and merchants are told that if they find omnibus tariffs take in something they are not meant to take in they can get permits. When they go to get permits it may take three weeks or a month to do so. I am quite satisfied that the permanent officials are doing their best to expedite the consideration of applications for permits, but these are so numerous that it is physically impossible to deal with them with any degree of expedition. The result is that it is daily becoming more and more difficult to carry on ordinary trade in the country—such trade as is left, and that is not much.

We have just passed through this House a Cement Bill, about which I want to say a word with reference to the administration of the powers conferred on the Minister.

Is this in order, seeing that the Bill has not been passed into law yet?

I do not think the Bill is actually law yet.

The Seanad has passed it.

The Seanad has not passed it.

Subject to certain reservations.

But it is not law.

I do not for a moment desire to avoid your ruling, but it is the declared policy of the Government to sponsor the manufacture of cement in this country. I think I will be in order if I say that in sponsoring an enterprise of that kind they have got to remember that cement is not a standard article. There are varying qualities of cement and they have got to remember——

I suggest that the Deputy is out of order in discussing that matter, which arises under the Cement Bill, which, in fact, may again be under discussion in this House, the Bill not yet having passed through the Seanad.

Is what the Deputy says related to the passing of the Bill at all? Is it not related to the Government's policy in dealing with a certain commodity?

That is precisely my position. I am not trying to wriggle out of your ruling but the Minister and the Acting-Minister have stated repeatedly that it is the policy of their Party to take such steps as may be necessary to promote the manufacture of cement. I suggest that when they proceed to act in pursuance of that declared policy, they should bear certain considerations in mind. I want to say a word on the steps they should take before they put their hands to the task. No other opportunity will arise for dealing with that question. They have got to remember that cement is an essential element in the housing of the poor and that every shilling per cwt. put on cement is going to be borne by the people who pay the rents. The most difficult problem that the Department of Local Government and Public Health have is to provide decent houses at a rent within the capacity of the people to pay. What everybody concerned with housing has been trying to do is to secure that houses will be built at a price which will make it possible to attain that objective.

I suggest that if we are going to discuss questions already discussed on the Cement Bill, the time of the House will be unnecessarily taken up with repetition.

On what Standing Order does the Minister base his suggestion?

The Minister is not supposed to quote a Standing Order. He can raise a general question. Obviously, this matter has been discussed here and may be discussed again. However, it is a matter of policy and I cannot prevent the Deputy from discussing it now if he wishes. It is a matter of Government policy.

If it is the purpose of the Government to create a monopoly of the manufacture of cement without providing that the consuming public will have cement of a sufficiently high specification at a reasonable price, then, in my opinion, Government policy on cement is going to cut clean across Government policy on housing.

Will the Deputy before he continues his speech tell us what the increase is going to be. It has been definitely stated—I hate to interrupt the Deputy in an eloquent mood— that any increase likely to take place in the price of cement will be infinitesimal and will not affect housing costs.

Have any costings been given to the House?

The Acting-Minister for Industry and Commerce says that the increased cost will be infinitesimal. Without the slightest desire to answer the Minister abruptly, I tell him that he is talking through his hat. If the Minister believes that cement of the commercial quality which is being used here can be manufactured in this country at a price anything like that at which we are importing it at present, he does not know what he is talking about. Estimates were submitted to this House showing that on the basis of certain suggested increases in the price of cement per cwt., the increased cost per house would be infinitesimal. I think that these estimates were wrong.

Thinking is not sufficient.

Except when the Ministers think, if they ever do.

The trouble with this situation is that it is a question of one "think" against another "think." If I had any reason to believe that the Minister's thoughts were founded upon substantial facts, I would be very much swayed, but my experience of the Minister for Industry and Commerce is that they are founded on nothing at all, or on the assumption that what he wishes to think is true. The fact remains that when I proposed that a specification of the standard cement to be produced by the monopoly which it was Government policy to create should be forthcoming, the suggestion was scorned as absurd and unworthy of consideration. But when some worthy gentleman with sound Tory background got up in the Seanad and made the same proposal, the Acting-Minister for Industry and Commerce fell upon his face and said he accepted it unreservedly.

That is an absurd and an entire misrepresentation of what took place in the Seanad.

Are we to discuss here what took place in the other House? We shall never get to the end of the business if we do that.

The Acting-Minister went on to add that he begged to be excused from the necessity of making a specification for the cement that would be imported between the date of the passing of the Bill and the establishment of the first cement factory. He is doubtless going to come back to this House at a future date and tell us that this prudent recommendation, having been explained, is one that he recommends to the House. When this House had the temerity to make that suggestion, it was beneath his dignity to consider it. It was quite superfluous and unnecessary. The Minister has learned differently since, and I only hope that he may make a few more excursions to the Seanad between this and the time his cement policy takes final form. I hope that in those hallowed surroundings he will learn more from his respectable instructor of the dangers and pitfalls of the policy to which he has put his hand.

Lastly, I want to refer to the beneficent influence exercised by the Minister of Industry and Commerce over the milling industry. As a result of his activities since the Cereals Bill was passed, we discovered on last Monday morning that there was no bakers' flour at all in the City of Sligo. The bakers announced their intention of closing their doors because there was no flour left. The operation of quotas and restrictions had been so effective as to dry up the supply of flour. We had excluded from Donegal bread from the Six Counties. We had arranged that bread was to be supplied from Sligo, and, on Monday morning, there was not an ounce of bakers' flour in the whole City of Sligo. The bakers could not get it. They went to the usual source of supply and they were told that the Minister for Industry and Commerce would not allow any increase for Sligo, that they had milled their quota and would be allowed to mill no more. I got into communication with the Minister and, as usual, received a very courteous reply. I think one or two other Deputies drew his attention to the situation. But it shows the extravagant absurdity of the administration of this legislation when a situation can arise in one of the principal cities of the country, in which there is not an ounce of bakers' flour or the wherewithal to make a loaf. That is the favour that has been conferred on the milling and baking industry by the administration of the Cereals Bill.

I do not know if the Minister for Industry and Commerce was concerned in a certain transaction in wheat recently, but I understand there was a transaction in wheat in Dublin to which the Government was a party. If the Minister for Industry and Commerce had anything to do with that transaction I think it would be of great interest to the House to know the profit the Government derived from the sale they made.

I know nothing about it.

That accounts for the Minister's complacency; he looks happy and undismayed. Perhaps if he knew as much about that transaction as I do, wrinkles would appear on his brow. I suggest he should have a chat with the Minister for Agriculture and I think he will get information from him that will startle him.

Why does the Deputy not tell us all about it?

I do not want to shock the Deputy too much. His neighbour, when I proceeded to tell him what was happening in Donegal, nearly fainted away.

The Deputy does not know what is happening there.

The Deputy said I do not know what is happening there. At least, what I do know, I communicate to this House. The Deputy's colleague, Deputy Neil Blaney, was recently described by "Truth in the News" as being dead. They heard so little about him since he came here to represent Donegal that they assumed he was dead, and they described him as the late Neil Blaney. They felt that no man could be so silent, and they assumed that he was in the grave. However, I am happy to see that my friend and colleague, Deputy Blaney, is as brisk and as well as ever. I met him in the Lobby this morning about his business, and I trust he will be spared for many years to come to represent Donegal as eloquently as he does now.

I do not know whether the fact that a Deputy is living or dead has anything to do with the matter under discussion.

What about the wheat transaction?

I will leave it to the Minister for Industry and Commerce to tell Deputy Kelly all about the wheat transaction and, I would recommend Deputy Kelly, if he wants to spare his colleague embarrassment and dismay, to slip down to the Minister's office and ask him about it there. When he hears all about it he can make up his mind whether he will ask any further information in the House.

This is the first I heard of it, and I am asking the Deputy to give us information.

I am going to spare the Deputy from himself; I will ask him merely to take a note of it. In my opinion the dominant question that arises under this head is that referred to by Deputy Mulcahy, and that is the question of employment. I think all Parties will agree that it is not a question that should be made one of Party capital. So far as I am concerned, I am profoundly convinced there is nothing the Minister can do to remedy that situation so long as the Executive Council continues their present line of policy. I think it is a mistake to find undue fault with the Minister on account of the unemployment situation. Unemployment must grow where there is universal destitution. If you wreck the consuming capacity of any community, in that community the tide of unemployment will grow.

In 1920 the farmers in this country were never so prosperous and they have never been so prosperous since. In those years labour was never better paid and there was never more employment for everybody than there was then. The farmers in this country are now reduced to a depth of destitution that they never plumbed before in the memory of living man. Unemployment was never more rife in this country. Those are two coincidences which I would like Fianna Fáil Deputies to consider and, when they have considered them, perhaps they will connect them. When they have connected them, perhaps the farmer Deputies in Fianna Fáil will try to help their own. Those who represent the constituencies where there is a large labouring population will do their best to help that population. If they see the problem as I have seen it, I am sure they will co-operate with us in bringing an end to a situation which is leading the farming community to ruin and destruction. If they succeed in doing that they will do more than anything else to put an end to a situation which has perplexed this country and which will continue to perplex it so long as you smash the industry upon which the country depends.

It is an extraordinary thing, in connection with a Department that claims to represent the industry of this country and in the case of a Minister who claims to administer what he once described as the revolutionary policy of the Government, that no effort was made in the introduction of this Estimate to give the House any idea of the results of that particular policy. It is not the first time we have had occasion to call attention to this lack of respect for the House on the part of the Ministry. Having heard no statement from the Minister, I think the House is fully entitled to make full use of its rights on the Committee Stage, so far as this Estimate is concerned. Even after the Minister has at least given some statement to the House as to the administration of this Department during the year, the House will still be entitled to discuss that policy as revealed by the Minister. I think it is well we should issue that warning, so that when the Minister replies it will be distinctly understood he is not going to conclude.

The House is entitled to a statement from the Minister on the results of what he described as a revolutionary policy. We are all the more entitled to expect a statement of that kind from the Acting-Minister, because it will be in the recollection of the Deputies that some 12 months ago, in answer to various challenges, the Minister fixed eight months as the time that would see the triumph, the proof of the success, of that policy. I hold there was no excuse for the line adopted by the Minister in the present instance. He did not attempt to give to the House any idea of the results of this policy. No justification has been attempted so far as this policy is concerned and right through the year, as Deputies will remember, attempts were made again and again from various quarters, and particularly by Deputy Mulcahy, to extract information from the Minister as to the effect of the policy that has been pursued.

Though he promised this House that in eight months after he had spoken, now some 12 months ago, the country would be convinced of the success of his policy, he and his Department have absolutely refused to give any information to this House or any information to the country on which they could form some estimate as to the value of the policy that the Government has embarked on. Many of us see in this particular policy the ruin of many old-established industries, and interference with a great deal of employment in the country. Yet no justification, except the glib answers of the Minister and the somewhat more ponderous answers of the Acting-Minister, has been given on this particular matter. As a compensation to this country for the loss of our principal foreign market we were promised that we were getting control of the home market. When attempts were made from various parts of the House to find out what that home market has proved to be worth, even to the manufacturers for whom it was apparently preserved, we could get no information.

Deputies will remember that Deputy Keating from Wexford—and I think that there is no difference of opinion between him and the representative of the Labour Party from Wexford— has tried again and again to get information as to the amount of increased work there was, for instance, in his own town of Wexford as a result of the tariff policy of the Government, as to the type of employment that was given, and as to whether or not there has been diminution in the higher paid types of employment. There were no figures and no information available. I should have thought, seeing that the attention of the Minister had been drawn to that and other facts in the course of the year, that the Acting-Minister would have utilised the opportunity of taking the House and the country into his confidence by giving concrete facts about the increase in employment and the value, so far as wages are concerned, of that increase in employment. We have no evidence whatever of the value of the employment that has been directly given as a result of those tariffs, but I suggest that we have evidence—and every Deputy who has been through the country knows there is plenty of evidence—of the unfortunate results of the Government's policy so far as employment is concerned. The results that would inevitably follow as a consequence of the Government's policy have been pointed out. Here, I thoroughly agree with Deputy Dillon. The burden of our complaint is not so much against an individual Minister, or against an individual Department. It is against the policy which the Government has blindly persisted in. They were warned that it was bound to have certain results detrimental to every type of industry, agricultural and otherwise, in this country. It was pointed out that as a result of their policy the positions of men who had been in employment for years would become insecure. Has not that particular warning been more than justified? We have seen the line attempted to be adopted by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance so far as employment is concerned.

I suggest that the Deputy is quite out of order in suggesting that what the Parliamentary Secretary said or did has reference to the administration of the Vote for the Department of Industry and Commerce.

I suggest that it is highly relevant, and one of the most relevant things that could be said on this matter. I suggest, before you give a ruling on the point of order raised by the Minister, that I be allowed to point out that the action of the Parliamentary Secretary was the natural consequence following from the results of the general policy of the Government.

Are we discussing the general policy of the Government?

So far as wages are concerned, and so far as employment and industry are concerned—

I will hear the Minister on the point he is making.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce is not responsible, so far as I understand, in connection with the wages question which the Deputy refers to. There is no responsibility whatever as far as the Department is concerned.

I am dealing with the question of employment, and not with the amount given in wages. There has been an increase in unemployment. There has been what has been justly called casualisation of labour as a result of the policy of the Government, of this particular Department and of this particular Minister. I suggest that that is one of the most relevant things I can discuss on this particular matter. Naturally I am quite aware that the Minister for Industry and Commerce and the Government as a whole may say they are not directly responsible for what local bodies did, but what local bodies have done in the same direction follows from this whole insane tariff policy and economic policy of the Government. I suggest, sir, that I am quite entitled in connection with the administration of the Department of the Minister for Industry and Commerce to discuss the economic policy——

Of the Wexford County Council.

If the Minister cannot really follow an argument I candidly confess that I will not try to make him do so. I made it distinctly clear that the Government are not responsible directly for that, but it is a consequence of the Government's policy. Unemployment has been increased all over the country as a direct result of the Government's policy. So far as local bodies or private employers have been compelled to get rid of their employees, I hold that the policy of the Minister for Industry and Commerce is, to a large extent, responsible. It was pointed out again and again to the Ministry that one of the results of their policy would be that people who are now in employment would have to be dismissed. Members of the Fianna Fáil Party stood up on public platforms and found fault with individual farmers because owing to the action of the Government they had been compelled to get rid of employees. To suggest that they are doing that for political reasons is a slander on the farming community of this country. The same thing is bound to happen with shopkeepers, and with everybody engaged in business. It is happening, and it is lamentable that when a situation of that kind is in existence the Acting-Minister does not attempt to justify this Vote to the House, though it is evident to everybody in the country that those things are occurring. The actual amount of unemployment caused by the Government's policy is one of the serious things that the country has to consider. The driving out of employment of people who have been in permanent employment for many years is one of the things that has to be considered by the country. It is no good for a Minister to confess that he knows the farmers find it hard to make ends meet, and for other members of the Party, no matter how obscure, to take the line that farmers are getting rid of their workers, and are doing it for political reasons. They are doing it because the policy of the Government is driving them to do it, and for no other reason. So far as the administration of the tariff policy of the Government is concerned, no attempt has been made by the Ministry either in this debate or at any time during the year to show that that tariff policy has been successful, but every attempt has been made to avoid any definite statement on it. That is the situation that we have now to face.

There was another matter raised again to-day which inevitably flows from the policy that has been adopted by this particular Department. It has not been answered. For the third time Deputy Dillon raised that definite question here to find out what steps were being taken. The Minister has not refuted the charge that the Deputy made. He refused to face up to that particular charge. The Deputies who listened to him were surprised to find that no effort has been made by the Department to deal with that particular charge. I suggest that no amount of mental agility on the part of Ministers can get away from the appalling situation which the policy of the Government has brought on the country, so far as industry and employment are concerned. I do not intend to deal with the activities of other Departments to beat down wages —the type of wages that is being given. I have no doubt if I did anything of the kind we would have the Minister quickly rising on a point of order and saying that I was making an attempt to discuss that particular matter. I have never seen a Minister quite so anxious as the present Minister has been to prevent discussion on this particular matter. I think he raised points of order about ten times for the purpose of preventing discussion. Of course, he is perfectly entitled to do that, but I am not aware that a ruling was given in his favour. His action shows a distinct eagerness on the part of the Government to prevent discussion. They have done that already with the help of the Party, in the case of the motion they carried through the House to-day. Now they are trying tactics of raising pretended points of order to prevent discussion.

The situation, as I have said, is an appalling one so far as the country is concerned. The Government, by their policy, have deliberately shut us out from the foreign market, and, by doing so, they have made the home market, so far as town industry is concerned, the industry for which this Department is supposed specially to cater, largely unproductive. How can industry possibly flourish even if the home market is reserved to it, when that home market is made largely unproductive by other portions of the Government's policy? No Department can save a situation of that kind, no matter how active or how glib the Minister may be. It cannot be done. The farmers cannot buy because they cannot sell, or if they sell they sell at such an uneconomic price that they have not the money to buy. That is the situation. Every shopkeeper in every country town knows that. It may not be felt to the same extent here in Dublin, but it is felt in the various country towns. When that position is put before this House it is generally jeered at. We get the impression, listening to debates in this House, that the farmers were never so well off, whereas everybody who has been through the country and through the country towns knows that the opposite is the case. Not merely do we find fault with the Government because they have killed the foreign market, we find fault with them because they have also killed the home market and made it worthless so far as the manufacturers of this country are concerned. We can get no information from Ministers. I suggest, therefore, that an effort should be made by the Minister to introduce the Estimates which he has failed to do up to the present.

I think the speech to which we have just listened is one of the vaguest that we have heard in this House for a long time, and it is surprisingly vague coming from a Deputy whom we all recognise as a trained thinker. When Deputy O'Sullivan asserts so emphatically that the position in industry is extremely bad one would think that he would be able to quote some particular manufacturer in support of his view. Surely our manufacturers are not so deaf and dumb that they are not capable of expressing their grievances. Can the Deputy quote a flour miller, a clothing manufacturer, a boot manufacturer, or a furniture manufacturer who says that the purchasing power of the people is disappearing rapidly, and that he can find no market for his produce?

Deputy Mulcahy gave the figures.

Surely mere assertion on the part of a Deputy who has a considerable reputation in every part of the House as a trained thinker is not sufficient, especially as he professed to find fault with the lack of seriousness on the part of the Government with regard to this Estimate. I think that Deputy O'Sullivan must know very well that the position is not as he described it. He must know that, not only would we hear about that position from individual manufacturers, but that we would be bound to hear about it from their different organisations. The manufacturers of the country are very closely organised. They have a Federation of Irish industries, and other organisations. You do not hear from any of these people that the policy of the Government has been fatal to their business or industry. As a matter of fact you hear quite the opposite. Some of us who were expecting to hear reports of that kind—because one would think that the reduced purchasing power of the farmers throughout the country would inevitably have that effect—were rather surprised that we never got a report of that kind from a manufacturer. On the other hand, you do meet manufacturers who give the most glowing report of their businesses. I quoted a statement a few weeks ago, and offered to give the name privately to anyone who asked for it, of the manager of a very big clothing concern who said that their whole difficulty was that they had not capital enough to enlarge their business in accordance with the demand for their goods and, so far as the payment of their accounts was concerned, that it was very much more satisfactory than it had been for some years previously.

On the employment question, when the former Government was in power, the only guide we had was that provided by the official statistics. When we raised any question as to the extent of unemployment, we were referred to these statistics. The official statistics for several weeks past show, as we know, a constant decline in the numbers of the unemployed and, in view of the circumstances of farming, the Government is to be congratulated on that fact. The Government is also to be congratulated on another thing, namely, that they have created a tremendous industrial spirit throughout the country. As a matter of fact, that industrial spirit looks as if it would be an embarrassment to some extent, because you have it so active in the country at present that practically every town and village is crying out for industries. They are thinking intensely of the development of the local resources and they are demanding Government help to secure that end. How that is going to be achieved for a small population, and how that desire for industrial development and for the universality of industry is going to be satisfied in view of the small population in this country, is something that I cannot answer. I think the Government will have to consider that position. The Government have said again and again that they are in favour of the decentralisation of industry, and the impression prevailed throughout the country that the Government are able to influence manufacturers who are about to start new industries to go to the provinces with these industries. The feeling prevails that Dublin is getting rather more than its share of the industrial development that is taking place. I think the Government ought to take serious notice of that feeling, and if it be the case that they are helpless in the matter they should make it clear to the country that although they favour decentralisation, they cannot influence manufacturers—that that is a thing on which they will not be able to help those in the provinces who desire to get a share of such industrial development as will take place. It will be regrettable, in my opinion, if the Government are forced to make a statement of that kind, but I think they will have to do so. I cannot see how they can tell a manufacturer to set up his factory in a particular town rather than in Dublin, or how they can use pressure on him. If they cannot do that, I cannot see how they can influence industry towards decentralisation to any appreciable extent.

As I say, they have created a very active industrial spirit throughout the country; so much so that the main subject of discussion as far as I can see, throughout the country, especially where there is any local organisation, is the development of local resources. To cater for that and so to encourage it that it will not be disappointed with the delay is, in itself, a big problem. There is also the question of mass production—whether the Government are satisfied that mass production is a thing that is to be encouraged in this country and whether they can hope to place any substantial number of people in industrial employment so long as mass production prevails. In my opinion, again relative to the small population of the country, if mass production is to prevail the number of factories which we can hope for will not be very considerable. It looks to me as if there were to a certain extent an incompatibility between the two things—the desire to put everybody into employment and, at the same time, approval for mass production methods. It seems to me that the two things can hardly go hand in hand. Mass production is, obviously, the enemy of employment. It is too soon, perhaps, for the Government to consider how far they can counteract mass production and replace it by methods that would be less objectionable and more satisfactory, both from the point of view of actual employment and from the point of view of the nature of the work of those employed in such industries. It is too soon yet, I think, to expect the Government to be able to deal with that matter, but the time is coming when they must deal with it because, if they are to encourage, as apparently they have already encouraged mass production—they have encouraged it in the clothing industry—it is obvious that by that encouragement they are limiting the numbers of people who can be employed in industry and limiting the chance of fulfilling their expressed wish to put everybody into employment.

There is just one other matter to which I want to refer. It is in the nature of a complaint. I consider that, with regard to the issue of licences, there is reason for complaint. It does look absurd that, with regard to a very important article required in the process of manufacture, the firms concerned are refused a licence to import, and referred to one particular person in the country for their supplies, on the ground that that person is a manufacturer, whereas he is only, to a very small extent, an industrialist at all— only to the extent of merely packing up the material. They are referred to him regardless of what prices he chooses to charge for his material. I am referring now to a very important article of manufacture. I have already raised it in the Dáil. It is an experience I have had myself during the past few weeks. I think it is altogether unbusinesslike to expect manufacturers to place their orders with one particular concern and at the same time not to attempt to control the prices being charged by that concern. That is one defect with regard to the licensing system. I was glad to hear the Minister say some weeks ago that he hoped to get rid of the licensing system altogether. I think that would be a good thing, and while, on the whole, the Department have given great satisfaction with regard to the working of the licensing system, there have been some defects in it which have irritated business people very much. At the same time, I think that the Department are to be congratulated on the amount of work they have done, and on the vigour and enthusiasm they have aroused amongst those engaged in industry in this country.

Deputy Moore said that he was very pleased to see from the unemployment returns during the last few weeks that the numbers of unemployed were decreasing and that he felt that the Government was to be congratulated on that. I wonder does the Deputy believe that? I do not believe he does. I am satisfied that the Deputy is more conversant with the unemployment market in this country than to believe that it follows from the fact that the numbers registered are being reduced week by week, that there is a greater number being absorbed into employment. I am quite satisfied, and I do not think there is a Deputy in this House with any knowledge of the actual state of affairs who will not agree with me, that the reduction in numbers is due altogether to the fact that thousands of unemployed, who were induced to register last year by the promises held out by the Government, have got tired of registering, because they saw there was no possible chance of getting employment, and said to themselves, as many of them have said to me, and as, I am sure, they have said to other members of the House: "What is the use of going through the form of signing for employment month after month (and some of them have been unemployed for a year and a half) when there is no possible chance of getting employment?" If we ourselves were in that unfortunate position we would very soon get tired of going to the labour exchange every morning or, in rural areas, sending in a card every morning to the manager of the labour exchange to inform him that we were still on the unemployed list. The fact is that there is more actual unemployment to-day than ever there was before. The fact is that there are fewer men employed on the farms or on the land at this time of the year than in any year in living history, because farmers who formerly employed men at this time of the year are unable to employ them now, as they are unable to pay them. I go further and say—and I could give several cases in my own constituency—that many farmers who, a couple of years ago, were in a position to employ men, are themselves to-day looking for work on the roads or anywhere they can get it. Deputies on all sides of the House know that is quite true. There is no use in trying to fool ourselves with the figures published in the newspapers every week and the attempts to convey, both in this House and in certain sections of the Press to the country, that because there is a fall of 10,000 in the figures that means that 10,000 people have been absorbed into employment. Of course, it means no such thing.

While I am on that I want to say that I was disappointed that the Minister in his opening speech did not give us some information about the new schemes put into operation by his Department during the past 12 months. I refer to schemes for the placing of unemployed workers. The House will remember that last year the Minister for Industry and Commerce scrapped the system which was in operation when he came into office, and substituted another scheme putting the responsibility for placing men on the managers of the local employment exchanges. That scheme created such a row in the country and in this House among members of his Party that he had to substitute another scheme. I think I can venture to say that the scheme that the managers of the exchanges are trying to operate is not any improvement on the scheme which has been replaced. We know quite well what is happening. If a county surveyor requires, say, 30 men for a particular work, he sends to the branch manager of the labour exchange, and the manager selects the 30 men. They may be the most unsuitable men that can be picked because the manager does not know the particular type of work for which they are required. In some cases he does not know exactly where the men are to be placed. The county surveyor has to take these men. I submit that is unfair, and I think that under that scheme, we are not going to get the best possible return for the money expended. As far as my experience goes, I do not think county surveyors ever did employ men on political grounds. They were able to use their own discretion, and give employment to men who would be considered most in need of work, having regard to their suitability for the particular class of work that was to be performed. I, therefore, suggest that the present scheme is unsuitable from every point of view. I do not think it should be left to the managers of the exchanges to select these men.

There is another matter I should like to refer to, and that is an order recently issued by the Department to labour exchanges that any man in receipt of a pension of 15/- or upwards is not to get employment so long as there is another man on the unemployment register. I quite agree that a man with a pension even of 15/- is better off than an unfortunate man who has nothing, but I submit that this order, coming from a Department, the head of which told us that they had a plan to solve unemployment, and that it would be solved within six months, is an admission of their inability to deal with the problem in any effective way.

When did he say it would be solved in six months?

If the Acting-Minister has time to look up some of his own election literature he will probably find that statement in black and white.

I said if he had time to go through it all.

When was that statement made?

If the Deputy wants to make a speech he should get up and make it. I am not going to make any answer to the Deputy.

Three weeks after the Minister for Industry and Commerce took up his position.

It was made at the election at which the Deputy was defeated.

Give the exact quotation.

The Deputy is very fond of looking for quotations. He knows well that I can get the quotation quite easily. If the Minister were here, and I hope he will be here very soon, I do not think he would deny it. It is not the first time that I have made that statement in this House and in the presence of the Minister, and it has not been questioned before. This is a serious matter. We had a lot of talk in this House within the last few weeks about the standard of living that was being set up by the Fianna Fáil Government. There was a great deal of talk about 21/- and 24/- per week. This is a new standard—15/- per week —a standard by which thousands of British ex-service men and thousands of others, who have pensions, say, of 15/- per week, are not to get any employment so long as there are other men unemployed who have not a pension. That means that it is likely they will never get any employment so far as this Government is concerned. I can give the names and addresses of three such men in the town of Nenagh. One man there is in receipt of a pension of 16/- per week and has a wife and eight children and they are compelled by virtue of the order issued by the Department, to try to exist upon 16/- per week. I think that is grossly unfair.

The county surveyor must have concurred in that view in that particular case.

The county surveyor has nothing to do with it.

He has. The county surveyor has a certain discretion in the matter. If he is satisfied that the persons are not, in fact, in the order of preference; if, in his opinion, the question of means is different from that laid down by the local employment branch office, that is, if he is satisfied that the man is really more in need than appears to be, he can give consideration to that fact. Of course, he has full discretion with regard to the actual selection of men on main road work.

I think the Minister is misinformed. I realise that it would be unreasonable to expect the Acting-Minister to be conversant with all the details of such a big Department as this. I think if the Minister will look into it again he will see that, so far as this question of men with pensions is concerned, the county surveyor, or the branch manager, has no discretion whatever. It is an absolutely hard and fast rule laid down by the Department.

It is not.

I should like to have it cleared up because if that is not so, then the order issued by the Department is being interpreted wrongly. I should like to get it cleared up. On the interpretation put upon that order, no British ex-serviceman or any other pensioner with a pension of 15/- per week or over—as far as I remember I think the figure is 15/- can get any employment or can be placed on any job, whilst there are others without a job. That means that they are compelled or are driven into the position that they will be unemployed for the remainder of their lives, as far as we can see. On the other point the Minister said that the county surveyor has a discretion regarding the placing of men on grant work on main roads. I must confess that is something new to me. That must be a variation of the order made very recently because as far as I know he has not any such discretion. He has got to accept men sent to him by the manager of the exchange. That is what is happening down the country. What the Department may be thinking about, we do not know. As a matter of fact the first intimation that this House or the country got that there was any variation whatever in the scheme laid down by the Minister was when Deputy Flinn announced the other day that as far as the minor relief schemes were concerned, for which his Department was responsible, that particular rule was not being enforced rigidly. The reason he gave was that it was more difficult to secure registration in certain counties than others. He quoted of all counties, County Mayo. We all know what happened in County Mayo last year when it was announced by the Government that the grants would be allocated on the basis of the number registered as unemployed. We know the famous case of the town of Ballina, where nearly 7,000 men were given as registered. I am quite sure that if I were in the position of the Parliamentary Secretary and if I were trying to make the case of the difficulty of registration I would not select County Mayo as an example in view of what happened last year.

I do suggest that the Department cannot be congratulated on its administration for the past year, or on the way in which it had attempted to deal with the unemployment problem. I think the Department deserves the censure of this House, not only for not getting more workers absorbed in employment, but for making the lot of those unemployed much more difficult than it was. We had a scheme providing that 25 per cent. of the men employed in any particular work were to be single men—one in every four. Is the Minister satisfied that that is working out well? I doubt it very much. Is the Minister satisfied that the reduction in the number of unemployed registered represents the true state of affairs? I do not believe the Minister or his Department is satisfied of any such thing. I am not blaming the Minister or his Department for that, because, at no time did I, personally, believe that the figures supplied by the Department of Industry and Commerce, either under the present Government or under the late Government, reflected the actual position as far as unemployment is concerned. I do not think that we should be told, through the columns of the Press or in the House, that because there has been a drop of 30,000 in the number registered that that means that 30,000 have been absorbed in employment. It does not mean any such thing. As I say, I realise that we cannot expect the Acting-Minister to be able to deal with all the details and the points raised from this and other sides of the House, but I think that the Minister ought to get from the responsible officials in the Department what is the actual position regarding the working of the new scheme and regarding the placing of men in employment. I think the Minister ought to give the House an explanation of the order sent down in regard to the placing of men on work. I think it is a scandalous order that should be either withdrawn or modified.

As Deputy Morrissey has stated, the House is at a certain disadvantage in discussing this Estimate owing to the absence of the Minister for Industry and Commerce. Personally, I am sorry for the circumstances that have been responsible for his absence. I think it is the wish of all Deputies that the Minister should soon be back again in his place. There are several matters in connection with the Vote to which I would like to draw the attention of the Acting-Minister. Deputy Moore stated in the course of his speech that the Government had nothing whatever to do in regard to the placing of new industries in this country. I wish that were the case, because it, unfortunately, has been our experience in Dundalk that the Minister has, on many occasions, sent people who were prepared to start industries in Dundalk, Drogheda, or other parts of the country, to places in the Midlands and places down South. I, as representing that constituency, would like to have from the Minister a statement as to whether that is the considered policy of the Department in future.

I might remind the Minister and the House, that although there may be very acute differences of opinion existing amongst people in that county, on matters affecting the welfare of the people in the county in general, politics are left out of the question. We all work together for the prosperity of all concerned and, incidentally for the prosperity of the State. With a view to helping the Minister in his policy of the creation of new industries, there was formed in Dundalk a committee composed of business men of all shades of opinion, men who had experience in various branches of business. By an intensive campaign of advertising, which necessitated very considerable expense, they were able to draw the attention of many people in other countries— manufacturers engaged in the manufacture of certain classes of goods which owing to the tariff policy of the Government could not be imported into this country—to the advantages which Dundalk possessed as a manufacturing centre. These manufacturers were prepared to come here and manufacture. I can produce, if necessary, a whole sheaf of correspondence dealing with the matter. I content myself by stating that the people down there feel very sore, whether it is due to the action of the Minister or not, that certain of these factories have not been set up there, although the people prepared to set up these factories were very favourably impressed with the conditions prevailing within the county which I represent.

I hope that the Minister when replying will intimate to the House what policy his Department intends to follow in the future with regard to the setting up of these particular factories. Members of that committee have been very busy; as I say they have hunted the hare, they have not caught the hare, and they think that it was very unfair to hand her over now to other people. If people down in other parts of this country want these factories let them take the same steps to secure them as we have taken in Dundalk, Drogheda and in other parts of Louth.

Attention called to the fact that a quorum was not present. House counted and quorum being present,

I would ask the Minister if he is not prepared to issue a permit to these people to start any little factories in Dundalk, Drogheda, or any other parts of Louth that he would, perhaps, be prepared to place facilities at their disposal to set up factories. I refer now to places in mid-Louth, to the village of Castlebellingham which formerly was a very prosperous little village. It was very prosperous a few years ago, but in consequence of the closing down of the little brewery there it is suffering to-day, and as a result of that closing down there are many people there who find themselves without employment at the moment. The Minister can see that these industries cannot be set up unless the people secure a permit. This slowness and delay in the issuing of these permits by his Department have more or less given grave dissatisfaction to the members of that industrial committee which was set up some time ago and is functioning at the moment in Dundalk.

While on this question of licensing I would like to draw the attention of the House to the fact that there are very many fittings which are necessary for the carrying out of work of public importance such as sewerage and waterwork schemes, and these fittings cannot be obtained in this country for the reason that they are not manufactured here. These fittings can be obtained in Great Britain. I understand that very many applications were made to the Department of Industry and Commerce for permits in order that these fittings might be imported free of duty. The Minister can see the force of these applications for the reason that these works are mostly works of public utility such as sewerage and water schemes and work for the carrying through of which the Government make grants. The cost of the schemes would be considerably reduced by the issuing of permits for the free import of these commodities. I ask the Minister to bear that in mind because the delay in the issue of permits is holding up work. I am aware that in many cases the Department has absolutely refused to issue permits. Instead of issuing permits it has replied that suitable substitutes for these fittings can be procured at home, but they have not specified where they can be procured. I would urge the Minister to give that matter his consideration.

There is another matter affecting the question of unemployment benefit and I would like to refer to it. On the 4th of last May I put down a question to the Minister in regard to the payment of unemployment benefit to the workers on the Great Northern Railway. These workers as a result of the strike that took place during the month of April last were debarred from receiving unemployment benefit on the plea that their unemployment was directly caused by a strike. These cases were referred to the umpire and he gave his decision, I think, on 24th April refusing to grant unemployment benefits to these men. The acting Minister is aware that that decision affects 500 or 600 men in the various trades in the railway works, engineering, boiler-making and other allied trades.

Would not that matter arise more appropriately on Vote 60—Unemployment Insurance?

If An Leas-Cheann Comhairle thinks I am out of order I will not proceed.

The Deputy will have a chance of raising this matter on Vote 60.

I was only just making a reference to the question so as to press upon the Minister the necessity for introducing legislation to——

Deputies must not advocate new legislation when debating the Estimates.

I was hoping to bring the hardship inflicted upon a section of these workers by the law, as it stands at the moment, and I thought——

I do not want to interrupt the Deputy. Probably he is not going to go very far with this matter, but on the Estimates it is not permitted to advocate new legislation.

I was anxious to draw attention to the law, as it stands, so that the Minister would put the matter before the Executive Council in order that the necessary legislation might be introduced later. However, as An Leas-Cheann Comhairle says I can raise the matter on Vote 60, I will bow to his ruling now.

As regards the question of staff in the various labour exchanges, I find that there has been a very perceptible increase in the number of clerks employed throughout the various exchanges in the Saorstát. I do not complain of or disagree with that. Perhaps the explanation is that the work has greatly increased there and that this increase in the staff is necessary. What I would like to be assured of is this: that the procedure with regard to the recruitment of such clerks or the filling of such positions in the labour exchanges should be carried out in a proper manner. My information with regard to the labour exchange in Dundalk is that very many people have secured jobs there as clerks who never registered at all. Their names were really sent down from the Department in Dublin here. I think that is most extraordinary in view of the fact that at the particular time there were registered at the local labour exchanges from ten to 20 local people who, by virtue of their previous experience in such work, should, in the ordinary circumstances, be entitled to receive some little recognition, and whose applications should receive some little consideration on the part of the Department.

I feel very strongly upon this. I am one of those who do not like to indulge in pin-pricks, or to criticise the Government for the sake of criticising them. Members of the Executive will see, as far as I am personally concerned, that I have not gone out of my way to criticise them merely for the sake of criticising them. I never will be a party to that. I have not done so in the past, and will not do so in the future. For my part I would like every man to get a job upon his merits, independent of politics. But I feel very strongly that people can get jobs of a temporary character, which makes it worse when their names have not been upon the register for unemployment at all. I hope the Minister will see to it that, so far as filling vacancies in the future is concerned, people who are actually registered will receive some little consideration. It is well known that people get employment through the labour exchange in Dundalk who are not residents in the Free State at all, but are from Northern Ireland. I have no objection to people from Northern Ireland getting work in the Free State. I know what nationalists in the Free State suffered in 1916 and afterwards for their political opinions. I would be the very last to raise any objection to these men. But in view of what took place I think I am right in bringing this matter to the notice of the Minister with a view to preventing such recurrences again in the labour exchange in Dundalk.

I referred to another matter incidentally on the Local Government Board to which I want to call attention now, and that is the policy of the Department of Industry and Commerce imposing indiscriminate tariffs on commodities used in the building of houses. The Minister, no doubt, is anxious to set up as many industries in the Free State as he possibly can with a view to increasing employment. With that end in view there is at the moment before the House a Cement Bill. If the Minister is so anxious to manufacture cement in this country, I think he should be equally anxious to manufacture bricks at an economic price, and one that will compare with the price paid for such articles in Northern Ireland or in Great Britain. It is a well-known fact that bricks can be imported into the Free State, as I said on the Local Government Estimate, at anything from £1 to 30/- per ton less than they can be delivered in Dundalk, from any brick works manufacturing at the moment in the Free State. As I said on that occasion it is loading the dice unfairly against the bricklayers and other trades engaged in building. I would point out now, as I did before, that these trades have a record behind them, and that Ministers should be slow in loading the dice against them. I would seriously suggest to the Minister that in order to give the Dundalk Urban Council an opportunity of building houses with brick at a price that could more or less compete with houses built either of concrete blocks or in situ, he should allow a certain quantity of bricks to be imported from Northern Ireland in order to enable public bodies in places like Dundalk and Monaghan that are in close proximity to the Border to erect houses of brick.

It is a well-known fact that many people prefer a house built of brick to one of concrete. There is the danger, also, as I said, of those trades becoming a thing of the past. In view of the fact that bricks cannot be purchased in the Free State at a price that will compare with bricks made in Northern Ireland and Great Britain, the Minister should make some arrangement whereby these bricks can be imported, and should allow public bodies to import them if they desire to erect houses of brick in the future.

As regards the policy of the Department on the question of strikes, I do not know whether I would be in order in referring to that matter or not. But seeing that the Department of Industry and Commerce is looming very largely before the public in regard to strikes I, as one with some little experience of trade union matters, am apprehensive, at least at the moment, as to whether it is quite good policy on the part of the Department to interfere in disputes that occur between employers and employees. I am referring to this matter by way of helping the Department, not by way of criticism. It is a very important matter and one that affects the future of this country whether from the industrial or economic point of view, and it affects the Minister's Department from the point of view of the setting up of industries. What I am coming at is this: Rightly or wrongly, I suspect we would not have so many of these strikes at all if those responsible for them did not feel convinced of the easy approach to the Minister, to get him to interfere in these matters and to settle them. I am one of those who can afford to get up and discuss this question with the leaders of the Labour movement. I am one myself. I think it is about time that the Minister should come out boldly and let the people in this State, and all concerned, know that no section of workers in this country can hold up the trade or business of the country at will. I am one of those who are out for the rights of trade unions and workers as well as any man, but I am against any section of workers flouting the authority of the trade unions and taking part in what I may call unofficial strikes.

Rightly or wrongly, there is a suspicion that these sectional strikes would not take place if these people were not assured of what I might call sympathy, tacit or otherwise, on the part of the Minister. It is a very important matter for the Minister and for the country and I think it would be up to the Minister, and, in fact, to the President himself, to take such steps as will prevent the trade and commerce of this country being held up by any section of workers who, by reason of having a grievance, real or imaginary at times, embark on an unofficial strike. I should also like the Minister——

I have allowed the Deputy to make his point and he should rest content with that. The settling of strikes or economic disputes is not an official function of the Minister for Industry and Commerce.

It is not an official function?

It is not his function.

That is the very point I am making.

I have allowed the Deputy to make his point and he might be satisfied.

I am making the point that it is not his function——

And, therefore, does not arise under this Vote.

It is not his function, but I might add that there are many matters which, while they might not be quite relevant, are almost relevant. It is, however, a matter of very grave importance to the country and it may be that the Minister may see the wisdom of my remarks, so far as the future is concerned. With regard to this question of unemployment, I may say that there, again, I do not propose to criticise the Government in regard to whether or not there is an increase in unemployment for the simple reason that I have always taken the view, and take the view still, that it is not the absolute duty of a Government to solve unemployment, and I do not propose to criticise the Government, merely for the sake of criticising, in regard to whether or not there are more unemployed to-day than there were, say, 12 months or two years ago.

I know that all Governments would be anxious to solve this problem but it is a problem which is very difficult of solution and one about the solution of which there are great differences of opinion. I think that, at the moment, there does exist very serious unemployment but it is no more serious here than in any other country and the only criticism I make of the Government's policy is that I think they are going rather fast in the matter of tariffs. The imposition of many of the tariffs has led to unemployment in many directions and it would be a wise policy on the part of the Government to hasten slowly on this question of tariffs. There is no doubt that it can be argued, as it has been argued by Deputy Moore, that, as a result of the policy of the Department of Industry and Commerce, certain industries have been set up and certain people engaged in the manufacturing line have experienced a kind of boom in trade during the past 12 months. It is also a well-known fact, however, that, side by side with an increase of employment in certain directions, there is an increase in unemployment in other directions and that applies, in particular, to those engaged in the agricultural industry. You cannot legislate exclusively for city and urban areas and leave out of reckoning altogether the position of those who live in the rural parts of this State. Both interests are interdependent and I would urge the Minister for Industry and Commerce to be exceedingly careful in this matter of tariffs lest by his policy he may be reducing the capacity of that very large section of our people engaged in agriculture to purchase the commodities that will be manufactured in the new factories set up in many counties of the Free State. I hope that unemployment will decrease but it will only decrease if everyone co-operates and gives a helping hand. I hope and trust that that co-operation will be forthcoming because—there can be no two opinions about it—this is a matter which must arrest the attention and must command the support and co-operation of everyone who is interested in the material welfare of the people of this or any other country.

I regret very much that the Minister for Industry and Commerce is not here and we all regret the cause of his absence. Deputy Morrissey referred to the inconvenience and, I might say, the difficulties that county surveyors had in providing labour on certain works and I think the Minister assured him that the county surveyors had certain rights in that matter. I hope that is true because I also was under the impression, as, apparently, Deputy Morrissey was, that county surveyors had to take whatever labour was offered to them by the labour exchange.

They never had to do so until they were satisfied that the men offered in order of preference by the local employment exchange were satisfactory from every point of view.

I am glad to hear that.

Is the Minister sure of that?

Quite sure.

I am sure that the contrary has been the case in practice.

You are always sure of the contrary of everything.

I am glad of the assurance of the Minister, because some of us were under the impression, and were definitely told when we made applications for work for certain unemployed men that the county surveyors had no power whatever in the matter. I think every Deputy must have had that experience to some extent. I, personally, had, and I am glad of the assurance of the Minister that they have some option in the employment of labour. Deputy Moore asked somebody to point out any manufacturer who had had difficulty in finding a market for his produce. When the Minister for Industry and Commerce last year introduced the Cereals Bill, certain of us criticised it very strongly and we pointed out many of its possible effects. We pointed out the effects it might possibly have on existing industries in relation to the expansion of their business and the finding of markets for that expansion. The flour industry has been referred to. The particular constituency I represent is vitally interested in the flour industry and if the Cereals Bill directly affected any industry it affected the flour industry, and one of the direct results of that Bill and the other restrictions the Minister has imposed on this industry has been that the price of flour has advanced considerably. It has, perhaps, advanced more than it ought to have advanced if one takes into consideration the current market price in England. The principal cause of that advance, which has affected the poor people especially, is that the flour millers find it extremely difficult to dispose of the offals, and when I say "offals" I think Deputies will understand what I mean. I refer to the bran, pollard and other offals of which they have to dispose. When discussing the Cereals Bill we pointed out that in insisting on the mixture the Ministry was putting a serious hardship on feeders of live stock. Unfortunately, circumstances have since arisen which have made it rather difficult for feeders to use any particular food for cattle, or which have made it uneconomic to feed live stock with what they were fed previously. Representations have been made to Deputies that the mixture supplied is not a suitable feed for certain animals.

Another difficulty millers have is in disposing of offals. Farmers are not buying bran, pollard and other offals to the same extent as hitherto. With the extension of the milling industry there has been a rapid increase in the production of bran and pollard. In recent months I believe the flour millers have had to export these products to outside markets, which were already saturated, and to dispose of them at scrap prices. Because of that it was necessary to put the loss sustained on the sale of offals on to the flour that the people are using. That is one direct result of the policy of the Ministry.

I referred previously to another matter that vitally concerns the City of Limerick, and that is the discrimination that is made against that city in the charges for electricity, as compared with other parts of the State. In Limerick the citizens are subjected to a charge which is 25 per cent. greater than that charged for electricity in Dublin and 12½ per cent. greater than the price in Cork. In fact Limerick is put on a par, for electricity charges, with small villages.

I think the fixing of rates for electricity is not one of the functions of the Minister for Industry and Commerce. That is controlled by the Electricity Supply Board, and the Minister has no power in the matter.

Possibly the Minister has no direct power, as the Electricity Supply Board is not directly under his control, but, if any Minister has any power over the Electricity Supply Board, it is the Minister in charge of this Department.

The Deputy knows that in that matter the Electricity Supply Board is autonomous, and that the Minister does not control prices.

I suppose I am precluded from referring to it but if the Minister could use his good offices in that respect, on behalf of the citizens of Limerick, we would be glad. In the course of the debate reference was made to a difficulty about employing people who had small pensions. I believe I am right in saying that at the labour exchanges the services of certain people have been dispensed with, because they had small Army pensions. I do not think that is a highly defensive procedure. It was mentioned in the debate previously. If there is one part of this State that has been adversely affected by the policy of the present Ministry, and by tariffs, and other restrictions, it is the City of Limerick. When speaking on the various Votes, Estimates and tariffs, I pointed out what would happen to Limerick. Other Deputies pointed out, when the package tax and other taxes were imposed that they would necessitate centralisation of any new industries which would be established in Dublin, and that in consequence cities like Limerick, Galway, Cork, Sligo and other places would be affected. They have been affected by these tariffs. Limerick has been affected more than any other part of the State by the increasing depression. Unfortunately there is a great deal of unemployment there. It must be within the knowledge of the Minister that during the last few years the railway works have been closed in Limerick. I suppose that was inevitable. The railways have suffered owing to the depression. A large number of people were put out of employment when the railway works closed, while dockers have been unemployed as a direct consequence of the policy of this Government. One would have expected that any attempt made to provide employment for these people would have had the sympathy and the encouragement of the Minister.

In Limerick, we have, unfortunately, very few large employers of labour. We have a few noble-minded citizens who are trying to expand their business, and who at present employ a considerable number of people. One firm of contractors there is competing very successfully with big outside contractors and has obtained work far away from Limerick. This firm proposed to expand its business and to embark on new work which would provide employment for a great number of people. An application was made to the Department of Industry and Commerce for permission to import certain machinery under licence. This machinery included a concrete machine, a lining machine for the making of roof tiles, and a woodwork machine. So far permission has not been given to import these articles under licence. I am informed that the firm asked the Department, in case the necessary licence would not be given, to supply the names of firms who could supply the machinery, but, so far, that information has not been given.

This particular firm had a big contract in the County Clare, as they have various contracts in other parts of this State. If it had not been for the good offices of another contractor, who supplied them with the necessary machinery to keep going on that contract, that work would have had to be closed down eight or ten days ago. Certain works which they have in contemplation cannot go on unless they get the necessary permission from the Minister to import this machinery. I am reliably informed that if the order allowing them to import this machinery is not issued, 200 or, possibly, 300 men will be disemployed in the course of the next few weeks. I do not want to give the name of this firm because both the Minister for Industry and Commerce and the President himself are aware of the circumstances. The matter has been going on for some months, and I would have refrained from mentioning it in the Dáil if there was any other course open to me. It does seem to us in Limerick unfortunate that, while we are suffering as the result of depression, tariffs and other causes, there should be an addition to our unemployed on the railways, at the docks, and elsewhere, when we have the opportunity not only of keeping a certain number of men in employment but of increasing that number permanently. It is unfortunate that that should arise because a certain firm needs machinery to carry on their work and will not get the necessary licence to import it.

We have now had 12 or 15 months' experience of the tariff policy of the Ministry. I assume that the Department of Industry and Commerce is, in great measure, responsible for that policy. Whatever new industries have been established as a result of these tariffs have gone, practically exclusively, to Dublin. Outside Dublin, practically every city has suffered as a direct consequence of this policy. We were promised that this policy would lead to a great increase in employment everywhere. In the part of the country which I represent, we have found that that policy has lamentably failed. We may be particularly unfortunate in Limerick, but I venture to say that other Deputies will assert that they are suffering equally. Our agriculture has suffered, and it is difficult to imagine how cases such as I have mentioned should arise at this particular time. I hope that the Minister will reconsider the matter I have referred to, and that the President, to whose knowledge it was brought, will use his influence so as to enable this firm to carry on and extend its work, thus giving useful and continuous employment to a great number of people in the city I represent.

When the Minister for Industry and Commerce speaks with one voice and the Acting-Minister for Industry and Commerce speaks with another voice, it is very difficult to understand what is the real policy of the Department. We were told to-day that there were no definite instructions, and never had been any definite instructions, that workmen employed on Government schemes should be recruited through the labour exchanges—that there was always a certain choice left. That is what the Minister for Education, acting for the Minister for Industry and Commerce, told this House within the last few minutes. Yet, when I turn to the Debates of November 3rd, 1932, when the Minister for Industry and Commerce was himself laying down the policy on which his Department was going to work, I find he said:

"We insist in every case in which work has been given—that is, work provided out of State funds—that the employees be selected from the labour exchanges and that the manager of the labour exchange is to select the people who are to do that work. The manager does select these people."

That was the voice of the Minister for Industry and Commerce on the 3rd November, 1932. Now we are informed that there never were any such instructions given by the Minister, that that was never his policy. When we hear, as I have said, the Minister for Industry and Commerce speaking with one voice and telling us what his intention is as regards the policy of his Department, and when we hear the Acting-Minister for Industry and Commerce say that such a policy has never been carried out by the Department, we begin to wonder where we are. What is the use of telling this House that a certain policy is to be adopted when it is not the intention to adopt that policy and when that policy has not, in fact, been carried out, as we have now been told...

On the question of unemployment, which has been rightly debated at much length, I do not see how Deputy Moore could have drawn the conclusions which he drew from the official figures, that unemployment is decreasing in the State. These figures, as Deputy Morrissey has pointed out, are, especially under present conditions, very illusory and misleading. I should like to ask Deputy Moore, if he desires to think about this matter at all, how he would reconcile his conclusions with the appalling increase in home assistance. The last date for which we have any official figures—about these official figures there can be no mistake—is the last Saturday in May. We find that there are well over 30,000 more people on home assistance than there were the year before. If the numbers of unemployed are dropping, in fact, as well as on paper, I would like to know why the number of persons living on home assistance is going up by leaps and bounds. We have only the figures, so far as they relate up to last May, but there is not a Deputy who knows anything about conditions in the country who is not aware that more and more people in the country districts are being driven to home assistance every day.

Closely allied to this is the question of unemployment. The question of unemployment should, to a very considerable extent, dictate the policy which the Department of Industry and Commerce takes up. If you have unemployment upon the one hand and, if you know, also, there are a number of people driven on the rates to obtain subsistence and to keep away from starvation, and if those numbers are steadily increasing, and have gone up by 30,000—by what would be the whole population of what we would almost call a city in this State—then everything that can be done by the Department of Industry and Commerce to minimise that condition of affairs should be done. If there is one way better than any other to drive persons, who are almost on the brink of destitution, right over the brink, and into a condition of destitution, it is to make the necessities of life dearer. People may be just able to pull along if the necessities of life are cheap, but they must get on the rates if the necessities of life are being kept up by a deliberate Government policy.

That is precisely the course which the Department of Industry and Commerce is adopting at the present moment. If you want to keep people off home assistance, then what you should do is rather to subsidise the necessities of life so that the people can get them as cheaply as possible rather than tax the necessities of life, making them dear for these unfortunate persons. If there is one necessity of life greater than another in this State it is flour. At this period of the year, especially, flour is almost the main staff of life of the working population. The policy should be to keep down the price of flour and to make it as cheap as possible to the consumer, so that in this desperate condition of affairs, which the Government have brought about by the mismanagement of the affairs of State, the poorer classes of the community should be made to suffer as little as possible. What do we find? Instead of endeavouring to make flour as cheap as possible, they are making flour, relatively to what it ought to be, appallingly dear.

I have it upon impeccable authority that the same class of flour that costs 18/- in Northern Ireland costs 27/- in this State, and the higher class of flour that costs 22/- in Northern Ireland costs 32/- here. These figures vary from day to day. In other words, for your bag of flour—and I do not care so much about the price of bread, because, so far as my constituency is concerned, and so far as all the western constituencies, and, perhaps, other constituencies, are concerned, it is not the price of bread that matters so much as the price of flour—you pay practically twice as much as is paid in the North of Ireland. The bulk of the people here bake their own bread, and that is why the price of flour matters so much to them. If in this State you have people who are selling two head of cattle for the price of one, and those same persons are driven to pay the price of three bags of flour in order to get two, you are subjecting them to gross injustice and you are bringing about a condition of affairs which is going to add enormously to the existing destitution. You are going to make people who are suffering from your economic war not merely suffer, but suffer most unnecessarily.

As regards unemployment in country districts, we have it that it is not now, in certain counties, the persons who are most in need are receiving benefit. We are told now that the principle that they are to be recruited through the employment exchanges is, in some counties, anyhow, a dead letter. We find, in consequence, that dictation comes from Fianna Fáil clubs as to the persons who shall get employment. We know that is going on all round the place. We know there is a regular campaign inaugurated to prevent anybody who is not a Fianna Fáil supporter from getting work. Unless the Government takes a very clear and strong stand against that, unless the Department for Industry and Commerce takes a strong and determined attitude against that, it may at the moment be doing itself some little good, but it will do itself and the Government precious little good in the long run. It certainly will do an infinity of harm to the State. If you are going to demoralise the people by giving work, not to persons who need it, but to persons who have got political credit for something done, you are setting up a desperately bad principle, a principle that will not even pay you.

Dr. Ryan

It will not pay you, either.

Deputy Coburn pointed out that clerks have been sent to labour exchanges, whose names were first sent to Dublin. I know there have been changes in the personnel of the labour exchanges and I have a shrewd suspicion why these changes were made. I have a shrewd idea what is the particular political complexion of the gentlemen who were sent down. No matter who they may be, no matter whom we nominate to be clerks in labour exchanges, I would much rather trust them to see that work was being given out fairly than trust those other gentlemen who dictate the persons who shall receive work. I know the same efforts are being made in the case of the Land Commission. I believe all over the country the Irish Land Commission are trying to stand out and see that the work is fairly given. It will be impossible for the Land Commission, or anybody else who is giving employment on relief work, to stand out if the Government gives way in any one particular direction. If you want clean administration in this country, if you want to keep the country clean, you must be firm in that matter, and you are not firm.

I am glad that here we have an opportunity of getting in this House a little bit of information—perhaps I should call it a big bit of information —which this House and the whole country have been thirsting for for a very long time. There is an opportunity now given to the Acting-Minister for Industry and Commerce of satisfying a bit of curiosity, and a very legitimate curiosity, which has been in the minds of the people of this State for a very long time. He is now in the position to-day of having an opportunity to tell us where the 300 factories have been set up. He is in a position to-day to tell us there are so many in this county, so many in that county and so many in the other county, and that they are giving so much employment. He has a grand opportunity—a gorgeous opportunity. All that information which the Minister for Industry and Commerce has so carefully kept locked up within his own bosom, so terribly afraid that anybody except himself should be aware of the location of these mysterious hidden factories, can now be given to the public, if the Acting-Minister for Industry and Commerce has got it. I am afraid he has not. I am afraid that all the search that the Acting-Minister for Industry and Commerce has been able to make has not been a search which would enable him to find the non-existent. Therefore, though I request him to give us all the information at his disposal upon this important question, I do not flatter myself that the Minister will give this House the slightest information about it.

Industry and commerce have one particular object, and that is to bring technical effort and capital together, to endeavour to stimulate industry, thereby increasing the wealth of the nation, and to solve the unemployment question if possible. There is not any doubt whatever that the Minister for Industry and Commerce, no matter what punch of fight he puts into his job, no matter how hard he works, if the Department of Agriculture is not able to walk in step, is only wasting his time. It is on the basis of a paying agricultural industry that this country can rise to support its own needs. It is on the basis of the agricultural community being able to have an open, clear and profitable market that an attempt can be made with any sort of chance of success to establish industries in country towns. Everybody is aware that in regard to the position of the country towns, as far as industry is concerned, as far as any chance of entering into commerce outside the ordinary local purchasing that goes on is concerned, there is no chance whatever of establishing industry or commerce there under the present conditions that exist.

The President went down to Kilkenny quite recently. He must have got some information there about the condition of unemployment, because he stated that unless the opportunity was taken now by people with capital, whether it be small or whether it be large, in the near future there would be regrets for not having taken that opportunity. Protection is offered to the people of this country who start new industries, protection which, I submit, will be to the benefit of the few as against the many. No matter what protection has been employed, no matter what action has been taken to prevent outside products coming in here which we can make ourselves, apparently the protection has not been high enough, strong enough or great enough up to the present to achieve the results that were in view. Nobody is anxious to see this country with large chimney stacks emitting smoke all over the place. That was never the idea in connection with the development of industry in this country. As I have stated, unless those two Departments walk in step, inch by inch and yard by yard, and have an equal balance of development, there is not the slightest chance of bringing about a development in industry and commerce which will solve or attempt to solve unemployment in this country. Go around to any of the country towns at the present moment, and what do you see? Nothing but fellows standing at the corners with their hands in their pockets. If you interview them you will find that they are living under most appalling conditions. It is quite probable that the vast majority of them have no hope whatever of getting employment, and are completely demoralised. A C 3 nation will be the result. County homes were never so full, and home assistance was never so much called for or drawn upon.

Complaints have been made about the present conditions under which employment is given under Government grants for minor relief schemes. Complaints are coming in in ever increasing quantities every day. Why? When this matter of relief schemes was being discussed, and the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance was here, I deliberately refrained from making any acrimonious remarks. It is obvious, however, that there is Fianna Fáil occupation of the country at the present moment; that the clubs which are started are not playing the game between those who are in distress as against their immediate followers. I have received letters stating beyond yea or nay—they can be published if necessary—that there is no hiding the fact that very unfair discrimination is being made as regards the giving of employment under grants for minor relief schemes. The young fellows are told: "If you do not go on in and join the Fianna Fáil club you have no chance whatever of getting work under this scheme." What is the use of the Minister for Industry and Commerce issuing instructions, or pretending that he can run in a fair way the distribution of relief schemes and give fair and honest employment in the country districts if this kind of thing is allowed to run rampant? I suggest that impartial inspectors should be sent down to the country districts; that they should be allowed to see the lists showing the same old group taken on again and again. The same names will appear on the list, and the same fellows will be victimised unless they are "tough guys," big enough and strong enough to fight their way in, and hammer out any opposition that stands in their way. I have advised them on several occasions "to hell with politics." Excuse me, sir, I am sorry. I have advised them not to allow politics to stand in their way, and if necessary to return force for force. That is the position to which the country is rapidly coming. Ex-service men, and those who were in the British Army during the great war, no matter under what circumstances they joined it, are at the present moment being victimised in the County Kildare.

I should like to draw attention to the fact that a quorum is not present.

The Deputy may resume.

Might I draw attention to the fact that there are only four Cumann na nGaedheal Deputies present? They are deliberately absenting themselves from the House.

Deputy Minch to resume.

British ex-servicemen, who may have a pension of about 15/- a week, and who have large responsibilities as regards those dependent on them, are being and have been victimised.

I would like to call attention to the way this unemployment relief is being administered. There are R.I.C. pensioners who, because they throw their weight into the Fianna Fáil clubs, are now becoming leaders, and it is they decide who should be employed and who should not be employed. It is only a week or so ago since Deputy Norton referred to that in the debate on minor relief schemes. It is not in one part of South Kildare that that is going on, but in many parts of the county. The hardship that is being inflicted on decent people as a result of it is appalling, and is grossly unfair. If that is the way that Fianna Fáil are going to recruit new voters and to increase the membership of their clubs, by victimisation of that sort, then I can tell them it will recoil on their own heads later. It will be impossible, sooner or later, to hold some of those fellows to whom they are pandering now. It is quite wrong to be making this a purely political business. Some of us want to play the game and to see this employment distributed fairly, without politics being brought into it. The day will come when some of those fellows will get out of hand, and then we shall see what will happen.

That is the sort of thing that happened in parts of South Kildare last year. Unless the Minister for Agriculture and his Department carry on their work by ordinary legitimate trading means, instead of by a system of subsidies and bounties, then industry and commerce will not only be not able to mark time, but they will drift backwards. There will be no chance whatever of solving the unemployment problem, or of reducing the number by a substantial figure. The present policy of the Government is doing infinite harm to people who have regular and constant employment. Many of them, unfortunately, are losing that employment, and it is feared, because of the Government's policy, they will never be able to get regular employment again. I do not want to detain the House on this Estimate. I have no desire to sit here until 12 o'clock to-morrow night or until 6 o'clock to-morrow morning. I just wish to enter my protest against the unfair methods that are being used in connection with the relief of unemployment. In my opinion, it will be impossible ever to solve the unemployment problem in view of the manner in which the Government is pursuing its agricultural policy.

The Minister in introducing this Estimate took considerable pride in the fact that the staff in the Department of Industry and Commerce had been considerably increased, and instanced the amount of work that had to be done in connection with licences and permits. In my opinion, if the Government would really take a long-sighted view they would find that was a distinct disadvantage, not only to the Government but to the country as a whole. The Government are very anxious to promote industry, and I will give them credit for that. I believe they are sincerely and wholeheartedly endeavouring to promote industry here, but I am afraid there are certain fundamental errors in their industrial policy which will, in the long run, defeat the objects they have in view. I am afraid they are confusing the promotion of industry with the relief of unemployment. Now the unemployed in this country are the outward and the visible sign of the state of agriculture and industry.

I do not want on this Vote to refer to the position of agriculture or to the state of affairs which exists in that industry. I wish to confine my remarks simply and solely to industry and I am convinced that the Government in their desire to promote industry have paid too little attention to certain essential facts. I have said that they are mixing up the cure for unemployment with the promotion of industry. When you look narrowly into certain measures that the Government have introduced you find that while undoubtedly certain people have been placed in industry as a result of those and other measures other people have been displaced. That is what the Government are overlooking. It reminds one of the story that used to be told during the war about the demolition of a munition factory. It was this: that a contractor was putting up the factory, and that before he had finished it workmen were engaged at the other end taking it down. Now something like that is going on in industry at the present time. I am afraid that the Government pay absolutely no attention to the way that they are raising the cost of living and the cost of production and the difficulty of doing business in the case of other industries throughout the country. Everyone in this House would, I think; concede that when an Irish manufacturer is prepared to make a certain range of goods at something approaching the market price he should be given a measure of protection, but I am afraid that what happens at the present time is that a very much wider range of goods is protected than the local manufacturer is prepared to cater for. This results in raising the price of certain goods to the community at large. In other cases the output of the local manufacturer is so small that goods have to come in from outside to supplement his output.

I think every Deputy in this House is aware of the extraordinary anxiety the Government have in catering for people who are prepared to manufacture. But there are other features, and I would like to remind the Government that there is a very large distributing trade in this country. If that were in the hands of somebody else, the Government might find that they had paid too little attention to that portion of the economic wealth of the country. If you are going to put two people into manufacture and take three people out of the distribution, that may be a satisfactory solution from the Government's point of view of the numbers taken on, but it is producing an amount of uncertainty the effects of which are only very slowly being felt. The President, a short time ago, told us that people were not investing in Irish enterprises to the extent that they should. Apparently, they did not appreciate the investment that was offered to them; but I should like the Government to give some concrete example of what the policy was in regard to industry in order that people might prepare for it. Some manufacturers, who have no distributing facilities, have found that an impost on goods is a protection to them, and they are the only people who can import the goods that they are about to manufacture, presumably with the idea of establishing their place in the market. I should like to remind the Government, however, that there are distributors, who have a very extensive organisation and give very extensive employment, and who have found that they are cut off from the importation of goods and are left high and dry with a large portion of their supplies cut off from them. The Government may argue that manufacture is the most important thing in this country, and that distributors really are not wanted. I suggest to the Government that a survey of the taxes or duties that they have put on would reveal that some of those duties are very useful. They are giving a manufacturer the protection he needed and employment has been given, and industry is being carried on. They would find in other cases, however, that the duties they have put on have really only increased the cost to the consumer, and have not really benefited anybody. In other instances they would find that not only has that taken place, but that a very considerable distributing unit has been left in a state of uncertainty as to what their future is. Nobody will deny that there must be a certain amount of dislocation, but I feel sure that if the Government could review a number of the duties, duty by duty, they would find that they have needlessly placed duties on certain things that are not giving any measure of employment in industry, and that in other cases it has merely raised difficulties which have got to be got over by reason of numerous licences and permits.

I suggest to the Government that, in a time like this, when it is very difficult for people to know what their future is and how far they are to be permitted to carry on their business, the Government ought to show that they are not prepared to displace anybody who is carrying on business or industry in this country unless it is for the interest of the country as a whole that some change should be made. I feel sure that the Government have entirely under-estimated the effect on the industrial community of the present uncertainty which has been brought about, firstly, by a number of taxes which did not produce any good effect and, secondly, by a want of a policy by the Government which proceeded clearly and logically along certain lines. I do not wish to upset the Government's idea if they think that every single thing that is brought into this country can be manufactured here, but certainly I should like to assure them that the change over can only be accomplished by a slow and gradual growth of experience and confidence and by taking into counsel those who are employed in industry and carrying on the distributing industries as well as the manufacturing industries of this country. There are certain frightful anomalies in the Government's policy to which I will refer under another Vote, but it seems to me as if the Government have not paid sufficient attention to the cost to the community in trying to promote industry and commerce.

Is nobody going to speak on the Government side on the Vote on Industry and Commerce? Well, I shall go on. This is the Vote which gives a Minister for Industry and Commerce, who is knowledgeable about his post, or even a substitute who is acting for the Minister, an opportunity to reveal what his policy has done for industry and commerce in the country during the 12 months that have gone. It would be appropriate for the Minister under these circumstances to give the House some details, if any details are available, of the increased productivity in the country as well as the increase in the wealth that we are told is so marked around the country towns as well as in Dublin; and to give us a better indication than we have got up-to-date as to where the extra establishments are located, what are the wages paid in them, the hours worked, the proprietors who control them, and the capital, whether it is national or otherwise, which has been involved in them. That would be appropriate any time, but it would be particularly appropriate on this occasion when, for the first time, the Minister who announced his policy as a revolutionary one in industry can say that he had a fairly clear year in which to make good, and it would be still more appropriate to have such a clarifying statement from the Minister when that Minister, previously challenged with regard to his policy, said that he was prepared to take a certain challenge that had been flung out, "a challenge that had been put that in eight months' time we shall find out whether our policy has been a success or not. I am prepared to accept that; I am prepared to back that policy." He talked then about the signs of improvement that he was going to put before the people's eyes in eight months' time, and the eight months date from 12th May, 1932. Here is an opportunity in which not merely have the eight months elapsed, but that extra period which would necessarily be agreed upon to enable the Minister to measure up the full fruits of the success of the eight months and to present them here in a lucid and persuasive way, so that doubts that are at the moment in existence as regards the new policy might be all swept away. The opportunity has not been taken. There has been nothing indicated by the Minister with regard to progress of the policy.

From time to time questions have been asked in this House about single industries, taking mainly the form of asking the Minister for Industry and Commerce to state how many new factories have been established in——, and then the name of the industry occurs, to state where these factories are, to state how many new hands are employed, the wages that they get, and the hours they work, so that we could form an impression of the increased wealth produced in the country and how it is being distributed. There have been a variety of excuses in answer to these questions. We were told at one time that it was not considered desirable to give figures. We were told a little later that the staff was so busily engaged in promoting new industries that they could not stop to count those already established, although they must have records of them in the Department. We were told later on that it was better to present the matter in a comprehensive way and that a booklet dealing with Irish trade and industry was being prepared. When that line was followed up later and questions were put as to when the booklet would make its appearance, we were confronted again with the usual evasions, until at last the Minister was asked had he sent out the type of a questionnaire which was necessary to collect the information about trade and industries. We then found that this sheet of questions had not been yet sent to the industrialists of the country. I do not know if it has yet been sent. I certainly take it that no return has been made to it. I suppose I should not go so far as that, but I take it that, if a return has been made, then it was so disappointing that it cannot be produced.

In those circumstances, we have to examine the Minister's attitude towards trade and industry in the country and his many flamboyant phrases as to the great progress made, the new ground that has been opened, the new sources of wealth that have been tapped. From one detailed indication we can see pretty clearly what reliance is to be placed on the Minister's statement. After persistent inquiry, Deputy Mulcahy recently got a return made to him covering a certain number of industries about which no excuse could be presented to the House for failure to give the return. That was a group of industries on which tariffs had been imposed in 1924, 1925 and 1926, and in relation to which returns had been collected and presented half-yearly to the House. Recently Deputy Mulcahy did get an indication from these figures of the new employment in the industries mentioned, and from these we can get some criterion by which to judge the Minister for Industry and Commerce and some of his great phrases. Speaking in the House on 11th May, 1933, as reported in volume 47, No. 3, column 911 of the Official Reports, the Minister for Industry and Commerce said of the apparel industry that it covers a range of different forms of production and has also progressed much more rapidly even than was contemplated. I am going to refer to the advertisements which gave detailed figures which show the Minister's contemplation. On 11th May, 1933, he stated here that the progress in the apparel industry had been greater even than he contemplated. Then he continued:—

"Deputies who read the newspapers these days will find them full of advertisements for skilled workers in that trade. Every skilled worker in the country has been employed. Increased production has been held up by the fact that additional skilled workers are not available, and the people concerned in that industry are writing to my Department asking for sanction to bring in skilled workers from abroad."

That is a most satisfying statement to anyone who believes in it. The apparel industry has progressed far greater than was ever contemplated. Advertisements were appearing in the newspapers asking for skilled workers in that trade. That was the Minister's own statement, and he has the records of the skilled workers and knows where they are employed and how many are idle. He said every skilled worker in the country had been employed—I am assuming in that trade. Increased production had been held up, because there were not sufficient skilled workers in the country to deal with the increased production. Application had been made to him by manufacturers for leave to bring in people from abroad.

Then lately we got another jolt back to the truth. The number of people employed in the wholesale side of the clothing end has gone down between September, 1931, and March, 1933, by nearly 500 workers. That is according to official statistics. There is something wrong somewhere. If the Minister's own statistical department says that there were 500 people less employed in March, 1933, than there were in September, 1931, the Minister needs to do something more than merely assert that there are no skilled workers in the country without employment in the apparel trade; that there are advertisements appearing daily, with the implication that the advertisements are not being answered, for skilled workers; that production has been held up because there are not sufficient skilled workers in the country and that employers have asked leave to bring in skilled workers from outside. Either of these two statements is untrue. Which is it? Both have been given here officially as from the Department of Industry and Commerce; one by the Minister, speaking in the House, and the other in answer to a question to the Acting-Minister the other day.

We have heard that type of statement from the Minister for Industry and Commerce before. In that debate on 11th May, 1933, it was stated that there was not an industry that had not done better than was contemplated. There was hardly an industry in which production had not at least doubled. There was not one that had gone back. There was not a hint or a breath of suspicion that the detailed figures would reveal that there was less employment round about the period of two months earlier than the month in which he was speaking, than there was two years ago.

I take one other phrase to get it reduced to its true proportions. Speaking in the same debate on the 11th May—the quotation is this time from Column 910, Vol. 47, No. 3 of the Official Debates—the Minister said:—

"Take the confectionery industry. Employment in it has been doubled. The output has been more than doubled and it is still increasing. Progress has not yet stopped in that industry. One new factory of considerable magnitude is being built and there are more to come."

The meanest and the dullest intellect can understand that—"employment in it has been doubled, the output has been more than doubled and it is still increasing." Then we get the detailed figures. Employment as between September, 1931, and March, 1933, went up from 5,096 to 5,247. That is 151 people extra employed in confectionery appears to the present Minister for Industry and Commerce, when he is in one of his high spots of oratory, as double 5,000 people. These are two statements I have taken from the Reports and I have set them against the increases as they were given in the detailed figures. I think that, on reading this, the Minister for Industry and Commerce, when he returns, will have some cause of complaint against his acting colleague for having given away these figures. His policy of not saying anything was far better. It sounds far better for an election poster to say: "Look at the confectionery industry; employment doubled; output more than doubled and still increasing." It brings people with a terrific bash back to earth when, after reading that, they suddenly find that employment instead of having gone from 5,096 to something over 10,000 has merely gone to 5,247. I presume for the future we can adopt in relation to the Minister's speeches that ratio, that his speeches have the same relation to fact as 5,247 has to 10,000. We should certainly get back to the old humorous calculation of taking a number, doubling it, and then subtracting a whole lot from it, if we are going to arrive at the truth of the statements of the Minister for Industry and Commerce.

I gather that to-day reference has been made to one really discovered factory. I pride myself on having discovered this even earlier than the Minister for Industry and Commerce because some time earlier this year I found that a number of people in a certain district in the country were having a competition in which they got points for every new factory they discovered and lost points for every industry that had been destroyed. The funny thing about it was that all the people engaged in the competition lost because when they had totted up they had all minus points. They had discovered more destruction than they had new factories, but they did discover one factory which has been referred to here to-day, a factory opened under the auspices of the Minister for Industry and Commerce at Naas and under the special aegis of Deputy Briscoe—the same Deputy Briscoe who, the President said, had done more than any other person in the community to relieve unemployment.

Is that an exact quotation?

Absolutely.

Well the Deputy can give it. If the Deputy is jealous of Deputy Briscoe's efforts—

Not at all.

I shall join with him in it.

Have a bet on it.

Yes, a bet of a few sausages from the Naas factory if we can get them. I read more about this factory than I have read in the Irish Press. A paper called Irish Industry published what, I suppose, American phraseology would best describe as a “blurb” of this factory, that they were going to produce 300 different types of delicatessen. It is not called sausage. The names of the directors were given but they were not given accurately in the Irish Press. It says or indicates that amongst the directors were a man called Caplan and two men of the name of Witstun. That name, by the way, according to Irish Industry, is not Witstun but Whizton and Caplan is not Caplan but Caplal. Then there was Deputy Briscoe. According to this paper, there were to be 400 different types of delicatessen produced in this factory. I have taken 300 as the number in memory of the number of factories supposed to be established in this country and I have asked on a number of occasions in restaurants for the 300th type of the Caplal—Whizton-Whizton Briscoe delicatessen made in Ireland. The waitress had nearly always gone before I had completed my order but I did succeed on some occasions in retaining her attention. However, I have not yet been successful in getting the 300th type of delicatessen from the Naas factory.

You will get it yet.

I do not think so. I have searched through Naas and I have not yet succeeded in getting an ordinary native sausage, let alone the delicatessen. Let me read what the Minister said about the factory on the occasion of its opening. It was described as "the Viennese sausage factory". There has always to be a touch of musical comedy associated with these new factories. It was on this occasion "the Viennese sausage factory". The report says:

"The Viennese sausage factory which has been established in a portion of the old Military Barracks, at Naas, County Kildare, was formally opened to-day by Mr. Seán Lemass, Minister for Industry and Commerce. The most modern Continental machinery has been installed in the new factory and the sausages and meat products are manufactured under the most hygienic conditions."

There was a little bit of a forecast. Very little has been manufactured there since. Then it talks about the features of the plant, the grand abattoir and the great refrigerating rooms where meat can be kept fresh for long periods. I am afraid that most of it has not emerged from the refrigerating plant since it was produced.

The report further states that the factory is capable of producing ten tons of sausages and food products every week, that if necessary an additional machine can be installed, the output increased to 20 tons, and that upwards of 50 different varieties of sausages will be manufactured. Irish Industry is far better than the Irish Press in that respect. They increased the figure to 400 different types of delicatessen in this “bawneen” country. We are going to have something further. “It is hoped to open up an export trade with France, Germany, Switzerland and Belgium.” The Minister for Agriculture could not do much better than that in relation to providing alternative markets. For this famous sausage, made at Naas, Co. Kildare, we are going to have an export business with France, Germany, Switzerland and Belgium. That is only part of the blessings of this great factory. The company will also consider, in the near future, the possibility of starting a new subsidiary industry. What is it? Tanning, if you please.

I do not know whether they wanted the skins to be recoverable or what the idea was, but a tanning industry was going to be associated with the new Viennese Sausage Factory down at Naas. The Minister for Industry and Commerce gave it his blessing—if that is not an inappropriate word to use in relation to delicatessen.

Deputy McGilligan will not give it his blessing.

No; a requiem, I think, would be more appropriate than a blessing. The Minister said:—

"It gave him great pleasure to perform the opening ceremony, firstly, because of the enterprise of those who had started and supported the project; secondly, because it would help to relieve unemployment in the town of Naas, and thirdly, because his friend and colleague, Mr. Briscoe, was associated with it. The type of industry which has been established was in some respects a new one——"

I do not know why,

"——and the proper art of sausage making was being introduced here for the first time."

The occasion was when the Minister for Industry and Commerce visited Naas, sometime in February of this year. Then the report goes on:—

"The industry was necessarily a small one, and should not be compared with the gigantic industries in other countries, but all big things have small beginnings. Those responsible for the management of the factory had taken advantage of the most highly skilled technical advice that was available to them."

Then we had Franz Vogel and A. Caplal, and M. Witstun——

I suggest to the Deputy that the personnel of the directorate of a company scarcely arises on the Estimate for the Department of Industry and Commerce. The personnel of the directorate should not be debated.

I am quoting from the paper——

The Deputy is keeping us awake, anyhow.

I might have been hired to keep the factory alive, because it has gone west since. I intend to do nothing more than to mention the names of the directors and to indicate, as it should be indicated, to this House that if people are buying sausage products it can hardly be said that the money recovered from the customer goes to the nationals of this country. It is part of the programme of the Minister for Industry and Commerce that in the case of factories that are established except under licence capital should be controlled, in the main, by Irish nationals. Here you have names as examples of Irish nationals: Franz Vogel, Caplal, and Witstun.

Ranks is another example of Irish nationals.

Possibly, but not in the sausage manufacture.

No, but in the flour milling.

I submit that these names are material. I will just finish this extract:

"The Minister and the guests sampled several of the different varieties of sausages."

Where is that factory now? Is there a Deputy here who can say that he knows where it is now? Has that factory been working since? Does any Deputy know where it is?

Yes, I do. It is open still.

How many men does it employ? We had a promise of 200 people to be employed there. Are there five people employed there at the moment? The Deputy said it was open still. Does he know anything more about it than that there are notices posted on the walls stating that it is shut? Is the factory really open from the trade point of view? Is it doing business? How does the Deputy derive his information?

A personal visit.

Were there more than five people employed there then?

It was not working then.

It has got more or less chronically into that state. There is the sort of thing this paper was publishing with regard to Irish industry. It is aligned with what the Minister was saying as to the total number of factories in this country and what he was telling us with regard to the apparel factories in the country, that the industry was being held up because there were not enough skilled workers available, and that people were applying to him for permits to bring in outside workers. All this at a time when employment in these factories had actually decreased by 500! We have got to find out where the truth lies.

What the Minister for Industry and Commerce said was the truth. Persons in charge of factories came to the Minister and said they could not get skilled workers here. The Minister told the House what he had been told by people in charge of the factories. The Minister told the truth.

That is the excuse! We have often put that to the Minister and we have often said to him "people who are looking for a tariff will say almost anything to you if you are foolish enough to believe them." The Acting-Minister is arguing himself a simpleton, but the Minister did not say what the Acting-Minister says he did. What is the preamble here? That "every skilled worker in the country has been employed."

What the Minister said was that the manufacturers told him that every skilled worker in the country had been employed.

He did not say that. He said that the apparel industry, which is covering a very wide range, has progressed, and then he added that every skilled worker is employed, and yet when he was saying that there was actually a decrease of 500 workers.

The fact was that the factory was not able to get skilled workers and skilled workers had to be brought in.

There were at one time 3,858 people employed and in March, 1933, that number had been reduced to 3,360 or a decrease of nearly 500.

Employed in what?

The Minister has given the figures himself. Let him read those figures. He has them in front of him.

What were they employed at?

I will make my speech and the Minister can answer it. He has been strangely silent all along. Let him give us the figures. I will have a chance of going after his figures.

You are entirely wrong.

Will the Minister prove me wrong? Nothing would more delight a great many people on his side of the House than to see the Minister proving me to be in the wrong.

The Deputy was often proved wrong before.

Deputy McGilligan's speech is very like a cross-road speech.

There is apparently a lot of anger over this sausage factory.

Not at all.

Well, I suppose that is normal on the Fianna Fáil side.

These are your usual tactics, and it is not the first time you threw a slur on people who wanted to invest money in Irish industries.

On a point of order, I want to point out that these remarks should be addressed to the Chair, and no Deputy should be addressed in that form—"you."

Well, we are talking about sausages.

It is a good topic, it is a great topic. If I were going out to make a cross-road speech I could rant as well as the best that Deputy Kelly could do about his lack of interest in the people looking to get employment in the Naas factory and who have not got it. I could talk about his alleged inhumanity and indifference in regard to other workers in the country. That was all being done by the Deputy in the same circumstances. I am taking a concrete case. I have said about the Minister for Industry and Commerce that he has the faculty that is supposed only to be possessed by gases that have been able to expand and fill in a given space. He has expanded over one and a half times to fill the vacuum in the factories. I have given one or two concrete cases about the confectionery business, the apparel business and this single delicatessen factory. If there had not been collapse in that factory you would have the Minister standing up and telling us that the factory had an export trade. It is very easy to get away from the phrase "it is hoped to open up an export trade with France, Germany, Switzerland and Belgium." The Minister very easily crosses the border line between his hopes and his statement of facts. He would have said "things have gone much better than I hoped." It was hoped to establish a trade with France, Germany, Switzerland and Belgium, and then he would have gone on to say that they were opening up a trade with the Argentine.

That is a very simple statement for the Minister to make. It would be all right if somebody had not gone into his Department while he was away and given out the detailed figures and facts which go to expose him. Then there was the transition and the hope of establishing a subsidiary industry and using tanning, a most improper one, I think everyone will agree, in relation to the Naas factory. There were markets, at any rate, indicated there. There were special markets, but I do not know why these countries were chosen. It is a fact that we have for a long time been talking about the development of foreign trade.

I notice there was a meeting of an association last night which got down to bedrock as to where our exports should go. They decided upon Spain as the spot, and they have been very anxious to get to work in providing new markets. They appointed a subcommittee to get down to bedrock. No doubt their efforts will be crowned with the same success that the Minister for Industry and Commerce and the Minister for Agriculture have found in their search for markets. They may be able to get the delicatessen sausage factory of Messrs. Caplal, Whizton Whizton and Briscoe—the produce of that completely Irish national industry transported to Spain and later on we may make our name in this new product.

Spain may not be a sausage consuming country at all.

That may be, and that may be the thing the Minister may find himself up against about a variety of products. I am not sure whether Deputy Moore is a member of the particular society that met last night and was getting down to bedrock. He has as much right to be a member as many of those who were present. The body I am alluding to is known as the United Farmers' Protection Association, not the body under the leadership of Deputy MacDermot. The Chairman of the body that met last night is a member of the Bar, a senior counsel, who deals with land and things relating to land in the garden at the back of his house on Raglan Road.

I suggest that the Deputy is quite out of order in referring to the activities of this association upon this Vote. It has nothing whatever to do with Industry and Commerce.

The Minister is right in his contention that the activities of the association referred to by Deputy McGilligan are not in order upon this Vote.

Not upon this Vote but they would be on a farmers' vote.

This is not a farmers' vote.

No, but the discussion of this matter will be in order upon the Appropriation Bill.

Maybe the farmers had some of these sausages at their meeting last night.

Possibly; they were a bit dull last night. I would like to conform to anything that the Minister acting for the Minister for Industry and Commerce desires but there seems to be nothing that I can speak on that will not put him into a bit of a temper.

I dislike the Deputy's personal references. I think they are contemptible and I have always thought so.

Your experience need not change. We both know where we are now. The Minister for Education who is acting as substitute for the Minister for Industry and Commerce promised more than I have read out. I am not sure whether it was a promise but I used to read it as such. He promised that a number of additional workers were to be employed.

He did not promise them starvation like you did.

I wonder when was that, but apparently there is another angry Deputy in the House. He promised that there were to be a number of additional workers to be employed. I do not know what meaning to put on that phrase "to be" since we had the debate on the Oath Bill. To the ordinary man it means that there were to be a number of men employed when the Fianna Fáil Government came into power in new industrial concerns. If the Minister is questioned about any of these I am sure he will answer. The additional workers to be employed in the boot and shoe trade for example were 5,801. Can the Minister answer as to whether that number have been so employed, or as to whether he is under any obligation to them? Can we start by being sure that one additional has got employment? Have the 800 got employment? Let us leave out the 5,000 as a bit of exaggeration in the heat of a general election. What about the 801? Have we had that number additional employed in the boot and shoe industry? If the Minister for Education representing the Minister for Industry and Commerce will not answer I say we have nothing to go on with regard to the Minister's figures.

Give us your figures proving that they have not been employed.

I need not give any numbers; the Minister has given them.

Mr. Crowley

Can you prove that the 801 additional have not been employed?

The Minister said so in reply to a Parliamentary question. Apparently the Deputy does not believe his own Minister. Sometimes I do not either. I do not regard anything the Minister says as proof. It is of course the best he can do. He gives figures and if they do not prove that 801 people additional are employed he cannot help it.

Mr. Crowley

They were not weeded out of employment at any rate as you weeded them out.

This is in relation to new employment. There was an additional number of 658 people who were to find employment in bacon curing. When the Minister was asked to answer about them he was lucky enough to preserve a discreet silence. In woollens and worsteds we find that 6,983 were to find additional employment. Again let us drop the thousands and come to the 893 extra people who were to be employed. Does the Minister know whether they were or not? Has he any figure? Then we come to grain milling. This was a very good business for no fewer than 14,069 additional were to be employed. Have we got them? What advance have we made towards getting them? This is an occasion in which the Minister should be anxious to show his form in carrying out these promises. Surely we ought to be able to get something more than a smile with regard to over 14,000 people in this country promised employment in the grain milling industry. Then we come to cloth, subdivided into linens, cotton, hemp, jute and canvas. 10,501 were to be engaged. Have we had 501 engaged leaving out the 10,000? Then there are confectionery, chocolates, jams and marmalades, 1,620 persons additional were to be employed. That is a small lot. The Minister told us on the 11th May that the number of people employed in these industries in Dublin had doubled. When we got the actual figures we found that they had gone up from 5,096 to 5,247. That is what the Minister calls doubling. Multiply 5,096 by 2 and you get 5,247! "Fertilisers, chemicals, drugs and paints, 2,046"—any offer as to what we have got? Can the Minister state a figure at all? I remember when the debate was here in progress on one item of these, fertilisers, as such, we were not promised a single man in employment but we were told that if we did not do certain things 1,000 were going to lose employment. We had got off the perch of the new employment by that time and there was only a saving of people in employment. "Paper and stationery" were going to give us 4,653 additional employed people in the country and when we asked about that we got silence. We did not get any indication of what the new employment is. There are a whole lot of others.

Flour milling, for instance.

Grain milling, I suppose that would be. 14,000—the Deputy has not been listening—how many extra has the Deputy got in his own constituency?

And broke the grip of the foreign combines which you established.

If you can break the price of the native combine's increase, it would be a good thing. I doubt if there are 100 people extra employed arising out of everything Fianna Fáil has done as a Government in relation to grain or flour. I do not believe that there are 100 extra people in employment——

Well, have it so.

And we are paying 5/- a sack extra on flour.

All right.

That is not all right. That is the type of economics that we are being served up with. We are paying 5/- per sack of flour more.

It is not being dumped as it was.

Certainly; you cannot call 5/- per sack of an extra whack on flour dumping by any means.

We put a stop to that.

The people who have not got so many 5/- might find it a little more difficult than they used to to get flour and to get bread, and to go talking to them about the stoppage of dumping will not get the Deputy many votes.

We got them before.

There was some dumping that time.

There was a figure of 14,000 promised in the way of extra employment. Surely, here is an occasion for the Minister in charge of the whole thing to tell us what is being done. We have only had a prospect—a rosy prospect, of course, but only a prospect. Cannot we be told the facts now on this Vote for Industry and Commerce? We have a variety of others. There were 1,339 people to be employed in relation to printed matter; 4,000 in manufactures of wood; 5,098 in the manufacture of metal; 2,205 in the manufacture of implements; 2,726 in the manufacture of vehicles and parts; 3,496 in the manufacture of bricks, cement, masonry and earthenware, and then the really good one kept in reserve for the last—11,902 this time—in mine and quarry products, not metals. The Minister has a special mining department with a special economic geologist put before us on the Estimate, and I want to be told if we have got the 902 people, let alone the 11,000 people.

The Deputy was told that he was going to have them in 12 months.

Oh, that is the excuse!

And what about the plan you had at the time of the by-election?

The Minister does not remember the boast of the real Minister for Industry and Commerce: "Give us eight months' time." That was from 12th May, 1932. Has he got the eight months? "Give us eight months and we will prove that policy" and that was the policy. I do not ask to have this terrific rush of 11,902 people in the mining and quarry products industry. Tell us if we have got 100 extra people. Give us some indication of where we can find 50 extra people employed in this industry.

"Not metals" does not include sausages. Let me get back to the sausage factory. Who are at present employed in the Naas factory besides the directors? Could we have it said that Franz Vogel is still here and, if he is, is he manufacturing sausages? Let us be told, at the height of their fame, to what point all these 400 types of delicatessen have arrived. Did they get to 500 types and why did they fall off?

The Department has something to do since the Deputy left.

It had so much to do that the Minister who is in charge of it went down to open that factory and to listen to all this about the export trade we were going to get with France, Germany, Switzerland and Belgium and about the subsidiary industry of tanning which was to be established in connection with the sausages. That is an important factor. The man who had so much to do since I left took the day off to go down to this place and it is one of the onerous obligations of his office that he had to sample some of the different varieties. What happened?

A suggestion which the Deputy is needlessly repeating and taking up the time of the House.

The Minister reminded me that the Minister whom he is substituting is an exceptionally busy man and I had to refer to this.

I did not say that he was. I said the Department has no time to prepare statistics for the Deputy.

I hope there is no implication against the Minister. I had joined the Minister in with the Department and he is busy starting factories here, there and everywhere. This is one of them. I have spoken really to three items only to-day and the Minister for Education should not really be so easily aggravated. I have taken only three examples and I have put in contrast performance and promise, and something more than a burst of anger is required as a reply. There must be some explanation and the Minister must be capable of giving it or else the Executive Council must be capable of getting somebody who is capable of giving it. Let him take the three things I have spoken of. I just mention the Naas factory. What has happened there; how much money is there; what is being done there; what directors are in it; and what money is in it? It is easy to answer all this with regard to one factory and he can add the details, all the little bits of trimmings, in the way of what export trade we have in these things and what progress we have made towards the subsidiary industry. If he does not want to deal with that factory at all—all this talk about it is probably somewhat nauseating to him—let him turn to the sugar confectionery business. Can he explain what the Minister meant when he said that employment would be doubled and, then, figures are produced which show that it has increased by 151 hands, on a tot of 5,096, making it 5,247.

Can he tell us what the Minister meant when he said that skilled workers could not be got in the apparel business; that production was held up for want of skilled workers? How does he compare that with the note which shows that there are 490 less employed between September, 1931, and March? If we could get an answer to these three questions we could have an instructive debate on industry and commerce in this country.

We have had one.

Not with the lesson to be learned that the Deputy wants to learn. The Deputy would like and we would all like to have rosy factories mounting up; that these promises were coming somewhere near fulfilment.

Mr. Kelly

What about the Marino ice cream?

And Cuibranovitch, who is probably a director of the Naas sausage factory. I do not see why a Montenegrin general should not be as good a sausage maker as Franz Vogel and the two Witstuns.

Mr. Kelly

Marino would draw ahead of them all. He is a very enterprising man. Your colleague knows all about it.

There are two or three items in the Vote which would require explanation. Sub-head K makes provision for the cost of exhibiting at the Paris fair including the rent and the hire of show-cases. May we be told what exhibits were sent, or what it is proposed to send there? Who are exhibiting? How much of the £450 set down is for rent as opposed to the hire of certain show-cases?

I gave that information, £150.

I want details of the exhibits, not the whole of them, but some general idea.

I asked already whom the exhibits were in charge of. Was it a member of the Civil Service here, or someone specially hired for the occasion?

Someone hired for the occasion. An attendant was appointed.

I do not know.

Who was the person specially engaged for the occasion?

I do not know.

The Minister does not know what has been done for the £450 voted for the Paris Fair?

Except that the Commercial Attaché in Paris made arrangements to have an individual to look after the stall. I do not know the name of the individual. I take it that the Commercial Attaché takes responsibility in that matter.

The Minister knows that someone was hired by the Commercial Attaché, as he calls him, in Paris. Does he tell me that he has not the name on the files?

I have not the name of the actual attendant.

I am speaking of an individual who left this country and who was specially selected. It appears now that the Commercial Attaché in Paris was looking after the matter.

I have no name here.

Does the Minister agree that someone was sent out specially from this country?

I do not.

It is true that the House is in Committee, but no progress would be made if the discussion were to degenerate into question and answer across the House.

Mr. Kelly

It is waste of time.

The Minister need not answer now. I would rather if he delayed and got the information, instead of saying that he has not got it on the files. It is inconceivable to me that the Department would have allowed the Commercial Attaché in Paris to appoint someone from this country to take charge of this exhibit. I can imagine appointing a person where he was to be engaged on the spot, but if the Minister agrees that someone was sent out from this country, it is incredible to me that the Minister did not say: "I want the name of that person and what he was paid." I presume the Minister in the apportionment of the expenses can give what was paid. When he is replying, I want to get that information.

As a matter of fact, I have not got the information at the moment.

I put it that it should be disclosed, and that the Minister should take steps before he replies to get further information, because it is certainly in the possession of his Department. On sub-head I— The Chicago World Fair, 1933—there is provision for the cost of an exhibition of Saorstát industries. The total cost, including rent of space, is £5,000 of which £300 was provided previously. Therefore, we are now voting £4,700 rent of space and incidental expenses, while the phrase used is "total cost." I take it, therefore, that there is something beyond rent of space and what are described as incidental expenses. I would like to know what these are. Are we giving any help to exhibitors and, if so, to what exhibits? Are we giving the same help to all who apply or is there any process of selection? If there is a process of selection, how is it carried out? Have any exhibits been refused, and on what grounds? Can we get, generally, some indication of the exhibits it is proposed to have at the Chicago Fair?

Under the heading of "Appropriations-in-Aid," I would like to know if we could have the contributions and fees payable under the Gas Regulation Act, and under the Weights and Measures Acts, and why there has been a drop in the amount for the coming year. In 1932-33 they amounted to £1,840, and this year to £1,600. Does that mean that there has been any relaxation of activities on the part of those in charge of the Weights and Measures Acts or in relation to those responsible for looking after the Gas Regulation Act? At any rate, there is a drop indicated, and it is good to have an explanation why that drop is estimated.

The Minister to conclude.

I have some questions—

The practice for ten years, with one exception, has been, and I would like to emphasise that fact, that when the Minister is called upon to conclude he does so. Technically Deputies have a right to ask a question subsequently, but I wish the House to realise that it is a deliberate departure from precedent to resume the discussion when the Minister has so spoken.

May I respectfully agree but when the Minister is called upon to conclude it is not the practice that the Minister makes the first speech at the conclusion. The Minister has not interfered in the debate. Questions have been put, and it has been the practice that the Minister speaks at least three times on an Estimate.

I should like to call the attention of the Chair to the fact that I was standing when the Minister was called upon to conclude.

I did not see any Deputy on his feet when I called upon the Minister to conclude.

A great many things have been alluded to on this Vote, with some of which I would like to deal. First of all, Deputy McGilligan was very vocal—I am glad he is runing out—about the number of people who are employed now and the number employed 12 months ago. In my constituency, on the day that Deputy McGilligan gave over pretending to represent industry and commerce, we had 170 men employed in the flour industry. Two flour mills were ordered to be closed down and the foreign firm that was brought in to take over the mills under the Cumann na nGaedheal regime had the agents measuring the plant and machinery for removal. These two flour mills have increased the number of their employees by 37 and are now working overtime, whereas the former workers were only employed half-time. A flour mill closed down during the regime of the Minister, who did not represent industry and commerce, has also been re-opened. The flour mill at Clondullane, which has been re-opened, is giving permanent employment to over 60 hands. The Mitchelstown factory, now in full working order, has 70 hands in employment more than the number employed 12 months ago. Glanmire waterproofs factory closed down owing to the penal preference given to British manufactures in this country by the ex-Minister for Industry and Commerce. That factory has now been re-opened and is giving employment to 130 men. The woollen mills at Glanmire have 30 extra hands employed and are working overtime. These mills were not working full time at any period during the three years before Cumann na nGaedheal left office. The new shovel mills at Templemichael are giving employment to over 30 hands. The increased number of persons in permanent employment in my constituency within the last 12 months is 260, besides 140 who were employed in the flour mills and who have been kept in employment owing to the kicking out of office of the ex-Minister for Industry and Commerce.

The mineral wealth in my constituency has also been developed. About 140 men were employed for five months in development work. As a result, applications have now been handed to the Trade Loans Department for plant and machinery which will give permanent employment to 60 men in one mine alone. The celluloid factory, in respect of which a trade loan has also been applied for, will give employment to 150 hands. Those are particulars of one constituency alone, and I think they furnish a complete answer to the activities of our ex-Minister for Industry and Commerce, who was so vocal for the last hour. Deputy Coburn wants to import bricks across the border from the northern Orangemen, to whom we have to pay 40 per cent. on our cattle going out. Does Deputy Coburn consider that it is a contribution to the relief of unemployment in this State to bring bricks made by northern Orangemen across the border?

How do you know they are Orangemen? They are not all Orangemen in the North.

Deputy Bennett was very vocal on the mixture scheme of the Minister for Agriculture. He told us about the hardships feeders of stock were enduring on account of not having a suitable mixture. Apparently, bullocks in Limerick if fed on Irish grain die of starvation. Deputy Bennett wants to have it both ways. He wants to get the benefit of an increase of 100 per cent. on the value his milk would have under the Cumann na nGaedheal regime and he wants to allow no benefit whatever to the other class of farmer who ploughs his land and produces his grain. He is to have no market but Deputy Bennett is to have the market guaranteed by Fianna Fáil and which he had the pluck to vote for against his own Party. That secured him an increase of 100 per cent. in the price of the milk he produces. Deputy Bennett wants to keep that benefit, conferred on him by Fianna Fáil, but he does not want a market opened for the grain farmer who ploughs his land and employs the men that Deputy Bennett lets go to the County Home from the 1st November to the 1st March. These men are to remain idle but Deputy Bennett is to have the benefit of foreign maize to feed Irish stock.

I did not intend to interfere in this debate until I heard Deputy McGilligan's speech lasting an hour. That gentleman spoke about the amount of unemployment under a Fianna Fáil Government but I know the condition of my constituency under the penal regime of the Minister who did not represent industry and commerce, whose whole policy was to get in the foreigner's stuff. "Show the people the flour coming in from Manchester and Liverpool while their own flour mills are closed and they are walking the streets." That was the policy of Deputy McGilligan. That was bad enough but one would think that, when turned out of office, Deputy McGilligan would have the decency to shut his mouth here. He knows very well that the arguments he put up can be refuted. We are sick hearing these tunes. We have a little waterproof factory in Glanmire in which the largest number employed during Deputy McGilligan's term of office was 20. Deputy McGilligan brought in a tariff to aid Irish industry, whereby 20 per cent. was placed on foreign waterproofs and 25 per cent. on the material for making them, with 5 per cent. preference for British products. That was Deputy McGilligan's cure for unemployment in that case. The contract for the waterproofs for the Gárda Síochána and the oilskins for the postmen was handed over to the Victoria Rubber Company, of Manchester, for the sake of the difference of 9d. a suit. That is the difference at which Irishmen could make them with a 5 per cent. allowance against them and what they were being made for across the water. The money subscribed by the Irish taxpayer was handed over to the Victoria Rubber Company, of Manchester, by Deputy McGilligan. That is the kind of employment that Deputy McGilligan provides. The factory in my constituency which I have referred to was closed down for four months before Fianna Fáil came into office in consequence of losing this contract. That factory is now giving decent employment and a living wage to 130 hands. We did not hear a word of that from Deputy McGilligan. We did not hear anything about the Clondullane flour mills, which were closed down. When asked questions about them here by the late Deputy Daly, on his own benches, Deputy McGilligan said that it was a completely uneconomic proposition to have flour mills so far away from a port. These people do not find it an uneconomic proposition to employ 50 hands. But it was an uneconomic proposition under Deputy McGilligan's rule. We had many uneconomic propositions under his rule, when a message was sent across: "There are special reasons why you should subscribe to Cumann na nGaedheal funds." I knew very well I would get Deputy McGilligan on the run. We saw the actions of Deputy McGilligan's Party in our constituency for four or five years. We can, therefore, speak from experience of what happened under the benevolent rule of of Cumann na nGaedheal in our constituency. You cannot have it both ways. You cannot have special reasons why flour millers across the water should subscribe to Cumann na nGaedheal funds and at the same time have your mills working here.

I listened to Deputy McGilligan and I must confess I could not understand what he was talking about. I wonder where he got his information from. I have not got any from the Department of Industry and Commerce. I have only got information on what I have actually seen. I know something about the position in County Meath, which is not an industrial county at all, and is not supposed to be. We have there an extremely prosperous fruit-growing industry. We are now able to supply 25 per cent. of the raspberries used in the country. Within the next two years —we have the assurance that the canes are already planted—we expect to be able to supply the full requirements of the country. Three years ago I found that industry in County Meath absolutely decaying. I visited the Minister for Industry and Commerce and the Minister for Agriculture. They barely knew what a raspberry was. That is so far as the agricultural side of the question is concerned.

As regards the other side of the question, I know Balbriggan fairly well. It is the neighbouring town to mine. I am perfectly satisfied that in the hosiery industry they are working full time. Sunday is the only day the factory is idle. Deputy Coburn told us something about Drogheda. I am informed three or four factories there, including an iron foundry, are working full time. In Navan there is a well-known woollen mill. Since the Saorstát was established I do not think that mill ever worked for more than six months in any year. To-day, I am glad to say, it is on full time. In Kells we have a boot factory. It was started five or six weeks ago.

Thanks to us; we hunted the hare for you.

I will return it if I get the opportunity. There are 60 people employed in that factory, and I am assured by the manager that within a year there will be over 100 people employed. That industry is in Kells, and I suppose since the Book of Kells was written it never had an industry working so well until the present time. I do not understand what Deputy McGilligan is driving at. I know he is a really good talker, but good talkers do not always have a great deal upstairs. Really I was afraid the man had become unbalanced. I am talking from my experience of conditions in the country; I know nothing about the figures. I thought it was only right to his fellow Deputies that they would have definite information.

We will let them know where the factories are by degrees.

Mr. Brodrick

As regards the number of factories, I have looked out for them——

I move: "That the Question be now put."

I am accepting that.

We have had enough of talk from them.

Mr. Lynch

I suppose the Deputy does not like it.

Question—"That the Question be now put"—put.
The Committee divided: Tá, 55; Níl, 37.

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Blaney, Neal.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Bourke, Daniel.
  • Brady, Brian.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Breen, Daniel.
  • Browne, William Frazer.
  • Concannon, Helena.
  • Corkery, Daniel.
  • Corry, Martin John.
  • Crowley, Timothy.
  • Daly, Denis.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Maguire, Conor Alexander.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • O'Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Doherty, Joseph.
  • O'Dowd, Patrick.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Kelly, Seán Thomas.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • Pattison, James P.
  • Pearse, Margaret Mary.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • Doherty, Hugh.
  • Flynn, John.
  • Gibbons, Seán.
  • Goulding, John.
  • Hales, Thomas.
  • Hayes, Seán.
  • Hogan, Patrick (Clare).
  • Houlihan, Patrick.
  • Keely, Séamus P.
  • Kehoe, Patrick.
  • Kelly, James Patrick.
  • Kelly, Thomas.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Kissane, Eamonn.
  • Little, Patrick John.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • Rice, Edward.
  • Ruttledge, Patrick Joseph.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Martin.
  • Ryan, Robert.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Victory, James.
  • Walsh, Richard.

Níl

  • Alton, Ernest Henry.
  • Beckett, James Walter.
  • Bennett, George Cecil.
  • Bourke, Séamus.
  • Brennan, Michael.
  • Broderick, William Joseph.
  • Brodrick, Seán.
  • Burke, James Michael.
  • Burke, Patrick.
  • Cosgrave, William T.
  • Costello, John Aloysius.
  • Dockrell, Henry Morgan.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Esmonde, Osmond Grattan.
  • Fitzgerald, Desmond.
  • Fitzgerald-Kenney, James.
  • Keating, John.
  • Lynch, Finian.
  • MacEoin, Seán.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • McGuire, James Ivan.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Minch, Sydney B.
  • Morrissey, Daniel.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • O'Connor, Batt.
  • O'Donovan, Timothy Joseph.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas Francis.
  • O'Leary, Daniel.
  • O'Neill, Eamonn.
  • O'Reilly, John Joseph.
  • O'Sullivan, Gearoid.
  • O'Sullivan, John Marcus.
  • Redmond, Bridget Mary.
  • Rice, Vincent.
  • Roddy, Martin.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Little and Traynor; Níl: Deputies Doyle and Bennett.
Question declared carried.
Vote put.
The Committee divided: Tá, 57; Níl, 37.

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Blaney, Neal.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Bourke, Daniel.
  • Brady, Brian.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Breen, Daniel.
  • Browne, William Frazer.
  • Concannon, Helena.
  • Corkery, Daniel.
  • Corry, Martin John.
  • Crowley, Timothy.
  • Daly, Denis.
  • Davin, William.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • Doherty, Hugh.
  • Flynn, John.
  • Gibbons, Seán.
  • Goulding, John.
  • Hales, Thomas.
  • Hayes, Seán.
  • Hogan, Patrick (Clare).
  • Houlihan, Patrick.
  • Keely, Séamus P.
  • Kehoe, Patrick.
  • Kelly, James Patrick.
  • Kelly, Thomas.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Kissane, Eamonn.
  • Little, Patrick John.
  • Lynch, James B.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Maguire, Conor Alexander.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • O'Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Doherty, Joseph.
  • O'Dowd, Patrick.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Kelly, Seán Thomas.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • Pattison, James P.
  • Pearse, Margaret Mary.
  • Rice, Edward.
  • Ruttledge, Patrick Joseph.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Martin.
  • Ryan, Robert.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Victory, James.
  • Walsh, Richard.

Níl

  • Alton, Ernest Henry.
  • Beckett, James Walter.
  • Bennett, George Cecil.
  • Brennan, Michael.
  • Broderick, William Joseph.
  • Brodrick, Seán.
  • Burke, James Michael.
  • Burke, Patrick.
  • Cosgrave, William T.
  • Costello, John Aloysius.
  • Desmond, William.
  • Dockrell, Henry Morgan.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Esmonde, Osmond Grattan.
  • Fitzgerald, Desmond.
  • Fitzgerald-Kenney, James.
  • Keating, John.
  • Lynch, Finian.
  • MacEoin, Seán.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • McGuire, James Ivan.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Minch, Sydney B.
  • Morrissey, Daniel.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • O'Connor, Batt.
  • O'Donovan, Timothy Joseph.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas Francis.
  • O'Leary, Daniel.
  • O'Neill, Eamonn.
  • O'Reilly, John Joseph.
  • O'Sullivan, Gearoid.
  • O'Sullivan, John Marcus.
  • Redmond, Bridget Mary.
  • Rice, Vincent.
  • Roddy, Martin.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Little and Traynor; Níl: Deputies P. S. Doyle and Bennett.
Vote declared carried.
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