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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 3 May 1934

Vol. 52 No. 3

Electoral (Revision of Constituencies) Bill, 1934—Committee (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following amendment:—
13. In Part II, page 7, to delete all references to the constituencies of "East Galway" and of "West Galway," and in the second column to delete all words after the word "Clare" in the reference to the constituency of Clare and substitute therefor the following:—

GALWAY

The administrative County of Galway.

Eight

As I pointed out last night, I am opposed to the amendment put down by Deputy Hogan and I am opposed to the part of the Bill that proposes to leave the Galway constituency as one constituency. It would be much more practicable to divide Galway into two areas, one returning five Deputies and the other returning three Deputies or, if necessary, to divide it into two equal areas, each returning four Deputies. As regards the proposal to include part of Galway constituency in Clare, I am very much opposed to that. My opposition is based, not on sympathy or on prejudice, but on solid grounds, economic, historic and practical. From the economic point of view. I pointed out on the Second Reading that the 21 electoral areas in Galway, proposed by the Bill to be included in the Clare constituency, have nothing whatever in common with Clare. On the Galway side we have intensely agricultural areas, where the farmers derive their main source of income from agriculture, and in Kinvara, Dooras, Kilmacduagh and Ardrahan there is intensive wheat and barley growing. On the Clare side pasture and dairying are the principal sources of employment and of income for the farmers. If the Minister in charge of the Bill only attended a market in Gort on any Saturday he would find that the dairying and pasture farmers in Clare go there to get their supplies of agricultural produce. Economically, there is nothing in common between the two counties. Historically, there is an ancient boundary between Galway and Clare. Not alone is it proposed to transfer part of a county to another county, but it is proposed to transfer part of a province to another province. Historically, that boundary is as old as our annals, and from the earliest times anybody acquainted with the history of the two counties will find how the O'Heidhins and the O'Shaughnessys preserved with zealous care the boundary between their well-defined territories. They prevented the O'Briens and the Dalcassians encroaching on Connaught. That may be a source of amusement to some Deputies, but it is a matter of very serious importance for the people for whom I speak. Even though they guarded their boundary on both sides with jealous care, whenever the occasion arose the people of Clare and Galway marched together under a common banner, as they did under the banner of Brian at Clontarf, to guard the national interests.

I can assure the House, speaking for the people of the 21 electoral areas in Galway that it is proposed to include in Clare, that if the two counties are left as they are, the people will continue in the future, as in the past, to march under a certain banner, and to support a certain policy which, I think, appeals to the Minister. I know how important it is for every Deputy to keep in close touch with the people he represents, and not only with the people, but with the representatives of bodies like county councils, if he is to give good and faithful service to the people who sent him here. Within the area proposed to be included in Clare there reside four members of Galway County Council. These four members should have an opportunity of doing the work for which they were elected, to look after the sick poor, and the infirm, to attend to the making of roads, bridges, and drainage. They should keep in touch with the Dáil representatives so that they may be able to make representations to the Ministers and to the Departments, and to get schemes of work passed. What will be the result if part of Galway is included in Clare? The result will be that these members of the county council will have to travel long distances every week-end, if they wish to meet their Dáil representatives. That is one reason why I am opposed to this amendment. We know from experience that old age pensioners wish to meet their Parliamentary representatives, so that the Departments may be interviewed to see if claimants are entitled to the pension. If an old age pensioner from the electoral area of Derrylaur wishes to see one of his Parliamentary representatives, and if that representative lives in an electoral division in Clare, the applicant will have to travel at least 20 miles from the adjoining electoral area in Galway.

As Deputy Brodrick pointed out, there is an almost impassable mountain barrier separating Galway and Clare. From the Shannon to Galway Bay an unbroken line of mountains divides the two counties, and clearly marks the boundary between them. I listened with care to the reasons advanced in support of the proposal in the Bill, and the only reason I saw for it was on the grounds of population. The population of Galway is 169,323.

Under the Constitution of this State we should have one representative for not less than 20,000 and not more than 30,000 of the population. While that principle stands in the Constitution, Galway with eight representatives would have one representative for each 21,171 of the population and clearly we come within the provisions laid down for us in the Constitution. The Minister for Industry and Commerce, speaking on this measure yesterday, said that he tried to strike an average and to come as near to the average as possible. I accept his word for it that the average population, comparing the representation for the whole State, is a little bit higher than the average we would have in County Galway. He hopes on that principle that this measure will go through. To my mind, that is one of the flimsiest of reasons. There is a very much greater principle that should apply and should be followed by any Government. That is the principle which would try to provide for the desired and expressed wishes of the people concerned. On more than one occasion the people of Galway, in a very emphatic way, have dissented from the proposal that the 12,000 odd of the population of Galway should be included in Clare and, as a matter of fact, all the Deputies who have spoken have expressed their opposition to this measure in no unmistakable way.

There is one principle I should like to see adopted in every measure of legislation—that is the principle that reason and logic should guide us in meeting the desired wishes of the people concerned. It is unwise to carry on legislation against the desires of the people. It is folly to flout the wishes of the people and I think it is unwise to proceed with a measure that is directly and violently opposed by the people concerned. Those are my reasons for opposing this proposal to incorporate part of Galway in Clare. What I would wish to have done in this case is, that on the Report Stage of this measure the Vice-President would introduce an amendment whereby the Galway constituency would be divided into two electoral areas, one of which, if desired, would return five Deputies and the other three Deputies. That is a very easy way out of the difficulty; it is a proposition that it is very easy for the Minister to meet. I would ask him to accept it. It is useless for me to press the point raised on my speech on the Second Reading—one amendment that would apply to every other constituency in the Free State—and that is that proportional representation should be abolished and that we go back again to single-member constituencies.

Hear, hear!

Hear, hear!

I presume I can speak again?

Yes, the House is in Committee.

Mr. Hogan

The general sense of the House is against the transfer of a certain part of the County Galway constituency to Clare. Deputy Beegan, I think, and certainly Deputy Keely and Deputy Jordan have objected to the transfer of this part of Galway to Clare as well as Deputy Brodrick and myself, so that the general sense of the House seems to be against that transfer. Deputies on the Fianna Fáil benches have suggested that the county is too big but they have no objection to dividing the county into two. So far as that is concerned, we agree with them. It is a very big constituency and it ought to be divided into two. I think so myself, but there is apparently general agreement that this transfer of part of the County Galway to Clare is unsound. The Deputies on the Fianna Fáil benches have given expression to that point of view. Perhaps we could settle this. Would the Minister give an undertaking that he would consider that point of view which seems to be the universal feeling here—that he would let us know on the Report Stage to how many members Galway would be entitled if this portion of Galway, which it is proposed to transfer to Clare now, were left with Galway?

Our amendment suggests that there should be eight seats in Galway. The Bill places the number at seven. The amendment suggests eight. I think the Minister will find on examination that if he left this portion of Galway which it is proposed to transfer to Clare, with Galway, that we would be entitled to eight seats. What I do suggest is that the Minister would leave the whole of Galway as one unit. He could make two constituencies out of it if he likes, say four and four, or three-seat and five-seat constituencies. I think if he leaves this portion, that is scheduled to be transferred to Clare, with Galway, he will find that we are entitled to eight seats. As there seems to be universal agreement that the proposal to transfer portion of Galway to Clare is unsound, I suggest that the whole of this section would be deferred to Report Stage; that the Minister would, on Report Stage, act in the light of what has been said by the Deputies in all parts of the House; that he would agree that no portion of Galway should be transferred to Clare and that he would agree that eight seats would be given to Galway. Then he could make a proposal if he wishes that Galway should be divided into two constituencies and he could tell us how many seats each division would get. I think that would meet what has been said by Deputies on both sides.

The difficulty about Clare and Galway is that if Deputy Hogan's suggestion were adopted and the two constituencies of Galway were made five-seat and three-seat constituencies you would have a population of 169,000 and that would be giving one seat for each 21,000 odd of the population of Galway. Clare has a population of over 95,000 and that would be a good lot higher than any other constituency we have carved out so far. That is that the number of the population to each seat would be higher. It has been mentioned already that the Constitution lays down that the seats must be distributed as evenly as possible with regard to population. There is an outside limit of 20,000 to 30,000, but the Constitution lays down that the seats must be distributed as evenly as possible. I think in the present case either a bit will have to be taken from Clare or a bit given to Clare —one of the two. I was informed that, geographically and historically, the policy of adding a bit to Clare is more advisable than taking a bit out of Clare.

Mr. Hogan

It is not.

Mr. Brodrick

No. What about the part near Kinvara? Does not that go with the Gaeltacht?

Dr. Ryan

I cannot talk with any great familiarity about the townlands, but the general advice I got was that on the lines of population and geographically, historically and economically we were making a good distribution.

I think it is rather a pity that the Minister for Local Government and Public Health himself is not here at the moment, because I think if we are ever to have anything like agreement in this House, or if this House is ever going to become a business Assembly for the purpose of considering the business before it, it is essentially by finding a meeting point when Deputies representing people on opposite policies all advocate the same principle. We have heard previously from the Opposition Benches with regard to what the Minister intends doing if there is anything like general agreement. If there is any situation that really meets the interpretation of general agreement it is when Deputies of opposite Parties represent or advocate the same thing.

We have that rather peculiar set of conditions existing at the moment and I think it is not fair, either to the House or to County Galway, that the, I think I might refer to him as the Deputy Minister, gets up here to reject the suggestions made. It is quite evident that the Minister for Agriculture is not familiar with the figures which are under discussion. The requirement of the Constitution is a Deputy to every 20,000, less than 30,000. If Galway is left an eight-member constituency there would be one Deputy, I believe, to every 21,270 people in Galway. If Galway is reduced to a seven-member constituency there will be some 23,000 people, roughly, in Galway to each Deputy. Galway will, I think, carry the heaviest weight in the whole of An Saorstát. In order to defend that particular position, you have got to demonstrate that there is something inferior about the people of Galway that there have got to be more people to a Deputy in Galway than in any other constituency. I do not think that is fair to a people who are far removed from this House and who, if anything, should be given a greater voice in this Assembly than the people of any other county.

That is one point. The other point is this, that I think it is the only county in the whole country that it is proposed to deprive of two members. Other places are losing one. There is supposed to be a double crack given to the County of Galway. We have heard a lot of clap-trap in years gone by about the Gaeltacht. A lot of lip service has been paid to that particular county. There is an occasion now when we can do a little bit more than offer mere lip service. We have now a position where the Deputies of Fine Gael and of Fianna Fáil are combined together to protest against a double robbery and in favour of giving the same treatment, nothing more and nothing less, to Galway as is being given to other constituencies where the Constitution requires a reduction. What is really before the House to-day is not a mathematical argument with regard to the population in Galway or to the representation of Galway or the frontiers of Galway, but whether Galway has done something evil, something criminal that it should be robbed in order to bolster up County Clare.

We have a very strong case and I think the least the Minister might do is to endeavour to meet it.

I shall put the question—"That the words proposed to be deleted, stand"—which, of course, will also govern amendment No. 14.

Question put: "That the words proposed to be deleted stand."
The Committee divided: Tá, 57; Níl, 55.

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Boland, Patrick.
  • Brady, Brian.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Breen, Daniel.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Browne, William Frazer.
  • Carty, Frank.
  • Concannon, Helena.
  • Corkery, Daniel.
  • Corry, Martin John.
  • Crowley, Timothy.
  • Daly, Denis.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • Doherty, Hugh.
  • Donnelly, Eamon.
  • Dowdall, Thomas P.
  • Flinn, Hugo. V.
  • Flynn, John.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Fogarty, Andrew.
  • Gibbons, Seán.
  • Goulding, John.
  • Hales, Thomas.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Kelly, James Patrick.
  • Kelly, Thomas.
  • Kilroy, Michael.
  • Kissane, Eamonn.
  • Lemass, Seán F.
  • Little, Patrick John.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Maguire, Ben.
  • Maguire, Conor Alexander.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • Murphy, Patrick Stephen.
  • O'Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Doherty, Joseph.
  • O'Dowd, Patrick.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • Pearse, Margaret Mary.
  • Rice, Edward.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Martin.
  • Ryan, Robert.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Walsh, Richard.
  • Ward, Francis C.

Níl

  • Alton, Ernest Henry.
  • Beckett, James Walter.
  • Belton, Patrick.
  • Bennett, George Cecil.
  • Bourke, Séamus.
  • Costello, John Aloysius.
  • Daly, Patrick.
  • Davin, William.
  • Davis, Michael.
  • Dillon, James M.
  • Dockrell, Henry Morgan.
  • Dolan, James Nicholas.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Esmonde, Osmond Grattan.
  • Everett, James.
  • Fagan, Charles.
  • Finlay, John.
  • Good, John.
  • Haslett, Alexander.
  • Hogan, Patrick (Clare).
  • Hogan, Patrick (Galway).
  • Keating, John.
  • Keely, Séamus P.
  • Keyes, Michael.
  • Lynch, Finian.
  • McDonogh, Martin.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • Broderick, William Joseph.
  • Brodrick, Seán.
  • Burke, Patrick.
  • Corish, Richard.
  • Cosgrave, William T.
  • McGovern, Patrick.
  • McGuire, James Ivan.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Minch, Sydney B.
  • Morrisroe, James.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Murphy, James Edward.
  • Murphy, Timothy Joseph.
  • Nally, Martin.
  • Norton, William.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas Francis.
  • O'Leary, Daniel.
  • O'Mahony, The.
  • O'Neill, Eamonn.
  • O'Sullivan, Gearóid.
  • O'Sullivan, John Marcus.
  • Redmond, Bridget Mary.
  • Reidy, James.
  • Rice Vincent.
  • Roddy, Martin.
  • Rowlette, Robert James.
  • Thrift, William Edward.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Smith and Moylan; Níl: Deputies Doyle and Bennett.
Motion carried.
Ordered: That the words stand.

I move the amendment standing in my name and in the names of Deputies Norton and Reidy, amendment No. 15:—

In Part II, page 8, to delete all reference to the constituencies of "North-East Limerick" and of "South-West Limerick" and substitute therefor the following:—

LIMERICK

The County Borough of Limerick and the administrative County of Limerick.

Seven

I think that if a good case can be made for any particular constituency it can be made for Limerick. There are no particular grounds on which the Minister can make a case for the changing of the electoral area of Limerick. If the proposed division is intended to make the constituency less unwieldy, it does not effect any useful purpose. Either of the constituencies proposed in Limerick will present as difficult an area to canvass as under the existing constituency. For instance, the proposed division will leave a distance of some 70 miles between Mitchelstown and Tarbert, which is about the longest distance in the constituency. In regard to the area and the comparative ease of a Deputy getting around, there will be no advantage in the proposed division. If the Minister's proposal is carried it will have a serious effect on people representing minorities, or on, say, Independent candidates, and we had an Independent candidate elected for Limerick during the past few years.

I think it was the Minister in charge of the Bill, or if it was not he, it was the Minister for Industry and Commerce who tried to argue that the dividing of the constituency made it more easy for an Independent candidate or for the representative of a minority Party to be elected than it would be in the wider area. How he argued that, even to please himself, much less how he argued it in order to please the House in general, I do not know, because, if it takes an Independent candidate all his time to be elected in the wider area with a certain quota, how is he possibly going to be elected in a divided constituency on a larger quota? That argument, that it makes it easier for an Independent candidate or for a representative of a minority Party to be elected in the smaller area than in the larger area is absurd on the face of it. The argument is ridiculous on the face of it. There is another objection to the Minister's proposal, and that is reducing the numbers of the constituency. Now, Limerick has a population sufficient for seven candidates, taking it on the basis of many of the constituencies marked out in the new Bill. On the very last amendment we had the argument propounded that the chief reason that the Minister could not accept the proposed amendment in regard to Galway constituency was not the difficulty as regards Galway, but that if a piece of it was not put into Clare, Clare would remain a constituency with four Deputies representing a population each of some 23,000 odd.

That is the very principle that the Minister is putting into the Bill as regards Limerick. He had not the same consideration for Limerick that he had for Clare. He put a portion of Galway into Clare to protect Clare from having four Deputies each representing 23,000 people, but he has left Limerick in the position that it will have six Deputies, each representing a population of more than 23,000. If there is any constituency in the southern counties with an increasing population it must be Limerick. Limerick City has increased largely in population in the last few years and, as this Bill will not last for ever, it will mean that in two years' time they will have to come back again and increase the representation of Limerick. I am sure that if a census were taken in Limerick at present it would be found that the population has increased so much that it would be entitled to seven Deputies.

I do not want to make a comparison between Limerick and other counties, but if the Minister goes over the Bill I think he will find that we are unfairly treated as compared with other counties. We do not want Limerick to get any advantage that other counties are not getting. If there is to be a reduction of seats, I, for one, am not going to object, but I want to see that reduction made on a fair basis and not have one county picked out for reduction, and another county, where the circumstances are similar, not interfered with. We have definitely a population in Limerick which would justify the county having seven Deputies. We have also a constituency as to which no case can be made for dividing it into two. As I say, it will hamper individual candidates or representatives of minority Parties. It will be no advantage to anybody as regards convenience. The constituency of West Limerick will be just as cumbersome to canvass as the existing constituency covering the whole county. We will still have a long distance from, say. Mitchelstown in County Cork, because Limerick runs within a quarter of a mile of it nearly, to Tarbert, and that is the longest distance in the existing constituency. There is no case for the division of the county. No argument can be advanced for it either from the point of view of convenience or population. The only case that might be made for it was on the argument advanced by the Minister that a constituency with a small number of Deputies would give fairer representation under the proportional representation system. The bottom has been knocked out of that argument by several Deputies who spoke on previous amendments—it does not hold water. If there is any benefit in the proportional representation system it is to be derived from having a large constituency rather than a small one. As I say, no case has been made for the change proposed in Limerick.

I want to appeal to the Minister to accept the amendment because no case whatever can be made for dividing Limerick in two. It cannot be pleaded by reference to the map that Limerick is an unmanageable constituency. It cannot be pleaded that Limerick is territorially too large. It cannot be pleaded that there is any difficulty in the matter of transport facilities in Limerick. It cannot be pleaded that there is any separateness in the matter of the interests of the people as between one portion of the county and another. So that we have in Limerick a constituency which is not unmanageable, which is not territorially too large, which has an identity of interests, and a constituency in which there are adequate transport facilities to enable Deputies to visit all parts of the constituency with the utmost ease. These facts should ensure that Limerick would not be cut in two merely for the sake of cutting it in two, which is what appears to have happened under the Bill.

There is a further objection. As I said on the Second Reading and on other amendments, the more three-member constituencies you create the more you strangle the principle of proportional representation; the more you make it impossible to avail of all the advantages of that system; and the more you make it possible to have a minority Government under the system. It has already been pointed out that in three-member constituencies any Party which can ensure 50 per cent. of the votes cast, plus 2, can secure two seats out of three and, conceivably, under the plan of small and large constituencies, as in this Bill, it is possible to have minority government—to have a Party which has not a majority in the country functioning as a Government because of the freaks which you will get under proportional representation as carried out in three-member constituencies.

The Minister will hardly deny that proportional representation in a three-member constituency can only be worked to a limited extent. It is little better than the single direct non-transferable vote. If we believe in the principle of proportional representation as a method of deciding Parliamentary elections, then we ought to ensure that constituencies will be created which will give us a fair opportunity of working that system. It cannot be worked adequately, or anything near adequately, in a constituency of less than five seats. In order to ensure that Limerick will have an opportunity of availing of the benefits of proportional representation without the disadvantages of the system, I hope this constituency, which is geographically one, which is convenient and manageable, with an identity of interests among all the people, will continue to be regarded as a single constituency. I trust, therefore, that the Minister will agree to accept the amendment and leave Limerick as a single constituency represented by seven Deputies, as it would be entitled to be represented by seven Deputies if it is left as one constituency.

I think very little remains to be said on behalf of the amendment. Deputies Norton and Bennett have put the matter very clearly. In the discussion of the various amendments concerning the different counties we have had various and specious arguments advanced, but in this particular instance I think the Minister will find it difficult to advance any argument that would suit his purpose and justify the change that is sought to be made. The City of Limerick is a city of some importance, and if this proposal to divide the constituency is carried you will have a city and rural constituency amalgamated in the north-east and you will have a city and rural constituency in the south-west, so that you will have city and county interests merged whether the constituency is divided or not. As has been pointed out, the county is by no means difficult to negotiate at election times or for the purpose of looking after the interests of constituents. We are fortunate in not having any mountain ranges, such as we have heard of in other constituencies. We are also fortunate in having good roads in the county and good transport facilities. I do not think any of the Deputies will complain of any undue difficulty or hardship in getting to the remotest parts of the county.

Under the proposed system, as Deputy Bennett has already pointed out, the real long stretch of the county will start from the Cork border at Mitchelstown right down to Glin. That will still be retained and there will be also a sort of pocket borough. The difficulty will not be minimised in the least in one of the constituencies and the area will be shortened considerably in the other where you are throwing county and city interests in together. The County and City of Limerick have maintained their population and Deputy Bennett is optimistic enough, and so am I, to hope that it is on the increase. I believe that if a census were to be taken on more up-to-date and modern lines than those on which the 1926 census was taken, the last shred of argument would be taken from the Minister, because I believe the population would be so much over the 1926 figure that he would not attempt to justify any reduction in the number of seats.

I would suggest again to the Minister that, in all fair-play and equity, he has not got a case that would justify making this change in Limerick, from the point of view of the best interests of fair administration in that county. Speaking as representing the minority Party in that constituency, as the only Labour Deputy, I can say—and there is no use mincing words about it—that the division of the county practically means the disfranchisement of Labour. We had one quota in Limerick which I represent in this House and it was drawn from every end of the constituency. Divide the constituency in two and there will practically be no possibility of Labour interests from the city and county being represented. I do not think that that is the spirit or intention of the system of proportional representation, if minorities are to have any opportunity to get a fair chance of representation. I think it ought to be carried out in the spirit and in the letter and that cannot be done if Limerick is carved in two, as the Bill proposes. I appeal to the Minister to allow the constituency to remain as it is. There has been no complaint and there will not, I am sure, be any in future, and the arrangement will give the same satisfaction as it has given.

I wish also to support the amendment. As Deputy Keyes has said, the effect of the Minister's proposal, if it is carried out will certainly disfranchise Labour. Deputy Keyes is the only Labour representative for the constituency and if the constituency is divided, Labour is going to be disfranchised. I do not know whether the Minister consulted the members of his own Party with regard to this proposal to divide the constituency but I would be surprised to learn that any member of the Minister's Party would, if consulted, advise that it should be divided. Limerick, as has already been said, is a compact constituency. The transport services there are good and Deputies are able to get around the constituency without much difficulty. I support the amendment and I hope the Minister will accept the advice from Deputy Keyes and Deputy Bennett. I should like to hear some of the members of the Minister's Party giving their views on this proposal.

Dr. Ryan

Personally, I am in favour of smaller constituencies because I think they are much more convenient for the Deputies who represent them and for the people who want to get in touch with their Deputies than the larger constituencies. With regard to Deputy Norton's point, that, with smaller constituencies, you might have a minority Government in power, I think that might hold no matter what the areas of the constituencies were, because it is quite possible that, by arranging constituencies, even large constituencies with nine or 11 members, with 40 per cent. in some and 60 per cent. in others, a Party would get a majority without getting a majority of the votes.

But you facilitate that with three-member constituencies.

Dr. Ryan

I do not know that you do. Perhaps, with a bigger number of constituencies, that may be so, but it is unlikely, and especially unlikely in a country like the Free State, where Parties are more or less evenly divided all over. It cannot be said that one county is 100 per cent. in favour of one Party and another county 100 per cent. in favour of another Party. They all vary from 40 to 60 per cent. and are fairly homogeneous so far as political views are concerned. It is true that we might have to bring in a new Bill after the next census, but that does not relieve us from our obligation under the Constitution of bringing in this Bill just now. We must, under the Constitution, go on the census taken in 1926, even though we know that, for instance, in the case of the City of Dublin, there has been an increase in population. We cannot take any legal notice of that, however, but must work on the 1926 census.

Deputy Keyes says that this amendment will have the effect of removing Labour representation from County Limerick. I should be very sorry to see that and, of course, that is not the intention in dividing the county into two parts, but the House will have an opportunity of voting as to whether the Bill should remain as it is, or whether it should be amended. Deputy Bennett said that if we leave the county as it is we might get an independent member. I have no use at all for what are called independent members.

Neither have I.

Dr. Ryan

Because they are not independent. They do not have even a say in a decision. Cumann na nGaedheal meets as a Party and they take a decision, and the independent fellows follow them into the Lobby, whatever be the decision taken. They do not have even a say in the decision they vote on——

Nevertheless they have their rights.

Dr. Ryan

——and such men should get no——

Quarter?

Dr. Ryan

——quarter.

That is the stuff to give them. Trample them.

Dr. Ryan

I have been seven years in this House, and there have been over 2,000 votes and never once did they vote, except at the tail of Cumann na nGaedheal. And they are independent.

That is not true.

Dr. Ryan

The Deputy was independent once, I believe. He belonged to another Party and while he belonged to the Centre Party he was independent. That Party took its own decisions and held their own meetings and sometimes they voted with and sometimes against the Government, but I say that the independent members never hold meetings or discuss anything. All they do is to follow Cumann na nGaedheal and why should we facilitate the entry of such people into this House? Proportional representation still remains. We were strongly advised by our own followers to do away with proportional representation but we thought it was only fair to all Parties to leave proportional representation. I think, however, that we should have smaller constituencies as far as possible because, as I said already, while not looking at it so much from the point of view of the Deputy, the Deputy has great trouble in visiting a large constituency and keeping in touch with the entire area but his constituents also have great trouble and, in particular, in cases where, as very often happens, two or three Deputies live in a city in the middle of the constituency which may be miles away from some parts of the country. Smaller constituencies, on the whole, I am sure, are better.

Apply that argument to Clare.

Dr. Ryan

We are applying it in the case of Galway.

You are adding to it.

Dr. Ryan

We are making a five-member constituency. A majority Party certainly has a better chance in the smaller constituencies and it is true that if a Party got 51 per cent. of the votes, they would get two-thirds of the representation, but I think it is only right because a Party can form a more stable Government if it has a good majority in the House afterwards.

We at least show our confidence in the people by making those smaller constituencies, because as far as we are concerned we are quite sure that with the smaller constituencies we will come back here with a bigger majority than ever. If the opposite Party are right in thinking that the people have turned over to them, and that they have got a majority now, they will come back here next time with two-thirds of the seats. I think if they have any confidence in their own policy, and if they believe that the people have turned over to them, they should go out every time for the three-member constituency, because if they have got a majority—which, of course, they know as well as I do that they have not—they will come back here next time with two-thirds of the seats. I think they should support the three-member constituency. As far as the Government is concerned, it is going to be left to a free vote. I am expressing only my personal opinion when I say I would favour two constituencies in Limerick, but if the House decides otherwise the Bill will be amended accordingly.

I can only assume that, while we were conducting the rest of this debate, the Minister for Agriculture was excogitating a scheme to cross a calf with a been to get this land flowing with milk and honey, because up to now the element which he has sought to introduce into it has not been introduced. He suggests that if we have any confidence that we are going to win the next general election we ought to resort to every dirty expedient that has occurred to his mind.

Dr. Ryan

I did not mean any offence at all.

Oh no! Not at all. The reply is that this Bill is a cheap gerrymandering Bill, and that it does not matter two hoots how much the Minister tries to gerrymander. He can gerrymander until the cows come home. He is "bet" no matter what way the next general election is fought. It does not matter how he carves up the counties; Fianna Fáil will go out. That is a suitable reply to the Minister when he starts talking about its being desirable for the Fine Gael Party to support three-member constituencies if they think they are going to win the next election. It does not matter what sort of constituencies you have. You can have Mr. Davin, the Secretary-General to Fianna Fáil, burning midnight oil for a month——

Not in the Constituency of Limerick.

——to gerrymander the country. He cannot get away from the fact that Fianna Fáil is "bust." Having disposed of that line of argument, let us get down to the type of argument which has prevailed so far. The proposal of the Government to divide Limerick into two parts will increase the number of persons necessary to return a member for County Limerick to 23,390. If it is left at seven, 20,049 persons approximately will return a member for County Limerick. The Minister admits that Deputy Keyes' argument, and Deputy Bennett's argument, that the population of Limerick is probably increasing, carries weight, but he points out that no matter what increase may have taken place since 1926 we have certain statutory obligations based on the census of 1926. We admit that. If it be true that the population is increasing, surely we ought to go about discharging our statutory obligations in respect of the County Limerick in whatever way will secure that the minimum number of constituents in County Limerick will return a member, because we believe that the 1926 figures are too low. If the county is left as it is, 20,049 will return a member. Let us assume there has been an increase, as the Deputies who know the constituency say there has been; very probably a seven-member constituency in Limerick would require about 21,000 persons to return a Deputy. That approximates closely to the ideal which the Minister for Local Government and Public Health set before himself when he introduced the measure.

We were told, with reference to the Clare-Galway arrangement, that it was necessary to chop a piece off the province of Connaught and transfer it to Munster in order to avoid a situation arising in Clare whereunder it would take more than 23,000 persons to return one Deputy. We are now going to divide Limerick, and we are going to create a situation whereunder, on the basis of the 1926 census, it will take 23,390 people to return one Deputy. We are assured by Deputy Bennett and Deputy Keyes, and I have no doubt the Fianna Fáil Deputies from Limerick will confirm it, that in all human probability there has been a substantial increase in the population of County Limerick since 1926. If, therefore, the proposal contained in the Bill passes, we are going to do something which will result in imposing on County Limerick a situation which will require a larger number of citizens from the County Limerick to elect one Deputy than in any other county in Ireland. Those are the reasons which may be legitimately advanced for leaving Limerick as it is. What are the reasons advanced for dividing it? None, except that it is better to have smaller constituencies, which are more compact and more readily accessible by the Deputies who represent them. Who is a better judge of that than the Deputies themselves? When we were discussing Galway, all the Deputies from Galway got up and said: "On principle we are in favour of dividing the county into two constituencies, because it is unmanageable," and so it was done. Here, I take it the Fianna Fáil Deputies agree with the Fine Gael Deputies and the Labour Deputies seeing they have not intervened——

Is cuma linn cioca.

Common courtesy demands that in a debate of this kind, no matter how uncivilised a Deputy is, he should make a civil reply to a civil question.

Deputies are not supposed to reply to oratorical questions.

But common courtesy demands that they shall not go out of their way to be uncivil.

The Chair does not purpose to pronounce on the status of the national language in this House.

Far be it from me to take up the question, but the national language can be used courteously as well as discourteously.

Dr. Ryan

It is uncivilised to speak Irish!

Not at all. Really the Minister is losing his head to-day. He has already been extremely provocative once. I suggest to him now that he should take example by his colleague and the Vice-President of the Government of which he is a member, and conduct himself. There is no need to get excited.

Dr. Ryan

The Deputy ought to conduct himself.

Nobody has got excited on this Bill except the Minister. He can quite comfortably simmer down, and we will all get on much better if he does. All the Deputies for the county take the view that convenience can be served, and best served, by preserving a single constituency. No other argument beyond that of size has been advanced for the dividing of the constituency. Therefore, I say that the sensible thing to do is to be guided by what Deputies representing the county suggest, and leave the county as it is. The Minister, pursuing his rather hectic course this afternoon, chose this opportunity to make a broadside attack on independent Deputies in the House. It did not seem very necessary. It did not even seem very relevant. Most of what he said with reference to independent Deputies was entirely untrue. The fact remains that the purpose of proportional representation is to secure the representation of minorities. It has been pointed out to the Minister unanswerably that the proposal contained in the Bill will definitely disfranchise a very obvious minority in County Limerick. It has been pointed out to him that the result of proportional representation has been to secure for a certain section of Limerick people representation that they could not have hoped to get on a direct voting system. This Bill will withdraw from that section of the people the very benefits that proportional representation has conferred on them. It seems to me that this is an occasion when the Minister might take off the dog the collar and chain and accept the amendment.

In connection with the amendment to this section, I think it is important that we should be guided by some principles or that we should be informed as to who is to lay down the guiding principles in this particular Bill. The Minister has butted in at this particular stage in order to be personally abusive towards Deputies of this House who at all events have behind them quotas of Irish electors and who at least have as much right to be present in this House, to voice their opinions and record their votes, as the Minister for Agriculture has. I do not think that a Bill of this kind where we have got to find a meeting point between all Parties and where we have at least this evidence of a desire to do national good—for it is one of the few occasions on which we have Deputies of three Parties, in spots at least, marching off on the same step— is the occasion that should be selected by the Minister to go out of his way to be offensive to any particular group of Deputies in this House.

As I said in the beginning, in order to arrive at any decision with regard to any amendment to this Bill we have got to know at the outset what are the guiding principles around which this Bill is hung. The Minister who spoke on the Second Reading of the Bill told us that the guiding principles in the Bill were: (1) adherence to the principle of proportional representation, (2) keeping as far as possible to county frontiers, and (3) keeping the greatest number of five and seven-member constituencies. We have added to these guiding principles by the Minister in possession at the moment a fourth principle—the desirability of giving to each Deputy the smallest territory possible. In the last amendment that we discussed here the principle for which the Minister stood was to add to the huge territory of County Clare and to give to every County Clare Deputy an extra 20 miles to cover. Would the Minister for ten consecutive minutes be honest with the House, even though it does not suit the Party game? Would he be consistent even as between two consecutive amendments? If the idea is to reduce territory so that Deputies may more adequately represent their constituents and may more conveniently establish contact with their constituents, why commit the foul crime on the County Clare people which we committed ten minutes ago in response to the crack of the Minister's whip?

There may be a good case behind this Bill, but no good case is ever well supported by dishonest arguments. Are we to take the Minister for Local Government, the Minister for Industry and Commerce, or the Minister for Agriculture as our guide in discussing this Bill? If we take any one of the three, we are taking a different headline to that laid down by any one of the other two, and I submit that it is definitely unfair to the House, particularly when the Whips are off, that we should have this vacillating lead, that we should have a lead so wobbly that it has got to be camouflaged by a personal attack on a group of members of this House. We are discussing here a constituency which heretofore had seven members. The whole Bill arises out of the census of 1926 and the constitutional requirements of that particular census. There is no constitutional requirement for lopping a Deputy off County Limerick. There is no constitutional requirement for amputating or dividing County Limerick into two. Let us go back to the case made on Second Reading, which, after all, decides the principles of a Bill and the principles on which the House votes and decides, and let us accept the principles laid down there. They were: adherence to county frontiers, avoidance of three-member constituencies, and the minimum reduction in accordance with the requirements of the Constitution. Everyone of these three principles is being violated by those Deputies who are opposing this amendment.

I would say once again that the Minister should pay more attention to the voice of the House and less to the crack of the whip. If it is the crack of the whip that is to decide policy on this particular Bill, then let us get rid of the humbug of talking about free votes. You are doing an injustice to this constituency; you are dividing it up; you are separating people who heretofore were united; you are depriving them of a Deputy. You are trampling on every principle that was laid down on the Second Reading of the Bill, and the only way you can cover your tracks is by losing your temper and attacking people who are not here to answer your attacks.

I should like to say just one final word on this amendment. I did anticipate that the Minister would accept this amendment having considered it. The only shred of argument the Minister used in replying to the speeches made here was that he was rather in favour of smaller constituencies. In the last amendment dealing with another constituency, as Deputy Dr. O'Higgins pointed out, the brains of that argument were shattered. The Minister himself was an advocate for adding something more to County Clare. Yet he comes out as an advocate on this amendment for constituencies of smaller size. We have, therefore, the Minister showing himself utterly inconsistent on two consecutive amendments. When I mentioned independent candidates in the course of my previous argument, as I had a right to do, I had in mind the fact that the Constitution and the laws of the country give independents the right to be represented if they get a sufficient number of electors in a certain area to vote for them. I referred to a minority Party, but I did not mention them further than that. I had one particular Party in mind and I am glad that Deputy Keyes, with his accustomed honesty, has frankly admitted that this amendment is directed towards his particular Party.

I did not want to be so pointed as to refer to any particular Party, but I had a particular Party in my eye. If this amendment is not carried the Labour Party, certainly in Limerick, will be disfranchised. I say that deliberately. A Deputy opposite laughs at my statement as if he believed that I had no sympathy with the Labour Party. I have sympathy with the Labour Party. I would always like to see Limerick having a Labour Deputy in this House. I should be very sorry that Limerick should lose the services of the present Labour Deputy, a man who would be a credit to any Party. The Minister for Local Government and Public Health made the case throughout that he was in favour of smaller constituencies. Yet not 20 minutes ago the Minister for Agriculture was propounding the doctrine of adding to a constituency. No case has been made out for this change in Limerick. All we ask is a fair crack of the whip. We ask no favour that other counties are not getting; all we ask is that we should be fairly treated.

Dr. Ryan

I voted for the present arrangement in the Bill—five, four and three. If this amendment was carried you would go back to eight and I think five, four and three is moving more in the right direction.

What about the addition the Minister's colleague is making to Clare?

Dr. Ryan

That may be, but Galway was an eight-member constituency. I agree with Deputy O'Higgins that there is no obligation to divide Limerick into two parts, or to deprive the county of one member, but the question of getting smaller constituencies in Dublin, Limerick, Galway, Tipperary, Donegal and many other counties was raised. The Minister for Local Government and Public Health said yesterday that there would be a free vote in connection with all these large constituencies where it was a question of putting them into two constituencies. There is no obligation on any member of the Government Party to vote for or against the amendment. It is an absolutely free vote.

Question put: "That the words proposed to be deleted stand."
The Committee divided: Tá, 43; Níl, 67.

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Boland, Patrick.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Browne, William Frazer.
  • Cleary, Mícheál.
  • Concannon, Helena.
  • Corry, Martin John.
  • Kelly, James Patrick.
  • Kelly, Thomas.
  • Kissane, Eamonn.
  • Lemass, Seán F.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Maguire, Ben.
  • Maguire, Conor Alexander.
  • Moane, Edward.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • Murphy, Patrick Stephen.
  • O'Briain, Donnchadh.
  • Crowley, Timothy.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • Doherty, Hugh.
  • Dowdall, Thomas P.
  • Flynn, John.
  • Fogarty, Andrew.
  • Gibbons, Seán.
  • Hales, Thomas.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • O'Doherty, Joseph.
  • O'Dowd, Patrick.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • Pearse, Margaret Mary.
  • Rice, Edward.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Martin.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Ward, Francis C.

Níl

  • Alton, Ernest Henry.
  • Beckett, James Walter.
  • Belton, Patrick.
  • Bennett, George Cecil.
  • Bourke, Séamus.
  • Brady, Brian.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Breen, Daniel.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Broderick, William Joseph.
  • Brodrick, Seán.
  • Burke, Patrick.
  • Byrne, Alfred.
  • Corish, Richard.
  • Corkery, Daniel.
  • Cosgrave, William T.
  • Costello, John Aloysius.
  • Daly, Denis.
  • Daly, Patrick.
  • Davin, William.
  • Davis, Michael.
  • Davitt, Robert Emmet.
  • Dillon, James M.
  • Dockrell, Henry Morgan.
  • Dolan, James Nicholas.
  • Donnelly, Eamon.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Esmonde, Osmond Grattan.
  • Everett, James.
  • Fagan, Charles.
  • Finlay, John.
  • Fitzgerald, Desmond.
  • Good, John.
  • Goulding, John.
  • Haslett, Alexander.
  • Hogan, Patrick (Clare).
  • Hogan, Patrick (Galway).
  • Keating, John.
  • Keely, Séamus P.
  • Keyes, Michael.
  • Lynch, Finian.
  • McDonogh, Martin.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • McGovern, Patrick.
  • McGuire, James Ivan.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Minch, Sydney B.
  • Morrisroe, James.
  • Morrissey, Daniel.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Murphy, James Edward.
  • Murphy, Timothy Joseph.
  • Nally, Martin.
  • Norton, William.
  • O'Donovan, Timothy Joseph.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas Francis.
  • O'Leary, Daniel.
  • O'Mahony, The.
  • O'Neill, Eamonn.
  • O'Sullivan, Gearóid.
  • O'Sullivan, John Marcus.
  • Redmond, Bridget Mary.
  • Reidy, James.
  • Rice, Vincent.
  • Roddy, Martin.
  • Thrift, William Edward.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Smith and Moylan; Níl: Deputies Doyle and Corish.
Question declared lost.
Amendment No. 15 put and agreed to.

Mr. Lynch

I move amendment No. 16:—

In Part II, page 8, to delete all references to the constituencies of "North Kerry" and "South Kerry" and substitute the following in its appropriate place:—

KERRY

The administrative County of Kerry.

Seven

In view of the decision on the last amendment, I wonder whether it is necessary to make a speech in support of this amendment, because the principle involved is very much the same. It is a question of the division of a county, which division is utterly unnecessary under the constitutional provision. The decision on the last amendment would lead one to believe that Kerry should be treated in the same way as Limerick. I rather like the suggestion in the Bill because it shows a certain amount of weakness on the part of the Government in dealing with Kerry where one would expect them to have very high hopes as a result of the last election. Their proposal to divide the county shows that they are rather afraid that they will never again return five T.D.s there.

Deputy Dillon referred to the amazing statement made by the Minister for Agriculture regarding independent T.D.s in the House. I think that it is entirely against every principle of representation that one should make a statement such as the Minister made. After all, if any candidate can get a quota, so long as we have proportional representation, it means that he represents that number of people and that he is entitled to sit in the House. I was amazed at the statement made by the Minister. It has always been said by those who advocated proportional representation, or inflicted it upon us in the first instance, that the ideal constituency was the seven-member constituency. I am not prepared to go into the figures to show whether that is so or not but it used to be proportion of the proportional representation propaganda that the seven-seat constituency was the ideal constituency for getting representation for every element in the community. I do not know why the Minister proposes to divide the constituency since he is not taking away any seat and since he is not obliged to take away any seat under the provisions of the Constitution. Why he makes this proposal, in view of the opinion fairly generally expressed, I am at a loss to understand. I notice by the Order Paper that Deputy Norton has supported this amendment.

There should always be in Kerry the chance for a Labour seat, because Labour is fairly well organised there, but the political differences between the two big Parties have been so prominent in the years since the Treaty that candidates not connected with either Party did not get a look in at all. I believe that time is vanishing, and that if there is a chance for giving representation to Labour it should be done. By the division of the county into two constituencies that chance is undoubtedly being taken away. The arguments made on many previous amendments cover the Kerry case. I am anxious to find out whether the Minister will accept the decision in the Limerick case as governing the Kerry case. I think he should.

Dr. Ryan

Although the House carried an amendment in the case of Limerick, I still do not agree that is the best way to carry out proportional representation. In any case Kerry is in a different position to Limerick because we are still leaving it seven members—four and three. The argument made in the Limerick case was that we were taking one seat from it, and I think that had considerable weight in getting the amendment carried. The position in Kerry is different because we are still leaving it the seven members. The only question that remains is whether it is better and more convenient to have the county divided or not. Personally, I think it is. Kerry is a very big county. The Limerick Deputies, in pleading that their constituency should be left with seven members, said that they had very good roads in that county. I do not know if that claim can be made on behalf of Kerry. It certainly could not be made for it two years ago when I was there, but the roads in Kerry may have been improved since then.

Deputy Lynch made the point that if any Deputy can get the quota he should be entitled to sit here, and argued from that that we should have very large constituencies. Of course, you have to draw the line somewhere. If one were to pursue the Deputy's argument it would be quite logical to have the whole of the Free State made one constituency so that if any man, with a certain policy, were able to scrape up, say, 8,000 votes over the whole of the Free State he ought really be entitled to sit here: that is if you are to follow proportional representation to its logical conclusion. But we have not attempted to do that. We have tried proportional representation in the past to the extent of nine-member constituencies. Deputy Lynch also asked why did we divide Kerry at all. In the original draft of the Bill there was no constituency with more than five members. It is true that in the Bill as it is before the House we have only two seven-member constituencies—there is a doubt about Donegal —South City and Limerick. If, when the Bill was being drawn up, Limerick was left with seven members, it is possible that Kerry would also be left with seven. I do not know that there would be any great argument for making it otherwise, but personally I think it should be divided. It would be much more convenient. In any event this is to be left to a free vote of the House, and I am only expressing my personal opinion.

I doubt if the Minister was serious in the arguments he brought forward against this amendment. I felt that he expressed his real views at the close of his speech when he said that there was no reason why Kerry should not have seven members and should be undivided. He said if it happened that, in a drawing up of the Bill, Limerick had got seven members, Kerry would have got seven. "Here am I," the Minister says, "in charge of this Bill. In this particular instance it is a rotten case that I have. The House understands very well that I know it is a rotten case I am urging, but I stress the fact that it is my personal opinion. I have no case for dividing Kerry." What is the case? Bad roads. It is the first time I have ever heard the division of a constituency based on an insufficient amount of money being spent on the roads. That was, I think, about the strongest case that the Minister made so far as Kerry is concerned. The Minister mentioned the fact that the case of Kerry does not stand on all fours with the Committee's decision in the Limerick case. There the proposal was to deprive Limerick of one member. In Kerry that is not proposed.

If the Minister will throw back his mind he will remember that one of the arguments in favour of the Bill was the diminution of membership. When you do not diminish the number of members, then one of the arguments in favour of splitting constituencies goes. There is no diminution in numbers here. Because of the fact that you still have seven members for Kerry the Minister knows well—it is quite obvious from his exposition of the case—that that particular argument goes. The Minister rightly pointed out that under the Bill there are still to be seven members for Kerry. He has made no case for opposing this amendment except to say that the division of the present constituency is a matter of convenience. Undoubtedly the old single-member constituency was most convenient. It was very convenient for the member. On the whole, I do not think that the bulk of the members, individually, want a division of any of their constituencies. This particular proposal that we are discussing was, of course, a matter of Government policy. I doubt if any members complained about their constituencies being too large, and of being, from that point of view, unmanageable.

I suggest that the arguments put forward by the Minister are not sufficient for this violation of the spirit of proportional representation that is involved in this particular proposal to divide Kerry. It is involved also, I admit, in the case of other constituencies. I think that is the main fault of the Bill: that we have kept the spirit of proportional representation, but that as a result of the number of four-member and three-member constituencies we have violated the spirit of proportional representation.

I think one of the Ministers who spoke was quite right when he said that he could not make up his mind as to whether a four-member constituency is worse than a three-member constituency or a three-member constituency is worse than a four-member constituency, but undoubtedly both of them are a violation of the whole idea of proportional representation. That is what I object to in the Bill: the protestations of the Government that they want one thing while the actual practice is another. It is an example of the difference between their performances and their practices.

I protest naturally against the partition of the county. Anybody who has been listening to the debate knows perfectly well that the Minister not merely has made no case but, so far as he could possibly do it without saying it in so many words, admitted that he has no case; that he has nothing to go on, and that there is no reason why Kerry should be divided. I do not see how you are going to have the principle of proportional representation working properly if you have a four-member constituency. That is unfair to the majority in the constituency. I do not see how it will work properly if you have a three-member constituency. That is unfair to a large minority in the constituency.

I agree with Deputy Lynch on this particular point which was stressed by the Minister again: that it is not a question of sheer logic but, if I may take a word from his leader, a question of common sense. I admit that you must stop somewhere but, so far as it can be conveniently managed, the larger the constituency the better it is, from the point of view of the principle of proportional representation. Therefore, the five-member constituency is undoubtedly much better than the four or the three-member constituency, while the seven-member constituency, if it can be conveniently managed, is better than the five member constituency. There is a much better chance of the purposes for which proportional representation was introduced being fulfilled with the larger constituency. I quite admit to the Minister that you cannot carry that any more than you can carry anything else, to what he calls its logical conclusion. It is not its logical conclusion. The other fails because it is inconvenient, because it hits up against more practical difficulties than increasing the size of the constituency would manage to solve. It is really a question of where you will draw the line. But we have had experience of the nine-member constituency, and of the seven-member constituency, and I do not think that experience was such as would justify us doing away with the seven or the nine-member constituency. Unless a very much stronger argument can be put up, I think there is no justification for the proposed division.

I do not even know the basis on which the actual division of the county takes place. It does not go along the old Parliamentary divisions, of which you had four, and it does not go according to the old rural district council divisions. It is an arbitrary line drawn up, I do not know how. However, that is rather a minor question. Having laid down that they are keen on proportional representation, and having pointed out the desire they had to avoid, as far as possible, the three and four-member constituency, then they go, in practice, to establish as many three and four-member constituencies as possible. I am not speaking now of the present situation. I remember that at the first election I contested in 1923 Labour representatives were put forward and failed. They were again put forward in 1927 and failed. Deputy Lynch has clearly pointed out the reason. Owing to the intense political feeling that prevailed in this country for 12 years, the system of proportional representation in reality has not worked out in a normal way. If you had normal conditions prevailing you would have a better representation from minorities and for smaller Parties than there is at present. This particular clause exemplifies that the purpose of the Bill is really aimed at preventing the representation of any small Parties, or certainly an increase of any small Parties. I cannot say that I have ever in the last 12 months been able to make a very clear distinction between the two Parties, but I suggest it is a rather poor return for the Government to give the Labour Party, to prevent any chance of any increase in that Party in normal circumstances. However, that is a matter between these two Parties. Certainly I am not going to stress it. The Minister has put up no case for the division. I do not think he imagined he was serious in any of the arguments that were put forward. May I suggest that the line he took was this: "I am here officially, and I am responsible, for the moment, for piloting this Bill through the Committee Stage. In that position I cannot say that I will accept the amendment, but vote against the clause, and you have my blessing because really I have nothing to say in its favour."

Dr. Ryan

The Deputy asks how the constituencies were divided. There are four county electoral areas in the county for the purposes of an election, two in the north and two in the south.

I do not think they go quite along that line. I would like if the Minister would inquire into that before the Report Stage.

Question put: "That the words proposed to be deleted stand."
The Committee divided: Tá, 61; Níl, 53.

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Boland, Patrick.
  • Brady, Brian.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Breen, Daniel.
  • Browne, William Frazer.
  • Cleary, Mícheál.
  • Concannon, Helena.
  • Corkery, Daniel.
  • Corry, Martin John.
  • Crowley, Timothy.
  • Daly, Denis.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • Doherty, Hugh.
  • Donnelly, Eamon.
  • Dowdall, Thomas P.
  • Flinn, Hugo V.
  • Flynn, John.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Fogarty, Andrew.
  • Gibbons, Seán.
  • Goulding, John.
  • Hales, Thomas.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Houlihan, Patrick.
  • Keely, Séamus P.
  • Kelly, James Patrick.
  • Kelly, Thomas.
  • Kilroy, Michael.
  • Kissane, Eamonn.
  • Lemass, Seán F.
  • Little, Patrick John.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Maguire, Ben.
  • Maguire, Conor Alexander.
  • Moane, Edward.
  • Moore, Séamus.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • Murphy, Patrick Stephen.
  • O'Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Doherty, Joseph.
  • O'Dowd, Patrick.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Kelly, Seán Thomas.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • Pearse, Margaret Mary.
  • Rice, Edward.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Martin.
  • Ryan, Robert.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Walsh, Richard.
  • Ward, Francis C.

Níl

  • Alton, Ernest Henry.
  • Beckett, James Walter.
  • Belton, Patrick.
  • Bennett, George Cecil.
  • Broderick, William Joseph.
  • Brodrick, Seán.
  • Burke, Patrick.
  • Byrne, Alfred.
  • Corish, Richard.
  • Cosgrave, William T.
  • Costello, John Aloysius.
  • Daly, Patrick.
  • Davis, Michael.
  • Davitt, Robert Emmet.
  • Dillon, James M.
  • Dockrell, Henry Morgan.
  • Dolan, James Nicholas.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Esmonde, Osmond Grattan.
  • Everett, James.
  • Fagan, Charles.
  • Finlay, John.
  • Fitzgerald, Desmond.
  • Good, John.
  • Haslett, Alexander.
  • Hogan, Patrick (Galway).
  • Keating, John.
  • Lynch, Finian.
  • McDonogh, Martin.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • McGovern, Patrick.
  • McGuire, James Ivan.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Minch, Sydney B.
  • Morrisroe, James.
  • Morrissey, Daniel.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Murphy, James Edward.
  • Nally, Martin.
  • O'Donovan, Timothy Joseph.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas Francis.
  • O'Leary, Daniel.
  • O'Mahony, The.
  • O'Neill, Eamonn.
  • O'Sullivan, Gearóid.
  • O'Sullivan, John Marcus.
  • Redmond, Bridget Mary.
  • Reidy, James.
  • Rice, Vincent.
  • Roddy, Martin.
  • Rowlette, Robert James.
  • Thrift, William Edward.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Smith and Moylan; Níl: Deputies Doyle and Corish.
Question declared carried.

That decision governs amendment No. 30.

Amendment No. 17.—In Part II, page 8, to delete all references to the constituencies of "North Tipperary" and of "South Tipperary" and substitute therefor the following:—

TIPPERARY

The administrative County of Tipperary.

Seven

(Séumas Bourke,)

(Richard Curran,)

(Daniel Morrissey,)

(William Norton.)

I move amendment No. 17. The Bill as it stands makes a proposition with regard to the County Tipperary that the county instead of being left as a seven-seat constituency and entitled on that basis to seven members should be divided into two constituencies with three members in each constituency. The House has already dealt with the constituency of County Limerick, where a proposal of a similar kind was made. The total population of the County Limerick is 140,343. The total population of the County Tipperary is 141,015. That is, there is nearly a thousand more of a population in Tipperary than there is in the County Limerick. The House decided to reject the Minister's proposal with regard to the County Limerick. It turned down the proposal on the part of the Minister that there should be two constituencies in Limerick with three members each and it has expressed the opinion that the Limerick constituency should remain as it is with seven members. The House has now been asked by the Minister to divide Tipperary up into two constituencies with three members each, thus leaving an entirely different principle operating in Tipperary to that operating in the County Limerick, as far as the size of the constituency goes and dividing up the county; and leaving another different principle in relation to the number of representatives. I say that because the Minister's proposal before the House at the present moment would give Tipperary six Deputies to represent its 141,015 of a population while the County Limerick would have seven Deputies to represent its 140,343 of a population. I would like to hear the Minister make some attempt to stand for a proposal of that particular kind after the way in which the House has expressed its opinion on the Limerick position.

I am sure the Deputy will not ask me to defend what the House has decided with regard to County Limerick. The House has turned down the proposition in the Bill. I have the same proposition with regard to County Tipperary, but I think that there is a stronger case for the division of that county into two constituencies than there is in the case of Limerick, from one point of view at any rate. For a considerable number of years there has been in Tipperary a division for local government purposes. It is recognised that Tipperary is a very large county and for local government purposes it has already been divided into two administrative units. There are two administrative areas within the county boundaries. There is not a very considerable difference in population between the two areas. I think the House would be well advised to accept the proposal that is submitted for adoption in the Bill.

We have argued again and again on other amendments the question of the small versus the large constituency and I do not think I need argue that point on this occasion. I am satisfied it would be a better arrangement to have two constituencies in Tipperary rather than one constituency for Parliamentary purposes. The reduction that we propose in the number of members is part of the policy agreed to in general. It seems to be accepted by the House that a reduction is desirable. The County Tipperary is being asked to sacrifice one member and to agree to the division. Other areas have been asked to make a similar sacrifice. The House has come to a decision adverse to what was proposed in the Bill in relation to Limerick. I hope Deputies will adopt the proposition that is in the Bill in so far as County Tipperary is concerned.

So far as I am personally concerned, I am not worried whether the amendment is or is not carried. I think the Minister has made the best case that could be made for the amendment. His position in the matter is very weak. He has talked about the size of County Tipperary and he has mentioned the two county councils. Cork is a large county and it has only one county council.

We are going to divide that for certain purposes too, by agreement with the county council.

Cork has only one county council. Galway is larger and it has only one county council. I could give other examples. The Minister has made no case, even on the basis of population or on the basis of the Constitution, for reducing the number of representatives from 7 to 6. It is about time that Governments —I am not blaming the present Government—stopped chopping Tipperary. So far as the ordinary workers are concerned, they do not know where they are. In 1922 we had four members for North Tipperary and four for South Tipperary. The whole of East Tipperary was in Waterford. In 1923 the position was changed again. In 1918 we had a different set of circumstances. This, if it is adopted, will be about the fifth change that has been made within recent years. So far as Tipperary is concerned, I suggest to the Minister that it is a separate entity. We have no relations whatever with Cork, Waterford or Kilkenny. We are, so to speak, a family on our own and, no matter how we may differ politically, we have a sort of a local, a parochial feeling if you like, that we are all Tipperary men.

The Minister has not made the slightest case for this change. For Tipperary we have seven members returned. We have something like 80,000 people on the register and about 65,000 cast their votes at the ordinary elections. I am glad to be able to say that those votes were cast without any intimidation. The Minister knows quite well that Tipperary is different from most other counties. I do not know whether there are many people in this House who know North and South Tipperary, but those who do know the areas must be aware that there is no relation between the areas, yet at the same time the county is still intertwined. If you leave the border of Tipperary and enter Kilkenny, Waterford or Mitchelstown in Cork, you will find you are getting into, so to speak, foreign ground. In the whole of County Tipperary there is a certain intermingling that keeps all the people together.

I know the Labour Party are associated with this amendment, and I know the reason. It is a very obvious and, if I may say so with all respect, a very good reason, because whatever hope they have of getting a man elected for the whole county as one constituency, they have no hope whatever if the county is divided. I am hoping that the Minister is going to accept the amendment on those grounds. I would like to have from the Minister some definite case made out, not so much as to why we should be reduced to two constituencies with three members each, but rather why we should be reduced from seven members to six on the basis of population or on the basis of the Constitution.

Practically the same case can be made for this amendment as was made for the amendment dealing with the Limerick constituency. The House has, in an exactly similar set of circumstances, shown that it does not want to see a constituency carved up in order to create two three-member constituencies. Any amendment the House has rejected has not been because there were two three-member constituencies, but because there were a three and four or a three and five. I put it to the Minister that the House having declared itself clearly in the case of County Limerick, he could well afford to accept the amendment in respect to Tipperary. In the Limerick case the House was convinced that it was undesirable to cut up the County. The House did not desire to see two three-member constituencies created where one with seven Deputies could conveniently stand. Exactly similar circumstances apply in the case of Tipperary. One has to say for Tipperary that it is not a big county, an unmanageable county.

What? Tipperary not a big county?

Not too big a county. It is not too big and it is not unmanageable. There are adequate transport facilities. There is no separateness from the point of view of the outlook and interests of the people in one portion as compared with the other. It has not been pleaded by any Deputy on the Minister's side that the constituency is too big. No Deputy from Tipperary, on the Minister's side, has pleaded that the constituency is too big.

Tipperary County could not be too big.

So principle No. 1, laid down by the Minister on the Second Reading, is gone. In any case none of them, on his side, has come in to say that the constituency is too big, that transport facilities are inadequate, or that the constituency is unmanageable. In the absence of such statements from them I think we can say that, at any rate, they do not believe it is too big or unmanageable or that it cannot continue as one constituency. On the other hand, we have had statements from the Opposition that it is not too big, that it is not unmanageable and that it is sufficiently well served with transport facilities to justify its continuance as a single constituency. Again, however, by dividing Tipperary, the Minister is endeavouring to deprive it of seven Deputies.

One? Well, to give it seven instead of six. The Minister is seeking to give Tipperary six Deputies spread over two constituencies, whereas, on population, it is entitled to seven Deputies, as the County Limerick is entitled to seven. I suggest to the Minister that this, again, is another case of trying to get away from the virtues of proportional representation. In the absence of the Minister for Local Government and Public Health, the Minister for Agriculture told us that he was being pressed—that the Fianna Fáil Party were being pressed by their supporters—to abolish proportional representation, but the Minister for Agriculture said: "We are not going to do that." I think that the Minister has walked up pretty close to abolishing proportional representation under these three-member constituencies. In any case, however, whether or not he thinks he has done that, I would advise him to be careful of the friends who are advising him to abolish proportional representation and to remember that if it had been abolished in the election of 1923, the two elections in 1927, and the first election in 1932, there might have been a very different result in this country. I think that that kind of advice is spurious and not very helpful. The Minister for Agriculture told us that this advice is being tendered to the Party by supporters, but it does not seem to me to be very good advice, although I rather fear that some of it has been taken in the carving up of some of the constituencies in two. I think that the Minister ought to accept an amendment that proposes to leave the constituency compact and homogeneous as it is at present.

I should like to remind the Minister that the amendment in regard to Limerick was carried by a very big majority. The same arguments might be applied to Tipperary, but I should like particularly to remind him of the case made in defence of his Bill by the Minister who represented him for the last hour or so. We were debating the case of Galway and the Minister advanced as a reason why he could not accept an amendment the object of which was to put back into Galway the part of Galway that was to be added to Clare, that if he did that it would have a reaction in the Clare constituency and create the position that you would have four Deputies elected for a population of some 93,000 people, which would mean one Deputy for more than 23,000, which, he said was not advisable. That was the principal argument advanced by the Minister against the Galway amendment. It was largely because of that, I think, that the House voted on the Limerick amendment in the way it did.

You have put in, in the case of Tipperary, as you had in the case of Limerick, the very thing that the Minister was trying to guard against in the case of Clare. He advocated that it was not desirable that a Deputy should have to represent 23,000 odd. Now, if the Tipperary amendment is not accepted, you will have a position there where each Deputy will represent more than 23,500 people, which is practically the largest in Ireland. It must be remembered also that while in the case of Galway you are adding a bit to Clare, you are splitting Tipperary and reducing the constituency to the lowest possible limits. I think that the Minister, having had the expression of the opinion of the House on a practically similar amendment in regard to Limerick, ought not to put the House to the inconvenience of dividing on this amendment.

Deputy Morrissey seemed to think that it was not a matter of very much concern whether this amendment was accepted or not, but I think it is very important, at any rate, if this amendment is not going to be accepted, to know what exactly are the reasons behind it. The House has accepted a single constituency with seven members for Limerick and has declined to accept it in the case of Kerry and has given two constituencies there, one four-member constituency and one three-member constituency. If I understand Deputy Norton aright, the explanation behind the different action on the part of the Fianna Fáil Party in the House in the case of Limerick and Kerry would be that if they left Limerick divided into two it would give us two three-member constituencies, but in the case of Kerry it gave us one three-member and one four-member constituency. One of the arguments of the Minister for Industry and Commerce was that four-member constituencies were to be avoided. While I admit that, listening to the Minister's arguments, the principle seemed to be all right, in working it out in practice it was not so very excellent as the principle itself, because the Bill would leave us with nine four-member constituencies. If I do not misunderstand Deputy Norton, the idea is that the Fianna Fáil Party have acted differently in regard to Kerry because by accepting two constituencies in Kerry they get a four-member constituency. I think we would like to have that point elucidated somewhat.

We have had North Dublin, which was an eight-member constituency, divided by the Fianna Fáil majority in the House into two constituencies. We had South Dublin—a seven-member constituency—extended in area and left as one constituency. Now the proposal on the part of the Minister is to leave a constituency, which has a greater population than County Limerick, with two three-member constituencies, that is, to leave it represented by six members, when the Limerick constituency with a smaller population is going to be represented by seven. I think that the Minister ought to make some attempt to deal with whatever principle is behind his proposal at this particular stage. I think we ought not to leave this amendment without having the Minister give us, as far as he can, some explanation of the rather exquisite differences that the Fianna Fáil majority in the House make with regard to some of these constituencies because it is a monstrous thing, in my opinion, to ask the House to divide to have Tipperary with a smaller representation than County Limerick and to have Tipperary divided up. As has been said so often in the House, I suggest that the whole principle of proportional representation is simply scrapped in the country by doing so. I should like to hear Deputy Fogarty or Deputy Breen or Deputy Hayes or Deputy Ryan on this subject. I should like to hear what is in their minds that they should require that Tipperary should be reduced in its representation and divided up into two. It is a rather extraordinary thing, when we are discussing the treatment of County Tipperary in this particular way, that not a single Fianna Fáil Deputy from Tipperary dares to show his nose in the House to tell us what he thinks about this proposal. I think that the extraordinary absence of Fianna Fáil Deputies from Tipperary from the House while this is going on makes it all the more incumbent on the Minister to explain the reasons why he has put forward this extraordinary proposal, after Limerick has been dealt with by the House in the way it has been.

Deputy Ryan rose.

I am sorry I did not see the Deputy. I wish to withdraw the charge against Deputy Ryan, and to apologise. I only wish we could hear from the other three Fianna Fáil Deputies from Tipperary in the way in which we are going to hear from Deputy Ryan.

Mr. Ryan

I have not very much to say on the matter. Like other speakers, such as Deputy Morrissey, I am not interested personally one way or the other. However, nobody can deny the fact that Tipperary, from the point of view of local administration, and from other points of view, is recognised as two different areas— north and south Tipperary. I do not understand how anybody can come to the conclusion that it is not a difficult county to manage. From north to south of the county would be a distance of close on 100 miles. That in itself should be convincing evidence that it is at least a difficult county to manage. However, as I said, I am not personally interested one way or the other, and it is a subject that I do not like to voice my feelings upon because, not being personally interested, I do not want to create the impression that I might be.

That is a very queer answer for a Tipperaryman when the county is being dealt with in a most unjust way and being deprived of the representation to which it is properly entitled.

Mr. Ryan

It would be interesting to know why Deputy Mulcahy is so interested.

One of the reasons that Deputy Mulcahy should be interested is because he is a Tipperaryman. So far as we in Tipperary are concerned, there are two points which arise. The representation is being reduced from seven to six members and the county is being divided into two. The Minister and Deputy Ryan stressed the point, and I agree that there is a good deal in it, that we have two county councils in Tipperary and two administrative areas, so far as local government is concerned. But, according to the new map which we see displayed in the hall, the ridings are being thrown on one side. North Tipperary division is brought within four miles of Tipperary town and, so far as North Tipperary is concerned, we are being brought within an area that we know nothing at all about. I had hoped to hear the Minister make a case for the proposal, but he has not done so. I think Deputy Norton has made a good case for the amendment. I know the reason the case was made and I know it is a sound reason. We will not say anything about what may flow from it, or what the result may be. The Minister, however, has not made a case for this and, until such time as the Minister makes a case, I do not think we ought to say any more from this side of the House.

When the Minister was dealing with this matter on Second Reading and was attempting to justify the way in which some counties are being smashed up, he more or less suggested that some of our counties came about in some very queer way—that the boundary of one particular county was a kind of impression of a Cromwellian foot, that it was not brought about by any Irish agency and that another county was brought about by the impression of King John's foot or that of some other invader. County Tipperary is getting the imprint of another new foot on it now, and South Tipperary is being presented with another Devil's Bit. We hear nothing from the Minister and the only thing we hear from Fianna Fáil Deputies from Tipperary is that one of them said, "It does not concern me, therefore, I have nothing to say about it." It is a very astounding business to hear a Deputy from Tipperary speak like that. It is almost like treating the representation of the constituency in the way in which the main industry of the county has been treated. "It does not concern me; therefore, I do not care anything about it; let the situation be as it is; let the people suffer in the way they are suffering." All that Deputy Ryan has to say is, "Let Tipperary lose its representation; let it be divided up; we have two county councils and two administrative areas in Tipperary; why should we not have two other areas?" All that I say to Deputy Ryan is—why not have three or four; because to give Tipperary three or four areas, so far as proportional representation is concerned, would not be crushing the proportional representation principle in Tipperary to any greater extent than by giving it two constituencies with three members for each.

If, by any chance, Deputy Breen, Deputy Hayes, and Deputy Fogarty are in the House I should like to hear their voices raised to tell the House for what reason they subscribe to this. It would be enlightening if we could hear from some Kerry or Limerick Fianna Fáil Deputies what they think should happen in Tipperary in view of what has happened in their own constituencies, because the Fianna Fáil majority in the House have applied two entirely different principles or, at any rate, whatever their principles are, their votes have had two entirely different effects when we look upon what has been done in Limerick and Kerry.

Before the House deals with Tipperary, having got no assistance from the Minister on the subject, or from the Fianna Fáil Deputies from Tipperary, I think that the Limerick and Kerry Deputies on the Fianna Fáil side, who have apparently settled their own constituencies in the way they want, might help the House by giving some information which they may have on the subject, or some understanding that they may have of the principles at work, so that the House would be able to deal with Tipperary in a fairly reasonable way.

It is an extraordinary thing for a Deputy to stand up and say that a matter closely affecting his constituency is of no concern to him. I am sure that the people of Tipperary who sent Deputies here would be very much concerned to hear that their representation was going to be cut down by one seventh and that they are going to lose a member under this scheme. I am sure the people of Tipperary will not be very pleased to hear that. Furthermore, a matter of this kind is not alone a matter of concern for the Deputies sent here by the people of Tipperary to represent their interests but the concern of every intelligent member of this House who would like to see things carried out with good reason and order and in a logical way. This House has accepted the principle in the case of Limerick, the neighbouring county, that there are to be seven members in one constituency and, on no ground of reason or logic, can it be claimed that Tipperary should be deprived of a member, because the population of Tipperary is greater than the population of Limerick. I do not think the Minister can stand over that for a minute.

I think there ought to be some reason brought to bear in the carrying out of this scheme. Furthermore, the Minister has given as an excuse for dividing Tipperary into two constituencies that, at the present time, it is divided for local government administrative purposes into two ridings. I do not think there is any good plea in that because the constituencies which it is proposed to form do not coincide in any way with the original ridings. In view of other matters coming on, this question of population is, I think, a question from which the Minister cannot get away. I think it is most illogical that the people of Tipperary should be asked to deprive themselves of a member and confine themselves to two three-member constituencies, while Limerick, on their borders, with a lesser population is maintained as one constituency and will return seven members.

I just want to say with regard to some of the references by Deputy Mulcahy and Deputy O'Neill to my remarks, and to their expressions of surprise that I have no interest in the welfare of the people of Tipperary, that I want no lectures from either Deputy Mulcahy or Deputy O'Neill as to what my duties to the people of Tipperary are, and I believe that the people of Tipperary want no lectures from them, either. They are well able and prepared to speak and act for themselves at any time and in any situation. Deputy Mulcahy's mean reference to the main industry of Tipperary being destroyed is just another indication of his inclination to jump at any little opportunity to slander the decent, respectable farmers of Tipperary. I am prepared to meet the farmers of Tipperary, to whom I take it Deputy Mulcahy was referring, at any time or in any place. I meet them every week-end and I think they would, if they were given the opportunity, give Deputy Mulcahy and his associates the same answer as they gave him on the last occasion on which they got the chance. However, I do not wish to go into this thing at all. I wish simply to say again that I want no lectures from him or from Deputy O'Neill as to what my duties to my constituents are.

As the Deputy says he does not want lectures, I shall take this opportunity of giving him a short one. A Deputy of this House got up and said in relation to a public matter that, as it did not concern him personally, he had nothing to say in the matter and was not interested.

Mr. Ryan

I said the very same as Deputy Morrissey said.

Deputy Morrissey said that he had no personal interest and indicated that he had a very strong interest as a public representative.

Mr. Ryan

I said the very same thing.

The Deputy said nothing of the sort. He said that as he had no personal interest in the matter, he was not very interested in the thing at all, and had practically nothing to say about it. That was an extraordinary statement. I do not want to tie it to the Deputy. I have no doubt that the Deputy was talking in the petulance of the moment. Feeling that he had to express an opinion, wanting to cover up the Government's tracks and knowing he had no case to make for voting for the Government, he said possibly what he did not mean to say. It was an appalling statement for a Deputy to say on a public matter that as he had no personal interest in it he had no interest whatever in the matter. It was a statement that called for a much severer lecture than the Deputy got from either of the speakers he objected to.

I was listening to Deputy Ryan's speech, and I certainly did not put the interpretation on the remark he made that Deputy Fitzgerald and Deputy O'Neill have put on it. He spoke in an off-hand manner and did not convey to anybody, except you want to make it convey, that it did not concern him. He spoke in that off-hand kind of way, and you are putting a meaning on his words that the Deputy certainly did not intend his words to convey, and well Deputy Fitzgerald knows it.

I said that I did not want to tie it to the Deputy. I wanted to give the Deputy an opportunity of explaining it away. What I think honestly is that the Deputy felt that, as a Tipperary Deputy, he had to get up and speak. He could not see any case to be made for the Government proposition. There was no case to be made for it, but at the same time, he wanted to be free to vote for the Government, although he thought the proposition was indefensible. What he did actually say, but what, I admit, he probably did not mean, is that as he had no personal interest in the matter, he did not care twopence whether there were six or seven representatives. That is what he said and I think it was a very good thing that somebody should get up and give him an opportunity of trying to explain that that was not what he meant, but the words he said bore no other interpretation.

If I know anything about Deputy Ryan's views on the matter, what he said was what Deputy Morrissey said, that, so far as it was a matter of one or two constituencies, it was a matter of indifference to him. He did not, I think, mention the subject of whether there were to be six or seven members.

He carefully did not.

I know from him, and I think those others who have spoken to him know from him, that so far as he is concerned, he has the same view as Deputy Morrissey. He does not mind much whether it is a matter of one constituency or two constituencies.

Because he has no personal interest.

He did not discuss the question of the six or seven members. Both matters were under discussion in relation to this particular amendment, but the point that was emphasised by other speakers was that this county should not be divided into two constituencies. I do not need to go over again the arguments for two constituencies as against one in a county of this size. It has been debated, to some people's thinking, ad nauseam on a number of these amendments, during the course of the discussion on this Bill. I do feel strongly, and I know that there are many Deputies in my own Party who feel with me that from the country's point of view, and, some people say, also, from the Government point of view, whatever Government is in power, smaller constituencies will give better results. I am asked why I propose that reduction of members in Tipperary County. It has been accepted, I think—I do not think I am wrong or misrepresenting anybody in saying that it seemed to be generally accepted—in this House, on the discussion on this Bill, that a reduction of members generally was in order.

Deputy Mulcahy had a Bill prepared which proposed a reduction of the members to 120. Generally speaking, as I say, a reduction was in order and there is no greater reduction proposed in County Tipperary than was proposed in some other county.

Surely, there is.

No, there is not, and if a reduction is in order, why should not County Tipperary suffer a reduction the same as many other counties have to suffer? That is one additional reason for the proposal to give only six members in two constituencies instead of seven members in one constituency. As I say, I personally feel convinced it is the right thing to do, but I know that already this House has come to a different decision with regard to the County of Limerick, and, as I announced on the first amendment of this type which was discussed on this Bill, on account of the strength of the views that have been expressed from all sides of the House on the matter of putting up a barrier and making into two an ordinary county that in the opinion of some should be one county, I am prepared in this case as in the others to leave it to a free vote of the House.

May I say that I accept what the Minister has said? I think I should also say, in fairness to my colleague with whom I very rarely come to an agreement, that I accept absolutely the statement made by Deputy Martin Ryan. I believe that he meant exactly what I myself meant in my statement—that he had no personal interest in the matter. We have a sort of superiority complex that we are entitled to our seven members, and that we cannot have them with the two constituencies. I think Deputy Ryan was not thinking of himself personally, but meant just as I meant myself. So far as I am personally concerned, I believe that if the Minister were to divide the constituency I probably would be better off. Whether that would be inside or outside the House remains to be told.

Does anybody suggest that the debate should be adjourned for the attendance of Deputies Curran and Bourke?

We will not have a Cork man dictating as to what should be done in Tipperary.

Question put: "That the words proposed to be deleted stand."
The Committee divided: Tá 45; Níl 64.

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Brady, Brian.
  • Browne, William Frazer.
  • Cleary, Mícheál.
  • Concannon, Helena.
  • Corkery, Daniel.
  • Corry, Martin John.
  • Crowley, Timothy.
  • Daly, Denis.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • Doherty, Hugh.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Fogarty, Andrew.
  • Gibbons, Seán.
  • Hales, Thomas.
  • Houlihan, Patrick.
  • Kelly, James Patrick.
  • Kelly, Thomas.
  • Kilroy, Michael.
  • Lemass, Seán F.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Maguire, Ben.
  • Maguire, Conor Alexander.
  • Moane, Edward.
  • Moore, Séamus.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • O'Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Doherty, Joseph.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Kelly, Seán Thomas.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • Pearse, Margaret Mary.
  • Rice, Edward.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Martin.
  • Ryan, Robert.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Walsh, Richard.
  • Ward, Francis C.

Níl

  • Beckett, James Walter.
  • Belton, Patrick.
  • Bennett, George Cecil.
  • Bourke, Séamus.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Breen, Daniel.
  • Broderick, William Joseph.
  • Brodrick, Seán.
  • Burke, Patrick.
  • Byrne, Alfred.
  • Corish, Richard.
  • Cosgrave, William T.
  • Costello, John Aloysius.
  • Daly, Patrick.
  • Davin, William.
  • Davis, Michael.
  • Davitt, Robert Emmet.
  • Dillon, James M.
  • Dockrell, Henry Morgan.
  • Dolan, James Nicholas.
  • Donnelly, Eamon.
  • Dowdall, Thomas P.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Esmonde, Osmond Grattan.
  • Everett, James.
  • Fagan, Charles.
  • Finlay, John.
  • Fitzgerald, Desmond.
  • Good, John.
  • Goulding, John.
  • Haslett, Alexander.
  • Hogan, Patrick (Galway).
  • Keating, John.
  • Keely, Séamus P.
  • Keyes, Michael.
  • Kissane, Eamonn.
  • McDonogh, Martin.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • McGovern, Patrick.
  • McGuire, James Ivan.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Minch, Sydney B.
  • Morrisroe, James.
  • Morrissey, Daniel.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Murphy, James Edward.
  • Murphy, Timothy Joseph.
  • Nally, Martin.
  • Norton, William.
  • O'Donovan, Timothy Joseph.
  • O'Dowd, Patrick.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas Francis.
  • O'Leary, Daniel.
  • O'Mahony, The.
  • O'Neill, Eamonn.
  • O'Sullivan, Gearóid.
  • O'Sullivan, John Marcus.
  • Redmond, Bridget Mary.
  • Reidy, James.
  • Rice, Vincent.
  • Roddy, Martin.
  • Rowlette, Robert James.
  • Thrift, William Edward.
Tellers: Tá: Deputies Moylan and Smith. Níl: Deputies Doyle and Corish.
Question declared defeated.

Hear, hear! It is wonderful what happens when the muzzle is off.

The amendment is, therefore, before the House now.

If the House wants to know what I think on the amendment, I shall accept it.

How well the Minister would not do that last night?

He was not asked last night.

He was pressed, but there was then only a majority of one. There is a majority of 19 now.

Amendment put and agreed to.

I move amendment No. 18:—

In Part II, to delete all references to the constituencies of "Carlow-Kildare and Kilkenny" and to the County of Carlow in the references to the constituencies of "Wicklow and Wexford" and substitute therefor the following:—

CARLOW-KILKENNY

The administrative County of Carlow and the administrative County of Kilkenny.

Five

We have dealt in these various amendments with a great many constituencies, but I do not think we have had any proposal quite so fantastic as the Minister's proposals with regard to the constituency of Carlow-Kilkenny. The Minister varies his, for want of a better word I shall say, arguments, from time to time but I might as well make my own position clear. In moving this amendment, I am not moving it because I think if it is accepted it creates the most perfect representation. I am moving it within the framework of the Bill before us. It seems to me perfectly clear that the present system of geographical representation in the legislative assembly is fundamentally wrong and that no argument can be put up for it. I also think that the system of proportional representation we have had is fundamentally wrong, though certain arguments could be put up for it.

Just note what the Minister proposes here. We have had the constituency of Carlow-Kilkenny, and have it still—two separate counties put together. The reason that these counties were put together was that it was known by everybody when the Free State came into existence and it was proposed to have the system of proportional representation we have had, that proportional representation does not operate in any constituency of less than five seats. This Bill is really abolishing the effect of proportional representation on the pretence of keeping it. These two counties were put together for the reason, as is known to everybody who goes to the trouble of examining the system, that the effects that proportional representation is designed to get are not obtainable in constituencies of less than five seats. What the Minister proposes is that Kilkenny be separated, first of all, and put into a constituency of three seats so as to get rid of proportional representation. Then with regard to Carlow, it is quite difficult to know what is being done. A large portion of it is being put in with Kildare and then another portion—the electoral divisions of Clonmore, Hacketstown, Haroldstown, Kineagh, Rahill, Rathvilly, Ticknock and Williamstown—goes to Wicklow. Another area—the electoral divisions of Ballyellin, Ballymurphy, Borris, Coonogue, Corries, Glynn, Killedmond, Kyle, Marley, Rathanna, Sliguff and Tinnahinch—goes to Wexford.

I remember at what was practically the first full meeting of the first Dáil, Deputy MacEntee, as he was then, Minister for Finance now, got up and made a speech, full of turgid eloquence and the clíches that we associate with Westminster or that we associated in the old days with Westminster, in which he made a passionate appeal that in referring to a Deputy, we should not refer to him by name but as "the honourable member for such and such a constituency." Now that his party is in a majority, if he ever wants to establish that practice he will find it rather difficult. When he wants to address the honourable member for Wicklow, he will have to address him as the honourable member for Wicklow and the district electoral divisions of Clonmore, Hacketstown, Haroldstown, Kineagh, Rahill, Rathvilly, Ticknock and Williamstown. It will be a rather complicated situation.

Why is this extraordinary thing being done? I happen to live in County Wicklow and I represent the constituency of Carlow-Kilkenny. I have to go down there fairly frequently. Sometimes I want to go to these parts which it is proposed to give over to Wicklow. If I have a lot of time I go down through Wicklow to these places, but if I am pressed for time I come up to Dublin—that is fourteen miles in the other direction—and go down from Dublin. My reason for doing so is that these parts are very much separated from the main part of Wicklow. Wicklow itself is a constituency which is very much divided. It is very difficult to get from one side of the constituency to the other. My colleague, The O'Mahony, who lives at Grange Con, if he wants to go to Bray, comes up to Dublin and then goes down to Bray from Dublin.

To get from Carlow to Wicklow or to Wexford is a difficult journey. There are mountains between, except when you get to the south of Kilkenny, near New Ross, where they join. But that part is not proposed to be joined. What is the reason for this? Like some people who spoke on the last amendment, I have no personal interest in the matter. It does not worry me, so far as being a Deputy is concerned. In the case of Kilkenny what it is going to do is to wipe out Deputy Pattison from membership of this House. The Minister, in reply to me yesterday, stressed the fact that he was tied up by the law which says that there shall be a more uniform number of inhabitants per Deputy. What is the Minister doing here? It will take nearly 4,000 more people in Kilkenny to elect a Deputy than in the case of Carlow if I have my figures right. The Minister may talk of uniform representation but he is not getting it in this Bill. He is dividing Carlow-Kilkenny so that it will take 23,000 or 24,000 in Kilkenny to elect a Deputy, whereas it will only take 20,000 odd to elect a Deputy in Carlow-Kildare. Why was this Bill brought in? It was because the law laid it down that there should be not less than 20,000 of the population for each Deputy and in certain areas the population had been reduced. From the way the Minister has brought in this Bill it means that every time there is a census there is to be a new Bill and a complete change of constituencies.

The Carlow-Kilkenny constituency has been in existence for 12 years; the people have got used to it; it was a constituency well put together. Although most people, looking at the map, think Carlow is on top of Kilkenny, Carlow, as a matter of fact, envelops Kilkenny. The two are closely knit units. The Minister is now going to have Kilkenny without proportional representation, and Carlow and portion of Carlow without proportional representation, and a constituency Carlow-Kildare an extremely long stretch widened at the top and bottom. Why was the present Carlow-Kilkenny constituency interfered with? I admit the figures of the 1926 census indicated that a change had to be made in regard to certain constituencies. The Minister says that his preoccupation was, when that situation arose, to try to get a position so as to have the same number of inhabitants electing each Deputy. In the last couple of amendments that argument does not seem to have troubled him. In the last amendment he wanted a situation in which a less number of people in Limerick would elect a Deputy than in Tipperary. The way in which this should be gone about to meet the requirements of the law, was that so long as there was a certain number of constituencies no longer eligible for a certain number of Deputies they should be dealt with. Carlow-Kilkenny together could return only five Deputies as heretofore. The Minister rather gave the game away, so to speak, in his statements a few minutes ago.

Yesterday I pointed out to him that the Fianna Fáil Manifesto in 1933 had stated that one of the things they promised the people was a reduction of taxation, and that one of the minor means of achieving that reduction was a reduction in the number of members of the Dáil. People were asked to support Fianna Fáil, against Cumann na nGaedheal, because they were told that Cumann na nGaedheal did not stand for anything of that sort. But the Minister said a while ago that the Cumann na nGaedheal Government had actually a Bill prepared to have fewer members in the Dáil than were specified in this Bill.

We have had 12 years' experience of Carlow-Kilkenny as one constituency, and as one constituency it returned five Deputies. It is still due to return five Deputies within the requirements of the law. In Carlow itself there is naturally a certain county feeling. What is to be the feeling of the people there now? Carlow is to be turned into a three-member constituency. One part of the people are to belong to Wexford; another part to Wicklow and the major portion is to go to Kildare. A Kildare-Carlow constituency is unwieldy. It is a long stretch, with a neck in the middle, running from Leixlip down to the major portion of Carlow. There is no argument for this arrangement. There was no case at all for any change whatsoever. Why is it undertaken? It was a clear case of gerrymandering. I do not think it is going to benefit the Government from the point of view of their Party. What the Government did was this: They looked at the first preference votes at the last election and calculated that by getting merely half the votes they expected to get two-thirds of the representation.

As to the conjunction of Carlow and Kildare, I need not worry about the matter because I am satisfied that, having some experience of Ministers and the Government, Kilkenny is much more likely to work the other way about and to give two Deputies to us and one to Fianna Fáil. The one representative who, whatever happens, is likely to be wiped out is Deputy Pattison. I am not going to pretend I am much concerned whether Deputy Pattison remains in the Dáil or not, but if you look over the election results of the last 12 years you will find that sometimes Carlow-Kilkenny returned a Labour Deputy and sometimes not. At the last election, they returned Deputy Pattison. If proportional representation was intended to achieve, as a strong point, the principle of minority representation, this change that the Minister is making is clearly for the purpose of abolishing that minority representation in the hope that it will be handed over to his own Party. The distance between the south end of the Carlow-Kildare constituency, is really further, in time, than the distance between the north and south end of the present parliamentary Carlow-Kilkenny constituency. Size and convenience do not apply. The attempt to recognise counties as units is completely outraged here. We have Carlow, part Wicklow and part Wexford. On the question of uniformity of inhabitants per Deputy, Kilkenny must have nearly 4,000 more people to get a Deputy elected than Carlow-Kildare. No argument has been put up for this change. Here we have a case of appearing to retain proportional representation while abolishing its reality because, by doing so, it is hoped to give an unfair representation to Fianna Fáil when another election takes place. The recognition of counties is completely outraged in the case of Carlow. If Carlow had been kept intact, there might have been some argument for the change but not only is the major part tied to Kildare but two bits are taken away altogether. There is no need for any change. The population has not changed sufficiently to require a variation in the number of Deputies for the constituency. To go from one part of Carlow to another part, it is necessary, in certain places, to traverse Kilkenny. The people of parts of Carlow do much of their business with Kilkenny. To go from Borris to Enniscorthy is a very complicated journey. This is the most complete and obvious attempt at gerrymandering in the whole Bill and that is saying a great deal. Anybody who takes the trouble to examine the Bill—I admit that I have not examined it completely in detail—will realise how the mind was working that produced the proposals put before us. There was no other purpose than to give Fianna Fáil unfair representation in the next Dáil. To quote my friend, Deputy Ryan, that does not worry me personally at all because, in my own constituency, all that is being done to put in a completely favourable position the majority Party will work out to our benefit.

I do not see anything fundamentally outrageous in a Government elected by a minority of votes but I think that, to people who think quantitatively, it would be undesirable psychologically in the country for people to be able to say that the Government had been elected by a minority. However, the whole purpose of the Bill is to make that possible. For my own comfort's sake, I ask the Minister to cut out this humbug about retaining proportional representation when the advocates of this system recognise that the effects they consider desirable and achievable by this method are not achievable in constituencies of less than five members. The Minister for Industry and Commerce admits that four-member constituencies are completely undesirable. The Minister for Local Government has gone out of his way, first of all, to create three-member constituencies and, then, to put Carlow with Kildare to create a four-member constituency. I should like to know what argument can be put up in support of this change. If there is any recognition of counties, why should Carlow be divided up into three parts? Carlow-Kilkenny could have been left as they were. They would have formed a more compact constituency than will be the case under the proposed change. That would have avoided any change and change itself is undesirable if it can be avoided. It would have given a more even population per representative. Every argument the Minister has put up so far is completely refuted by this proposal to change the position of Carlow-Kilkenny.

I was struck by the fact that in the case of Donegal, Galway, Limerick, Kerry and Tipperary whenever a proposal was made to mutilate a county or to violate the continuity of county frontiers the name of the leader of the Labour Party was associated with the names of other Deputies on the Order Paper in protest against the proposal. I think that it is rather ominous that that particular name is missing in connection with this amendment. I suspect that what we are actually doing at the moment is officiating at the wake of County Carlow. Even at a wake, we are entitled to ask "Why did he die?" In this case, I think he died because a bit of the carcase is to go to County Kildare and because Deputy Norton is to get a piece of the carcase. When a proposal is made to interfere not only with a county, as it exists, but also with a constituency, as it exists, one would imagine that some case would be made for the change. Here we have a two-county constituency, both counties intact, having five Deputies, still according to the census of 1926 entitled to retain their five Deputies and no constitutional requirement directing this divorce and mutilation. No case whatsoever has been made in favour of this proposal. The population of the combined constituency of Carlow-Kilkenny still entitles it to retain its present representation. On the flank, you have two three-member constituencies, Kildare and Wicklow, each bound to lose a member, according to the census of 1926. What more obvious or what juster way out than to combine these two constituencies, as they were previously, into a five-member constituency? Politically, that would not suit. In those two counties at the moment, the Government combination holds four seats out of six. If they were combined into a five-member constituency, that combination could not hope to hold three seats out of the five. Obviously, that it is a situation in which they must face a loss and rather than face that loss everyone in Carlow has to lose and the whole constituency of Carlow-Kilkenny has to lose. County pride, county tradition and county frontiers are to be rolled in the muck to safeguard one seat for a political combination. I submit that that is not fair. I submit that that is the one outstanding point in this whole Bill that has the aroma of political corruption and that there is no other defence for the present proposals than the honest one that any other obvious amalgamation would mean the loss of a seat. Surely, that should not be a consideration in a Bill dealing with constituencies for the whole State. Going around with a little inch rule measuring where they would lose or where they would gain is not either the national or the dignified way of setting about this class of business. I admit that, with feelings changing and with proportional representation, any attempt to gerrymander would in nine cases out of ten meet with failure.

But you have always the tenth case: the one that is sticking out, the one that is obvious, and I think this is the one case in ten. Now what is the position? We have a constituency, a two-county constituency, and there is no constitutional reason for altering either the combination or the representation. We have people stepping aside, lopping and chopping up that constituency in order to bolster up two counties where the population has fallen so much that each, standing alone, would lose a member, and we are told that the ideal constituency under proportional representation is the odd number constituency greater than three. By the apparent and obvious combination of Wicklow-Kildare, you would arrive at a five-member constituency, the one that we are told from the Government Benches is the most desirable type of constituency to safeguard the principle of proportional representation. That is ignored, and the County Carlow is not merely divided, it is lopped and chopped. Part of it is thrown to Wicklow, part of it to Wexford and part of it to Kildare, so that a Carlow man or a Carlow woman, after this Bill goes through, will not know what part of Ireland they belong to—because there will be no County Carlow left— nor what constituency they belong to, because they will be all part of three constituencies. It is a most wanton act of mutilation, altogether uncalled for except for the safeguarding of a seat. It is interfering with two counties, and a constituency where there is no occasion, no demand and no reason for interference. I think before we proceed any further with this particular amendment we should hear from the Minister what case he has: real, bogus or imaginary, for mutilating the County Carlow, violating the constituency of Carlow-Kilkenny, and making a kind of triangular hotchpotch.

The Minister does not seem anxious to speak. Deputy O'Higgins does not know all the truth. He mentioned about gerrymandering. The case is much worse than he thinks. It is not simply a case of saving one seat in Wicklow and Kildare, it is also a case of saving a seat for Fianna Fáil in the County Wexford, because if County Wexford had the proportion of members to which it is entitled, namely four, it is quite obvious that the seat lost would be the one belonging to the Government combination. What is proposed here is a case of killing three birds with one stone. There is no doubt that another person who will suffer under this is Deputy Pattison.

The Minister was not present for the debate concerning the County Limerick. There is no doubt that the House was impressed by the arguments brought forward by the Labour Party: that if the County Limerick were divided they would lose representation on both sides of the proposed border. They would lose a seat. That was frankly admitted by the representative of the Labour Party, and it had very considerable influence in persuading members of the House of all Parties to vote in favour of Limerick as a single constituency. The same applies here in so far as the Labour representative for Carlow-Kilkenny is concerned. As Deputy O'Higgins pointed out, this is by far the worst case, the most shameful case in this Bill. There is no connection whatever between that portion of the County Carlow which is to be given to Wexford and the people of the County Wexford. They are separated by a high mountain range. The interests of the people on both sides are quite dissimilar. They have not been associated in the past. We are going to be given this frontier territory although we did not ask for it. This slaughter of Carlow is just as bad as the slaughter of the calves. It will do no good. It will bring bad luck to those who take part in it. I have no doubt that it will bring bad luck to all those Deputies who participate in the slaughter of Carlow. I am reminded of the words of John Milton:—

"Avenge, Oh Lord, Thy slaughtered Saints

Whose bones lie bleaching on the Carlow Mountains cold!"

The Deputies who take part in this crime against the people of Carlow will live to regret it, because it is not likely that the people of a historic constituency that has been slaughtered will turn round again and vote for those who took part in it.

Mr. G. O'Sullivan rose.

I would like Deputies to understand the position with regard to amendments Nos. 19 and 20 vis-a-vis amendment No. 18. Amendment No. 18 proposes to delete all references to certain constituencies. I shall put the question: "That the words proposed to be deleted stand." If that is affirmed, it will have been decided that there will be a constituency of Carlow-Kildare, including Kildare and portions of Wicklow and Wexford, and that there will be a separate constituency for County Kilkenny. It is obvious, therefore, that in view of such decision the Committee could not stultify itself by proposing that there be a constituency for Carlow-Kilkenny under amendment No. 18, one for Kildare and Wicklow alone under amendment No. 19, or one for Wexford alone under amendment No. 20. Amendments Nos. 19 and 20 cannot be moved if the question on amendment No. 18 is affirmed.

Supposing that the question, "That the words proposed to be deleted stand" be affirmed with regard to this amendment, that will mean that Carlow and Kilkenny are officially divorced, but would that necessarily mean that the House would actually be stultifying itself if it decided to create a constituency of Kildare-Wicklow? I do not quite see that a mere affirmation of this question would mean that the House would be stultifying itself if it asserted that there should be a constituency of Kildare-Wicklow, which is the next amendment.

Amendment No. 18 proposes to delete all references to Carlow, Kildare, Kilkenny, Wicklow, Wexford, and if it is decided "that the words proposed to be deleted stand," there will be a constituency of Carlow-Kildare, including Kildare, portions of Wicklow and Wexford. The Committee, having so decided, cannot set up Wexford as a separate constituency, having decided that portion of Wexford has gone elsewhere.

This constituency is so cut up that it is rather difficult to follow what will happen. Supposing that the Government's desire were carried and that it is decided that the words proposed to be deleted stand, what will that mean?

That Carlow, Kildare, Kilkenny, Wicklow and Wexford would stand as in the Bill.

It is quite clear that if this proposal passes the amendment standing in the name of Deputy The O'Mahony and myself is washed out.

That is not the fault of the Chair.

I am not saying that the Chair is responsible, but I take it that that will be the result. I have no objection whatever to amendment No. 19 going out, because, as far as I can see, Kildare and Wicklow make a constituency which might as well be Kildare and Honolulu, taking into account the mountains between Blessington and the east coast. I listened with great attention to the statements of Deputy Fitzgerald, Deputy O'Higgins, and Deputy Esmonde in reference to Carlow and the three different partitions that are to be made of that county. I do not know whether Kildare is to be thrown into Carlow or Carlow thrown into Kildare. I know the views of the Carlow people, and I am not saying too much when I say that they are indignant at the mutilation of their county. There is no doubt about it, that dividing the county into three parts can be summed up in the phrase we learned in "Cæsar": Gallia omnis in tres partes divisa est. Carlow is to be divided into three parts. If commonsense and ordinary views were to influence a change in the Minister's design, it should certainly influence him in this case to withdraw the proposal to mutilate Carlow and to consider the views of the people of the county. Personally it suits me from the strategic point of view, so that I am perfectly free on the question. I speak purely from the Carlow point of view, and from that point of view I must support the amendment.

It strikes me that if Carlow and Kildare are to be taken as an example, the whole idea of proportional representation is being negatived. As we have accepted the principle of proportional representation every county should get the full benefit of that system. There is no doubt that by reducing the number of seats you are doing away largely with proportional representation. That is why I feel very strongly about this proposal. I take it that I am debarred from discussing amendment No. 19, in my name, and must confine my remarks to County Carlow.

The Deputy is not debarred from discussing any of the three amendments. They will be decided by one vote.

With regard to joining Kildare with Wicklow that would be helping the principle of proportional representation because instead of having as at present three members for Kildare and three members for Wicklow there would be five for the two counties, and there would be a possibility of the minority electing a Deputy. It strikes me that however brutal the slaughter of some constituencies may have been—while others have escaped by some good luck —poor unfortunate Carlow is going to be absolutely massacred. If I may, I would like to ask the Minister how he would like to be drawn and quartered and to have the remains of his body flung north, south, east and west. As I am sure that he would not like that one bit, I will not ask him to put himself into the position County Carlow is being put. Is it fair, is it decent? When all is said and done there is not a county in the Free State that has not some particular characteristic of its own. The people of a county are proud to belong to it, and they feel it, if it is to be swept away, by a little bit being tacked on to one county, and another bit to another county, while they have no say in the matter. I ask the Minister to reconsider this matter and not to be a party to what amounts to the brutal massacre of poor unfortunate Carlow.

I will answer one question of Deputy The O'Mahony right away. If I were drawn and quartered I do not think I would care much what happened to the bits. It is regrettable that any county is to be dismembered in the fashion in which Carlow is to be dismembered, in order to find a sufficient population to preserve three Deputies for County Wicklow. There is a fundamental difference evidently between the viewpoint of Deputy Fitzgerald and myself and some other Deputies. I take it in general Deputy The O'Mahony joins with Deputy Fitzgerald in favour of large constituencies. I believe in small constituencies. I said that over and over again, and I adhere to it. I have listened to the argument that small constituencies will give better results for the country as a whole than the larger constituencies have given, or are likely to give. I maintain that in having, as we propose, a considerable number of small constituencies we have in no way departed from the principle of proportional representation. There are several constituencies in that area where a reduction in population was disclosed by the Census of 1926. The constituency of County Wicklow would have lost one Deputy and the same applied to County Kildare and to County Carlow.

Deputies know the figures and probably I need not read them out. In Kildare, the population is 58,000, in Wicklow 57,591 and in Wexford it is 95,848. These three constituencies have suffered a reduction in population and could not retain their present membership if the Constitution is to be carried out. Deputy Fitzgerald reminded the House that I had referred to the Bill that had been drafted by Deputy Mulcahy and under which it was proposed to reduce the membership of the House to 120. Deputy Mulcahy was determined as was the late Executive Council not to go any further than the drafting of the Bill. They did not bring it in. They ignored the Constitution for six years.

That is not true.

Oh, yes, it is. After the 1926 census the total figures were available and the Executive Council did not bring in the Bill for six years.

Is the Minister suggesting that the elections held since 1926 were illegal?

Is the Minister suggesting that in any way we broke the Constitution by not taking certain action? If the Minister says that we broke the Constitution by not taking certain action, I say he is wrong. I say we did not ignore the Constitution, because our every act was done within the Constitution.

Oh, yes, you ignored the Constitution. The Constitution lays it down that after the census is taken there must be a revision of the Constitution. The census was taken in 1926, and it disclosed that in a number of constituencies there was a considerable drop in population, and that some of the constituencies were no longer entitled to the same number of Deputies on the population basis. Nevertheless, after the census was taken in 1926 six years elapsed before the general election of 1932. There was time enough in those six years to have the figures examined and a Bill drafted. The figures were examined and a Bill was drafted by the late Executive Council, but they did not introduce it in the House. Why did they not bring it in? Why did they ignore the Constitution? There was an election held in 1932, and it was on the same basis as the previous election, though the population in many counties had dropped, and the constituencies were no longer entitled to the same number of Deputies. He talks of gerrymandering now. What is gerrymandering? Where is the gerrymandering?

The Minister is very innocent.

I am not a bit innocent. This House is not the place for innocence. I would not be fit to be here where I am if I were as innocent as the Deputy might perhaps pretend for his own purposes to think I am. I do not admit innocence. But I want to be frank and plain on this matter, as Deputies on the other side of the House have been. I want to tear away the attempt made by certain Deputies to represent themselves under the mantle of purity in this matter of elections. If there is anybody who is entitled to do that—I am not suggesting that I am—it certainly is not the members of the late Government, the last and not much regretted Executive Council.

The Minister is very innocent.

I am not a bit innocent. The word "gerrymandering" is current in the House; it is used too much. The late Government had a Bill drafted. I must say now that any Bill brought in here by any Party dealing with constituencies might be described as a gerrymandering Bill. Is not that so? If the Bill altered any constituency's representation somebody would surely get up and use a cliche of the type of cliche which Deputy Fitzgerald is so fond of describing as a literary horror. There is no man in the House uses more cliches than the Deputy himself. But to get away from the word “gerrymandering”——

What does it mean?

I have heard several definitions of it, and Deputy O'Neill should know what Deputy Fitzgerald means by it or what Deputy MacDermot means by it.

I would like to have, on Ministerial authority, a definition of it.

Deputy MacDermot gave a definition of it, so you had it on would-be Ministerial authority that is never likely to be realised. I seem to be doing by this Bill exactly what the Deputies on the Front Bench opposite wanted done. That is what I am doing by the changes proposed in this Bill. Not one of the Deputies who usually occupy that Front Bench there who has spoken, at any rate to-night, has not said words to this effect: "For my part I have no fault to find with the changes made; I think that these changes are going to help to benefit my Party." If the Bill is going to do that, what more do they want? If what I am going to do is to help the Opposition, and if I am doing everything that they would do if they were here, what is all the talk about? Is it for the sake of listening to the musical voices of those Deputies? Well, I would rather be somewhere else than listening to their voices. I am doing what all the Deputies want and doing it with the best intentions. Then I do not see why they should talk so much about it. Deputies opposite tell us that they have the majority of the people behind them. I think it was Deputy Bennett said that yesterday. I think it was the Leader of the Labour Party who said recently that Deputy Bennett had boasted that his Party had behind him 75 per cent. of the people, that is, the late Cumann na nGaedheal Party, or whatever they call it now. Well, if they have, what does the Bill matter then? How can it be a gerrymandering Bill? Deputy O'Higgins admitted that. He said here a few months ago that any gerrymandering would not benefit the Government Party. He said he felt that. If Deputies opposite feel that way about it why all this talk? If they think there is gerrymandering, well, is it not going to benefit them? I do not admit that there is gerrymandering. Still I am repudiating the kind of suggestion of innocence made by Deputy O'Leary on my behalf. The law lays it down that there must be revision of the constituencies after the census, and it lays down what Deputy Fitzgerald is always so keen about. Perhaps he wants to gerrymander a little with regard to other things. The Deputy also lays it down that the proportion of the population per member of the Dáil must be identical so far as it can be arranged.

I have had Limerick County quoted against me several times to-night—the fact that Limerick County has now been made one constituency with seven members. I am not responsible for that. I proposed, with regard to Limerick County, that it should be divided and that it should have three members to each part. I made the same proposition with regard to Tipperary. I was beaten in both proposals, admittedly, but I do not see why the fact that the House has decided not to accept my proposition in either of these cases should be used as an argument against my present proposal. It may be used as an argument to induce the House to change my proposals in so far as they are similar to the two that have been rejected, but the fact that I was beaten ought not to be used as an argument against the proposals I am now arguing in favour of.

Now, to come to the details of this awful slaughter of County Carlow, as one or two Deputies called it, I was faced with the proposition that in that area of Leinster there were several counties that had a considerable reduction in population and, therefore, that there must be, according to the Constitution, an alteration in the number of members. I had to make some changes. I had to find populations in some way. First of all, I had the problem of trying to preserve county boundaries. Deputies may smile when I talk of trying to preserve county boundaries, considering what is proposed with regard to Carlow. Nevertheless, I did try to preserve county boundaries; but in order to do so, and to carry out the dictates of the Article of the Constitution relating to this matter, I found it was necessary to sacrifice some county to provide a sufficient population to keep the others intact.

I want Deputies to remember what I said earlier, that I accepted the principle for my guidance, of small constituencies rather than large ones. I thought Carlow-Kilkenny was too large a constituency and I said Kilkenny should be well able to stand on its own feet. I looked around to see which county I would like to preserve and, because of its peculiar character —peculiar in relation to the several counties around it—I was anxious to preserve Wicklow. I tried to preserve Wicklow, to preserve for it its representation. I was anxious, too, to preserve the representation of the County Wexford, but not for the reason Deputy Esmonde offered, because his reason is without foundation. I will refer him to the figures in the last general election and the previous general election and he will see from them who is likely to suffer. If there were to be a lopping off of a member from the constituency of County Wexford, it certainly would not be a member of the Deputy's Party.

The County of Wicklow has 57,591 of a population and it would require at least 60,000 to be entitled to three members. I looked around thinking that Wicklow's representation ought to be preserved, if in some way we we could arrange it, and I added to County Wicklow for parliamentary purposes an area which has been associated with Wicklow for more than a century, the Baltinglass rural area. For administrative purposes, that area has been associated with County Wicklow for about a century. Deputy Fitzgerald read out the townlands it includes, Hacketstown and Rathvilly. Many people in that area use the town of Baltinglass regularly for market purposes. They go in that direction more often than in any other direction for business purposes. We took the line the people move in, and, in order to preserve Wicklow's representation, that is what I did and I do not feel the least bit ashamed of it. For like purposes I added to the County Wexford a part of Carlow that in the old Gaelic days formed part of the same community, the barony of Idrone. I invite Deputies to look it up in the ancient maps and they will see that it was closely associated with Wexford. Those who know that area are perfectly aware that there is a direct connection between the barony of Idrone and the north of County Wexford.

There is nothing that I see wrong in that association either. There is no differentiation in the type of people, in the class of the community; there is no argument of that kind that can be used against my proposal. The arguments are all the other way. References have been made here to the slicing of parts of one county and adding them to another county. There was a considerable part of Carlow left. These two parts had to be taken to make up the populations necessary in Wicklow and Wexford in order to preserve to them their number of representatives. Then, as regards the part of Carlow that was left, where was it going to go? I believed that it was as useful and convenient to add it to Kildare as to any other of the surrounding counties and I do not think Deputy Minch disagrees with that. I think he said it suited him. I think any other Deputy who knows the constituency will find it equally suitable. The constituency as proposed is certainly not as large as Carlow-Kilkenny in extent.

Progress reported. The Committee to sit again to-morrow.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Friday, 4th May.
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