Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 28 Jun 1934

Vol. 53 No. 10

In Committee on Finance. - Control of Manufactures Bill, 1934—Second Stage.

I move that the Bill be now read a Second Time. The object of this Bill, as the title indicates, is to amend and extend the Control of Manufactures Act, 1932. The type of businesses to which the new Act will apply will be the same as those mentioned in the 1932 Act, namely, the making, altering, repairing, ornamenting, finishing or adapting for sale any article, material or substance or part of any article, material or substance. It is not proposed to interfere with any business whether owned by an individual or a body corporate which is at present carrying on business legally under the existing law. The new provisions embodied in this Bill will apply only to businesses carried on after 1st July, 1934. Individuals and companies holding new manufactures licences at the present time will retain their rights under that Act. A new provision is inserted defining a qualified person. A qualified person is a person born in Saorstát Eireann or a person who has been resident in Saorstát Eireann for five years prior to 1st July, 1934. The difference between a qualified person as defined in this Bill and a national of Saorstát Eireann as defined for the purposes of the original Act is one of residence. A national, under the original Act was a person born in Saorstát Eireann or a person who had been resident for five years in Saorstát Eireann. That five years, however, dated from the time the question of his nationality arose; whereas a qualified person, in accordance with the definition in this Bill, is a person resident for the particular five years which preceded 1st July, 1934, and not other years.

The principal section of the Bill is, of course, Section 9, which replaces Section 2 of the original Act. Section 2 of the original Act will be repealed by this Bill. In explaining the significance of that section, I again want to draw attention to the fact that the position of existing businesses is in every case safeguarded with this qualification that the business must in each case have been carried on continuously. Under the terms of the Principal Act a business can be interrupted and resumed at a later date, but the terms of this Bill require the business to be carried on continuously in order to comply with its terms. In other words, if a business were owned by a person who was not qualified but who was entitled to operate here without a licence because of the fact that it was in operation before January, 1932, should it cease operation, it could not resume business without a licence under this Bill.

The safeguards for existing businesses are provided as follows:—

Paragraph (a) preserves the rights of a business owned by one individual who is carrying on business at present on the grounds that he is a national under the 1932 Act.

Paragraph (h) preserves the rights of an individual who is carrying on business on the grounds that that business was carried on on the 1st June, 1932.

Paragraph (j) preserves the rights of an individual holding a licence under the 1932 Act.

Paragraph (c) preserves the rights of two or more individuals who are carrying on business, the capital of which is held to an extent exceeding 50 per cent. by nationals.

Paragraph (h) preserves the rights of two or more individuals who carried on business on the 1st June, 1932.

Paragraph (j) preserves the rights of two or more individuals who hold a licence under the 1932 Act.

Paragraph (e) preserves the rights of the existing businesses owned by bodies corporate of which the capital was held to an extent exceeding 50 per cent. by nationals.

Paragraphs (g) and (i) preserve the rights of businesses owned by bodies corporate carried on on the 1st June, 1932.

Paragraph (j) preserves the rights of bodies corporate holding a licence under the 1932 Act.

For all future businesses carried on by individuals all these individuals must be qualified persons. Otherwise licences will be required. Paragraph (b) makes provision for the case of one individual and paragraph (d) for two or more individuals.

In the case of bodies corporate if the business is to be carried on without a licence over 50 per cent. of all classes of shares must be held by qualified persons and at least two-thirds (in nominal value) of every class of shares carrying voting rights must be held by qualified persons.

Paragraph (f) contains the required provision.

Further and consequential provisions with regard to businesses carried on in succession to a deceased person and by a bankrupt also are contained in Section 9. It is proposed to take power in future licences to impose a statutory condition that the business shall be started within a specified time. One of the defects found in the operation of the 1932 Act was that no power to require the starting of a business within a specified time was provided. An application for a licence might be made on behalf of a firm, and the licence issued to that firm. The firm might then decide not to take advantage of the licence for the time being, or to hold the licence against some future development, with the intention of taking advantage of it only in certain circumstances. That situation was obviously undesirable, in so far as licences to external firms to engage in any manufacturing enterprise in the Saorstát are issued only having regard to the extent to which the existing businesses in the Saorstát or businesses likely to be established by Saorstát citizens, are incapable of supplying the requirements of the country. There is, consequently, in relation to any industry only a limited scope for the issue of licences to external corporations or external persons, and the fact that any such external firms secure licences and then do not avail of them might cause a considerable upset in the industrial development plan. For that reason we take power to impose that condition upon licences already issued, where the persons who received the licences have not availed of them— have not started the industry to which the licence applied.

One of the principal weaknesses in the 1932 Act resulted from the alteration of Section 2 (4) while the Act was passing through the Oireachtas. Under that section the onus lay upon the defendants of proving that restrictions did not apply. It has been found practically impossible to sustain a prosecution against a company in view of the provisions of that sub-section as it finally passed. It is now proposed to reinsert the old provision to deal with companies registered outside Saorstát Eireann. The effect of the provisions of Section 10 is that the onus will be upon the outside company of proving the various matters set out in Section 7. The certificate provided for in Section 10 (2) should facilitate such a company in making its defence. As regards companies registered in Saorstát Eireann, additional powers are being taken in Section 13 to secure information. The Minister for Industry and Commerce was empowered in Section 11 of the 1932 Act to get information by means of a notice served on an individual or body corporate. That section is now being repealed, and it has been replaced by Section 13 of the present Bill. Sub-section (1) contains the information which may be obtained from individuals, and sub-sections (2), (3), (4) and (5) set out the particulars which may be obtained from bodies corporate. Under sub-section (2) paragraph (a) information may be obtained as to whether the business was carried on continuously from the 1st July, 1934— whether or not it is an existing business. Under sub-section (2) (b), information can be obtained as to whether the business was carried on on the 1st June, 1932, or whether it is owned at the specified date by the same body corporate which owned it on the 1st June, 1932. Under sub-section (2) (c) information can be obtained as to whether the business has been carried on continuously since the 1st June, 1932, and is owned at the specified date by a body corporate, and whether half the issued shares are owned by the individual or individuals who owned the business on 1st June, 1932. Sub-section (3) enables information to be obtained from a body corporate as regards any date specified in the notice in respect of the number of shares, the value of the shares, the voting rights attached to the shares, the number of shares held by each shareholder, and the name and address of each shareholder. All this information can be obtained from the company's own register, whilst it cannot be always obtained from the Register of Companies. As regards the nationality of shareholders, the companies cannot give the information, and accordingly sub-section (4) is inserted so as to enable the information to be got from the beneficial owner of shares. Sub-section (5) enables the Department to get the information from the last-mentioned beneficial owner.

Section 14 enables the Minister through one of his officials to enter premises and make investigations. Part III of the Bill, as Deputies have probably noticed, is based entirely upon the provisions of the Cement Act. It is, in fact, identical with the relevant sections of the Cement Act, with this difference, that the word "cement" wherever it occurred was deleted and the word "restricted commodity" inserted. I do not think, therefore, it is necessary to explain the purport of that part of the Bill, although something might have to be said as to the necessity for it. Deputies will ask why it has become necessary to strengthen the powers of the Government in the matter of regulating the operation of external firms in Irish industry. When the Control of Manufactures Bill, 1932, was submitted to the Dáil, I said that it represented, in my opinion, the barest minimum which any Government starting on a protective policy in a country like this would have to undertake. That opinion was based upon the fact that industrial development in the Saorstát had been late in coming. Consequently, there was not in existence here any substantial number of persons with the technical competence to undertake the establishment of many of the industries which we hoped to bring into existence. There would, consequently, be a very direct tendency to seek aid from outside the country in the establishment of those industries. There was, secondly, the fact that those engaged in the distribution of manufactured commodities in this country obtained those commodities almost entirely from British manufacturers, with whom their relations were most close, and to whom they would naturally turn when any question arose in regard to the production in this country of the commodities which they were distributing. There was the fact that the language most frequently spoken here is the same as the language spoken in Great Britain, which would facilitate the introduction of British firms into Irish industry. More particularly there was the fact that our close geographical proximity, our close commercial relationship, and a number of other ties with Great Britain, would make it inevitable that British manufacturers, possessing as they do large capital resources, and being accustomed to pioneering in the matter of industrial development in countries outside their own, would endeavour to secure, by establishing branch factories here, the continuance of their connection with this market, despite the erection of tariff walls for the protection of Irish industry. It is, I think, to be noted, that the expectation of that development was based not merely upon our own experience of the conditions in operation before 1932, but, also, on the experience of every other country in which similar, or almost similar, conditions prevailed. It was considered to be undesirable, for many reasons, that that situation should be allowed to develop without taking power to deal with it. Firstly, because there are many reasons why it is desirable that the control of industry, in the Saorstát, should be in the hands of our own citizens, and not exclusively, or almost exclusively, in the hands of foreigners; and, secondly, because it was exceedingly unlikely that any Saorstát citizen would take the risk of investing his money in industrial development here, unless he could be given some guarantee that having done so, and having developed a market for his products here, he was not to be faced with competition of a much stronger, more highly developed and more highly capitalised external company, particularly after experience had taught him that that competition was not likely to be fair competition. We felt, therefore, that if we were to get industry developed here, on lines that we desired, it was necessary, not merely to propose protective tariffs in order to give factories established in this country a chance, but also, that we should protect the ownership in these factories so that Saorstát citizens might be encouraged to invest their money in establishing and developing industry with the confidence that an adequate return would be forthcoming and that their capital investment would be secure. At the same time we were not anxious to take powers of regulation in relation to industrial development, except where obviously it was necessary to do so, and then only to the barest minimum.

The Act of 1932 was framed with a view to taking only those powers, the existence of which we felt was essential. Since then there has been a fairly substantial development of industry here, and, in addition, there has been development in the number of devices adopted in order to avoid the provisions of the Act of 1932. I think 37 licences under that Act were issued altogether. Out of a number of applications, running into some hundreds—I have not got the exact figures—I think nine applicants were refused. In each of the other cases either the applications were withdrawn or the applicants found some means of establishing their industry in a manner which avoided the necessity for a licence. That situation by itself was not necessarily undesirable. Some portion of the objective of the Act of 1932 was being secured. Opportunities for investment in industry were being offered to our citizens, and, so long as that development did not interfere or undermine the willingness of Saorstát citizens to engage directly in commercial enterprise, it was not deemed necessary to go further than the Act of 1932, having regard to other powers in the possession of the Department which could be utilised for the purpose of securing that Government policy was not being defeated by any trick. However, it became clear to us, 12 months ago or so, that it was necessary to go beyond the Act of 1932 and to take powers of regulation in excess of those provided by that Act.

This Bill is not a Bill designed to prevent foreign companies establishing industries here. It is necessary to emphasise that, because misunderstandings already as to its effect have arisen similar to those about the Act of 1932. This Bill secures that foreign companies will not establish themselves in industry here except with the authority of the Department of Industry and Commerce. In other words, we take powers, not to prevent those foreign firms coming in, but merely to regulate their entry, to secure that they will not come in except it is clear that their advent will be an advantage to this country and result in an increase in its industrial equipment and production. The general policy which has been operating since the Act of 1932, and will be operated in connection with this Act, has been first to refuse licences where it is clear that the existing concerns established in Saorstát Eireann, or likely to be established in Saorstát Eireann, are capable of supplying our requirements of the goods concerned. In some cases, where the existing concerns were not supplying all the requirements, and were slow in developing, or where it was clear that the maximum rate of development would mean that considerable delay would take place before the full production of our needs would be reached; foreign firms would be licensed to engage in the industry concerned, sometimes with conditions attached to the licence, fixing the limit of the maximum output of the goods which they could undertake in any one year. The idea was to secure that their introduction into the country would not mean either the development of a monopoly or the prejudicing of the interests of the existing concerns. In other cases where industries were established to work certain patents, or where technical competence of a high degree was required in order to enable the industry to carry on, or other considerations of that kind arose, licences were issued to foreign firms to engage in the industry concerned without conditions.

In the case of all the principal industries, every effort is being made by the Department of Industry and Commerce to secure that they will be established in a manner which will keep as far as possible their effective control in the hands of the Saorstát citizens.

The only substantial difference between the powers taken under the Principal Act and the powers proposed to be taken under this Bill is the requirement that not merely shall 51 per cent. in nominal value of the total shares of a company be held by Saorstát citizens but that two-thirds of the shares carrying voting rights shall be also so held. That provision is necessary because of the practice which has developed of securing the 51 per cent. Saorstát capital required under the 1932 Act by issuing preference shares only, these preference shares carrying a fixed rate of interest and having no voting rights. A number of companies were established without a licence under the 1932 Act by that device and, as it was obviously the intention of the Government and of the Oireachtas when dealing with the Act of 1932 that the ownership of the shares should signify proportionate control of the company concerned, this additional power is being taken. The effect of it will be to secure that only those companies which are bona fide Saorstát companies will be able to engage in any industrial process without a licence. In the case of other companies, there will be a licence required, so that considerations of policy can determine whether or not the firm concerned will be allowed to proceed.

At this stage, I should perhaps deal with some of the matters raised when the Act of 1932 was under discussion. When that measure was before the Oireachtas, fears were expressed by members of the Dáil, but more particularly by members of the Seanad, and by persons outside the Oireachtas that onerous conditions would be attached to licences and, also, that there might be discrimination against certain firms. Deputies will remember that certain amendments having a bearing on these points, which were inserted in the Seanad, were the subject of dispute between the two Houses and, at one stage, it looked as if the Bill might be held up under the Constitutional clause because of the difficulty of getting agreement. Finally, the Government decided that the better course was to accept the Seanad amendments and allow the Bill to operate. The amendments related to this question of the conditions that might be attached to licences and the element of discretion that would be allowed to the Minister for Industry and Commerce in dealing with applications. There was also an amendment dealing with a matter to which I have referred—the proving of the facts relating to any company. The amendment inserted in that connection had the effect of practically defeating the purpose of the Bill, inasmuch as it made it almost impossible to sustain a prosecution under it. I have referred to that matter and I shall have no need to refer to it again. In accordance with the amendments inserted in the Seanad, it became necessary to table regulations indicating the type of conditions which might be attached to any licence. These regulations were tabled. In fact, they had to be drafted in terms so general that they gave very little additional information to that already conveyed by the Bill. In no case has there been a condition attached to a licence in respect of which any complaint has been received. I shall qualify that in one respect in a moment.

The ordinary conditions attached to a licence are—first, a condition requiring the person getting the licence to use in connection with the process licensed, materials of Saorstát origin. There is, of course, power taken to exempt the licensee from that provision wherever he proves to the satisfaction of the Minister for Industry and Commerce that materials of Saorstát origin are not available. Secondly, there is a condition which requires that all materials used for the construction of works, machinery and so forth, must be produced or made in Saorstát Eireann, with, again, a provision granting exemption from that requirement where it is proved that it could not be complied with. Thirdly, there is a condition requiring that all articles used for the advertising, sale or distribution of the products be made in Saorstát Eireann. Fourthly, there is a condition requiring that the persons to be employed by the licensee be nationals of Saorstát Eireann, with power to exempt from that condition in respect of named persons where it is shown that they possess certain qualifications or for any reason are essential to the carrying on of the business. The only case in respect of which any question in this connection arose was where a condition was imposed limiting the output of a particular factory. That has only been done in a few cases where it became clear that the limitation was necessary to protect the position of existing Saorstát firms—that is to say, in cases where external firms were allowed to come in and engage in some industry which was already being largely catered for by Saorstát Eireann firms, even though those Saorstát firms were not in a position to supply the whole of the requirements of the Saorstát market.

Part III of this Bill is designed, mainly, to prevent the necessity arising for having, in relation to certain other industries, the legislation we have at present in relation to cement. One of the difficulties we have experienced in securing the establishment of certain industries in the Saorstát is the fact that the size of the market here, having regard to the number of our population, is barely sufficient to maintain one economic unit of production, working full time for the 12 months. There are industries which require the investment of substantial capital before they can be established, either because of the nature of the buildings required or the nature of the machinery required and in the case of which the investment of that capital would be entirely uneconomic unless the whole of the market in the Saorstát were available for the absorption of the produce. People are naturally reluctant to invest money in the establishment of such industries here if there is any prospect of a second concern of the same kind being established, so that neither of the concerns could hope to keep up economic production unless the market here were to expand very considerably. It is, therefore, proposed to take power to declare the product of any such industry to be a "reserved commodity." That is a commodity the manufacture of which, in Saorstát Eireann, cannot be undertaken by anybody except under licence issued in accordance with the terms of the Bill. That power can only be exercised, in accordance with Section 16, in respect of a commodity which is not being manufactured in Saorstát Eireann at the time the order is made. That power cannot be used in relation to any commodity which is being manufactured here either at the present time or at the time at which it is proposed to make the order.

There is the qualifying phrase "or manufactured to any substantial extent." That is necessary, because some person in a purely experimental way as a hobby may be engaged in the production of certain goods, but the intention is that Orders should not be made except where the industry concerned is one entirely new to this country. Where an Order is made it does not come into effect until it has been ratified by the Dáil. In other words, the Dáil, in effect, makes the Order, and the result is really this: that legislation in respect of any commodity—of the type of legislation already passed in relation to cement—can be enacted by the process of making an Order and having a resolution approving of that Order passed by the Dáil and not by the more lengthy process which had to be adopted in relation to cement.

The terms of Part 3 are in every respect identical with the terms of the Cement Act. Section 22 sets out the conditions which may be attached to a licence issued under this part of the Bill: that is, a licence to engage in the manufacture of reserved commodities, and in particular power is taken to fix the maximum price at which an article may be sold and to fix the maximum and minimum quantities of the articles which may be produced, the nature and the quality of the articles, the mode of manufacture, the location of the factories and so forth. It is not, of course, contemplated that in every case there will be one factory only, but whether there are one or more factories for the production of any commodity that may be declared to be a reserved commodity, the position will be such that it will be necessary to have these powers in order to safeguard the interests of the consumers. There are a very large number of conditions mentioned in the various paragraphs of Section 22. They are all designed to enable conditions to be imposed on the licence issued under this Bill for the protection of consumers of articles in Saorstát Eireann.

I do not know that it is necessary for me to say more at this stage. I presume that the necessity for this legislation has been borne in upon most of the members of the Dáil arising out of our experience since the Act of 1932 was passed. It may be that Deputies would think that certain sections of this Bill might have been framed differently, or that the power proposed to be taken might have been obtained in some different way, but as to the necessity for legislation I do not think there is much room for a difference of opinion. In fact, the various indications which have been received by me for many months past, from persons associated with all parties that have been giving attention to this matter, is that the legislation is required and should be enacted without delay. The Bill is framed so that it will become effective as from the 1st July, 1934. The Bill itself will not, of course, become law by the 1st of July, 1934, but when it does become law it will operate in respect of any business started after the 1st of July. Persons who are contemplating establishing a business in the Saorstát during the month of July can of course, do so in accordance with the existing law, but they should have regard to the provisions of this Bill which will, presumably, become law at some time and which, when it does become law, will operate in respect of such businesses as may be established after the 1st of July next. I think it is necessary that a date should be inserted, because otherwise the intentions of the Oireachtas in relation to this Bill might be defeated in respect of different industries, particularly if there was any considerable delay in securing the enactment of the measure. I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

I will not make the objection that the matter just referred to by the Minister is, to a certain extent, legislating retrospectively. It is not retrospective morally, even if it may be legally, because the people ought to have their eyes open. I quite admit that even if, technically, it may be classed as retrospective legislation it is altogether different from what is usually described as retrospective legislation. Therefore I shall not make that objection against the Bill. I think that if the Minister reflects on his speech he will realise—I am not now questioning whether he has or has not good reasons for the Bill—that he has not given the House any information. If the House were interested in the matter and if the Minister's own Party were more interested in it than they actually are—I only see one stalwart on the Government Benches and generally he is always in his place—they would be here supporting the Minister.

They have every confidence in me.

I think the Minister will agree, if he thinks over what he has said, that he has really given no information to the House but merely a few generalities. The Act of 1932 proved unworkable for certain reasons. There was a reference to various devices which were used to side-step, if I may use the expression, the provisions of the 1932 Act, but the Minister gave us no information about that. Towards the close of his speech he spoke of "our experience." It may be the experience of the Minister and of his Department, but they have kept their experience in connection with all these factories remarkably well to themselves. The Minister, I think, will agree that during the last couple of years it has been exceedingly difficult to get information from him on various subjects, information which might be useful in connection with this Bill. Now; when he is introducing rather important modifications of the Act of 1932 he confines himself to a few general statements. The House has not been supplied with sufficient information to enable it to form any real judgment as to the necessity for this further step in legislation. The Minister has given an answer, perhaps, that his Party trust him, and that there is no necessity to give information. That precisely is what is to be feared: that the Minister, relying upon the great trust that his Party has in him, refuses information to the House and the country.

I have not refused any information.

But the Minister has not given it. Whether or not the Minister has refused to give it, the information is not there for the House or the country. I hope that the few general statements the Minister made are not sufficient to atone for that lack of detailed information on various points which, I submit, we are entitled to have: the real concrete reasons that have brought it home to the mind of the Minister that further legislation of this kind is necessary. I confess that I am not surprised that legislation of this kind is necessary. I presume we will soon have another Control of Manufactures Bill as well as a Cement Bill, to which the Minister was quite willing to refer. But it is obvious, once the Minister embarked on a certain policy, that he was bound to advance, by the logic of events—I suppose it is portion of his case—beyond the legislation that is at any time proposed to the House. Undoubtedly the advance is rapid. The advance of interference is undoubtedly growing. There were certain things said by the Minister that I confess were not quite clear to me. Perhaps they were matters of detail. He said that this Bill does not apply to any industries already in existence, that they will not be affected. Does that apply to Part III?

I put this case to the Minister, that there are a couple of small industries in existence, and that they are not capable of supplying the needs of the country. The Government, acting on the advice of the Minister, then thinks that it is advisable to set up what I shall call for brevity's sake, a monopoly. Is there any guarantee that these industries should continue in existence?

The phrase used is: "not in existence to any substantial extent." If the Deputy can get any other phrase I should be glad to have it.

That is really not the case I am making. I must say that I read this section somewhat differently from the Minister. I can imagine a really serious business, not merely a toy business, nor one of a purely experimental type, and yet not manufacturing to a substantial extent so far as supplying the needs of the country. That business might only supply one-fourth of the needs of the country, and yet that might not be to a substantial extent. It might supply only one-tenth of the needs of the country, but in reality might be serious business. As the Bill stands, there is no guarantee of its being kept in business. However, that is a point of detail. Various powers have already been granted to the Minister. In his introductory speech to the Bill which is now the Act of 1932, he expressed a desire for haste. Generally he is in a hurry to get Bills through. Apparently haste is necessary to save the country industrially. Judging from his speech, there was at that time a certain amount of keenness in getting foreign firms in, and the Minister had already anticipated the Bill. I think his anxiety about the Act of 1932 induced foreign firms to come in. That is how I read the Minister's introductory speech to the Act of 1932. When I read this Bill I must confess quite candidly I came to the conclusion that the Minister's experience in that respect had not been altogether satisfactory, that he had got too many of these foreign firms in, and that possibly they were not the type he wanted. That may or may not be so. But if you compare this Bill with the Minister's statement when introducing the Bill that is now the Act of 1932, I think the Minister will acknowledge that there is ground for the assumption that his experience in that respect has not been altogether, shall I say, too pleasant, from his point of view.

The House is given no information on which to base any kind of judgment. That is really my principal objection. Practically, so far as this matter is concerned, we have one-chamber legislation. The Minister is not content to wait for the abolition of the Seanad, as no longer is a resolution of two Houses necessary. A resolution of one House only is necessary now, and this House is asked to pass a Bill of this kind on the very limited information supplied by the Minister. I suggest it is not likely to examine the individual cases that come up, unless in the future Deputies are approached by interested parties. I shall return to that aspect of the matter subsequently. Supposing this country ever develops in the way in which proportional representation may develop, and if you had a number of medium size Parties, and a Government having to depend, to a large extent, on various combinations, in a situation of that kind I should be very much afraid that pressure brought to bear on individual members of the House by interested parties might be serious. It might be rather difficult to avoid. I am not discussing the question widely or the possibility of leading to corruption. I am not referring to this House. I am looking to the future, and I am afraid there is that element in it. That is the reason I prefer something more of a judicial body which would be immune from pressure of that kind. I am very much afraid, especially as far as Part III is concerned, that there will be undesirable pressure, say, in six or seven years' time. I do not want to make charges or to discuss this matter from the Party point of view. It is a serious danger. Even though it might be to the advantage of the then Government, I would still object to it in principle. From the point of view of public life in general, it would be much better that power of this kind should be in the hands of a body that would not be so amenable to political pressure of various kinds as political Parties are likely to be. I make that remark purely on the merits and without reference to any political Party. I am afraid the experience of many countries will unfortunately bear out that view. One of the objections, possibly, is that it will be impossible to remove it altogether. At all events, that is one of the objections that are, to some extent, inseparable from any kind of control. Some of the dangers can be avoided by having a semi-judicial body to decide matters of this kind, and not merely the Government of the day, whether a Fianna Fáil or a Fine Gael Government.

As I say, this Bill is a natural enough step for the Minister to take following what he has done already. We have always pointed out to him from this side of the House that the policy on which he was embarking would inevitably lead to more and more control and to more and more interference. I doubt very much if this will be the last example. In 1932, when the Principal Act was being passed, there were allusions, but no direct reference, to economic penetration. The Minister again referred to that matter to-day. He referred to the experience that had been gained since 1932, but it was a purely general reference. He did not give the House the benefit of that experience. He did not give the slightest hint of the value of that experience. He gave his own opinion on it, and it was evidently sufficient to convince him, but he certainly gave the House nothing on which the House, if it wanted to base a judgment, could base a judgment. He spoke of economic penetration when the Principal Act was introduced. At least, that was the purport of his remarks. The facts were not then established. His statements were vague then and, after a couple of years experience, the Minister is equally vague to-day.

The Minister was also careful in 1932 to point out that the Act of 1932 did not interfere with the rights of nationals. This Bill does. It very seriously interferes with the rights of nationals. Part III of the Bill will interfere with the rights of nationals. The Minister may get a foreign company into the country and give it special protection. He may say that they will be more alive to the situation than some of the people at home. The Minister himself pointed out that there was a certain slowness in industrial enterprise as far as this country is concerned. Foreigners, he pointed out by implication, are not so slow. Consequently they will get special facilities in a number of industries and nationals may find themselves crowded out. Licences may be given to a foreign firm, and, thereby, nationals, who want to set up in that industry, may be crowded out. This Bill gives power to the Minister not merely to discriminate between nationals, a thing to which I have objected on more than one occasion, but it gives power to discriminate in favour of foreigners against nationals. The Minister may say that it is the national's own fault, or that he will not utilise that power, but obviously one of the purposes of the Bill as it stands is to secure that. He said that the Act of 1932 created no monopolies. This Bill does give power to create monopolies. By a mere single vote of the Dáil, a Dáil giving as much attention to the matter as it is giving to this Bill, a monopoly is created. I doubt if, as I say, some other machinery should not be set up to administer the purposes of Part III. It would be much better in the long run—I am not looking at it for one year or two years—if powers of that kind could be exercised by something in the nature of a judicial tribunal. However, that is a point with which I have already dealt.

The principal objection to the Bill arises out of Part III. The Minister again says that he feels it is necessary, but he has made no case for it. He has made no case to the House for it. He may have any amount of information which would show that the purpose of the Bill is desirable, that now is the time to act, and that he should get these powers as quickly as possible. But the country and the House do not know, if the Minister has this information, what the Minister knows. The information is not available. The Executive Council will decide a matter of that kind. As I have said, there is, undoubtedly, inherent in this the danger of direct or indirect corruption. It will be exceedingly difficult as years go on, I am afraid, to avoid it. I do not see how we are likely to avoid the experience of many other countries where you have had corruption connected with measures of this kind. There are details in the Bill which it is not necessary to discuss at this moment, as there will be an opportunity on the Committee Stage for doing that. Might I suggest, as there are really what I might call only two operative clauses in the Bill, Section 9 and Section 16, that in Committee the Minister might avail himself of the opportunity to give to the House the information which induced him to think that this measure is so necessary and so urgent? There are a number of points of detail which I have marked in the Bill, but I prefer to keep to general lines on Second Reading. I might ask, for instance, how the provisions in Section 22 (1) in regard to the extent to which the capital invested in the business is from time to time to be owned by nationals of the Saorstát, related to the provisions of Section 9.

Of course it has no relation to Section 9 at all.

The section states that it shall not be lawful for a person to do certain things.

But that person can do certain things under Section 16, Part III. There is a general reference to the amount of capital and so on. I wonder whether or not that is governed by the general statement in Section 9. However that is more a matter of detail that I do not want to stress in any way. I have given my principal criticisms partly of the Bill and partly of the statement of the Minister.

The Minister professes to be a realist in matters regarding Irish industrial development but he never gives us any direct evidence of that. When introducing the Control of Manufactures Act in 1932, he held it up before the House and the country as an instrument that was going to help him definitely in developing Irish industries. He has had now close on two years' experience of that Act and he tells the House that it did not enable him to control all the things that he would like to control, that he came up against certain difficulties in connection with the matter and he asks the House for further powers. As Deputy Professor O'Sullivan has stated, he has left us no wiser with regard to his experience than we were when he introduced the Act of 1932. The Minister says in connection with the weakness of certain clauses in the original Act, that he has met with difficulties in getting people to improve their general position. The Minister might have given us a sample case in which he endeavoured to operate the 1932 Act in a particular way and the reasons for its failure. He at any rate told us that under the licence clauses of the 1932 Act, there had been more than 100 applications for new licences, and that 37 had been granted, nine had been refused and that, in the case of the others, they found some other way of operating without requiring licences.

Some are still under consideration. Some have not been dealt with.

Thirty-seven new licences were given. We had the Minister for Forestry, or whatever the particular description of the Ministry now is —I am not quite clear—suggesting, in connection with the discussion on the Gaeltacht Estimate, that he for one did not see any general scattering of industry throughout the country and that, in fact, the day of the small industry from his particular point of view was completely gone. The Minister for Industry and Commerce would rather seem to give us the impression that he was coming to that general conclusion to-day in connection with some of his remarks on the reserved commodity industries and it would be interesting if he would tell us, as he must have the information, what were the particular articles for the manufacture of which the 37 licences were granted; whether, in fact, these industries have been set up, and where, from the point of view of distribution. It would be interesting, too, from the point of view of his complaint that the 1932 Act was not strong enough in his hands, if he would review generally the type of articles to which the 69, 70 or 80 applications which were withdrawn referred, and what kind of possible distribution throughout the country it was intended to effect by the starting of these industries, if they had actually gone ahead.

The Minister has actual experience to the extent of granting 37 new licences for new industries here and he might at least tell the House what these were and where they are. In view of the main object of the Bill, he might also, I think, tell the House to what extent the capital in these 37 cases in respect of which he granted new manufacturing licences was Irish capital and how much was capital from Great Britain and Northern Ireland and from other sources, and the extent of that capital, because, as I say, one of the main objects of this measure is to secure that Irish capital will as far as possible be the capital that will feed the foundations of Irish industry here. We have not got a single word from him in answer to any questions during all the discussions here as to the extent to which Irish capital is being added to established Irish industries or being put into new Irish industries here. I think that where he has a definite piece of information of that type he might let us have it.

The old Act is going to be left like an old tooth out of which the whole inside has been taken and, so far as I can see, there is nothing in the old Act but the provisions with regard to the issue of licences. I must say that as a matter of draftsmanship, in the first place, and assistance to the commercial community, in the second place, I do not see why the old Act should not have been scrapped and why the present Bill should not contain the provisions that are being left in the old tooth, as I say—the matter dealing with the issue of new manufacturers' licences. I repeat what Deputy O'Sullivan says with regard to reserved commodities. I think it is absolutely necessary that such a resolution as is contemplated here should be passed by both Houses and also that the Dáil itself should have a month's previous notice of it. In Section 22 there is a list of general conditions with which a person being given a reserved commodity licence will have to comply and, later on, there are suggestions that the wages paid by the person who is the holder of such a reserved commodity licence will have to be in accordance with certain rates which the Minister considers fair and proper. The question arises in regard to a new manufacturer's licence, where a new manufacturer's licence is being issued to a firm for the reason that it has not the necessary Irish capital or for any other reason, that is, where a foreign company is being given a new manufacturer's licence, whether there should not be the same powers of control and the same conditions generally made applicable to a foreign company coming in under a new manufacturer's licence as are proposed to be made applicable to a foreign company coming in under a reserved commodity licence.

While I point out that matter in connection with the reserved commodity licence, I think that that reserved licence should go out of this Bill. The Minister has not given us any idea, good, bad or indifferent, as to what class of matters he has in mind as being dealt with under a reserved commodity licence. The Minister found it necessary, he says, when dealing with the Cement Bill, to apply a general scheme of things like this. There is, perhaps, a very obvious reason for applying such conditions to the manufacture of cement here, but it should be possible to say what other classes of things there are like cement to which it would be necessary to apply a particular restriction like that. Simply to take an arrangement which is necessary with regard to cement and then to take general powers to apply that to all kinds of things without, as I say, any information as to the different classes to which such resolution should be restricted, is making the position absurd. If the Minister has no more to say to us and no more definite information to give us than he has given us already with regard to these matters, I think the introduction of this Bill is simply a glorified piece of propaganda and a piece of Party eye-wash and dope, because, from the Minister's experience, he ought to be able to tell us something with regard to the development of industries, even so far as it has been affected by the Control of Manufactures Act of 1932. He has not told us a single thing about it.

It is not very easy to give Deputies the information which they say they want, that is, information relating to the various considerations that have prompted the introduction of this measure and the various incidents that have arisen from time to time in relation to the operation of the 1932 Act, which made this measure appear to be necessary, without mentioning the names of individual firms, which I think would be undesirable. There are a number of industries established in the Saorstát . like most of the apparel industries, the furniture industries, the confectionery industry, the soap and candle industry and most of the food producing industries, in respect of which it can be said that existing concerns are fully capable of supplying all the requirements of the country for their products, or would be capable, if ordinary developments which one might anticipate, in view of the protection afforded, were undertaken. Into some of those very industries I have mentioned there have come during the past 12 or 18 months certain external firms by the device of issuing preference shares, which secures them their 51 per cent. of Saorstát capital, so as to avoid the necessity for the licence while, at the same time, they maintain their control in full over the factories established here. These firms were not wanted.

They are going to stay?

They are going to stay. I am not saying that they did a lot of harm by coming in, but certain individuals who have been affected by their coming will argue that. I am not saying that. They were not wanted, however. Their coming has had this very undesirable effect—that in other industries where the same thing might have happened, or even in these industries, the owners of the existing Saorstát concerns hesitated to, or, in some cases, did not undertake the development of their own industries, involving, as it would, perhaps, a substantial capital investment on their part which would have enabled them to bring their industry up to the 100 per cent. position we are aiming at. Therefore, it can be said that the coming in of these firms, while it did not add much to the productive capacity or the productive equipment of the country, undermined the confidence which industrialists might have had in their position here which would have induced them to have undertaken themselves the further development for which the market might call.

In relation to those industries I have mentioned and other industries, I think we have now reached the position that we must say clearly and definitely that no more external firms are required to come into them. We are satisfied that existing Saorstát concerns are quite capable either of supplying our requirements or of being developed to a point at which they will supply our requirements. Consequently, in relation to such industries an application for a licence under this new Bill would ordinarily be refused. I used the term "ordinarily" because there might be in relation to some application very exceptional circumstances—such a feature as an undertaking to export a substantial proportion of the total production of the factory to be established, or something of that kind, which would justify its consideration. But, ordinarily, an application for a licence to engage in any of these processes in the Saorstát would be refused. That means that nobody can engage in these activities except they comply with the conditions set out in the Bill, namely, that the firms concerned are owned by individuals, and that those individuals are qualified persons under the Bill, or if they are owned by companies, that two-thirds of the control of those companies is in the hands of Saorstát citizens.

Deputies devoted a large part of their remarks to the provisions of Part III of this Bill. I want to say quite definitely that it was not my intention in framing Section 16 that the powers conferred by Part III should be exercisable except in relation to an industry not established here. Deputy O'Sullivan spoke about the possibility of some firm engaged in industry here and supplying, say, 25 per cent. of our requirements being prejudiced in its position by the making of an Order under Part III of the Bill on the ground that the industry was not established here to a substantial extent. I do not contemplate any industry, in respect of which it would be possible to have a factory established for which 25 per cent. of the market here would afford an opportunity of economic working, being made a reserved industry under that part of the Bill. That part of the Bill is intended to be applied only to such goods as can only be made in the Saorstát under conditions which involve a substantial capital investment and would, therefore, have to be provided with the whole, or almost the whole, of the Saorstát market so as to make economic working a possibility. Again, there is difficulty in giving specific examples of such industries, because people may come to false conclusions that they are going to be established by next week and that restriction upon importations will follow and, consequently, they might land themselves into debt trying to forestall the action of the Revenue Commissioners. It is not contemplated that the industries that will be established under Part III of the Bill will be in all cases, or even in the main, industries established by external companies. In fact, in relation to most of these major industries, I think I can say that their establishment here will come as a result of a combination of external technicians with Saorstát capital, provided probably in the majority of cases through the Industrial Credit Corporation, the Government taking the initiative in bringing the proposition to a head. I gave an example of a type of industry to which that portion of the Bill might relate, that is, the sheet-glass industry. I do not know that it is practicable to establish the sheet-glass industry in the Saorstát, and that is why I mentioned it, because nobody has proposed as yet to establish that industry here. But it is quite possible that it would be practicable to establish that industry here on the basis of the home market being available for the one factory, having regard to the capital which would have to be invested in that factory, and that unless the home market was made available it would not be possible to have that industry established here on a profit-making basis at all. In such cases, we consider it desirable to have these powers to confine that industry to one, two, three or a limited number of firms. Deputies will notice, however, that a firm which seeks to have an industry in which it proposes to engage made a reserved industry undertakes, and is forced to undertake, a very large number of additional commitments which it would not otherwise have to undertake. If a licence is issued under Part III of the Bill there is a whole list of conditions that may be, in fact should be, attached to a licence of that kind which would not apply to an ordinary licence.

Deputy Mulcahy made the suggestion that we might have power to attach to a licence issued under Part II the same conditions as are attaching to a licence under Part III. There is something to be said for that. In fact, the sole reason why I have not attempted to take wider powers in relation to the attachment of conditions to licences is because it was on that point that we and the Seanad fell out in relation to the 1932 Bill, which nearly resulted in the Bill being held up. I do not want to go looking for trouble in that connection. I think we could usefully have, in relation to an ordinary control of manufactures licence, power, say, to impose a condition as to location, maximum or minimum quantities of production, maximum prices, and certain other things. We have not attempted to take these powers. The power of attaching conditions to the ordinary control of manufactures licence in future, as in the past, will be the powers conferred by the regulations tabled under the original Act.

But we have already had the experience in relation to one industry, the establishment of which in the Saorstát was being contemplated, where we considered it would be necessary either to have legislation of the type of the Cement Act or an Order made under Part III of the Bill when it became law, where those who were proposing to engage in the industry reckoned up the advantages of the comparative freedom they would have under the existing law, plus the chances of somebody else engaging in the industry here, having regard to the fact that they were already in and that the capital commitment was large, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the various additional obligations that they would have to undertake under a licence under Part III, and decided that they would prefer to take whatever risks were involved in proceeding without the industry concerned being made a reserved industry. That will ordinarily be the case, although there are some industries in respect of which the position may be different, where there are highly-organised and very heavily financed combines in the world which have shown, in other countries, that they are not unprepared to squander very large sums of money in order to prevent rivals appearing in any area which they regard as their own.

We have at the present time proposals under examination for the establishment of a certain chemical industry which involves the investment of very large sums of money and where it will be necessary to take some power to prevent certain competing organisations coming into the market, because they would only do so for the purpose of losing money in order to prevent the development of the industry here. It is to deal precisely with cases of that kind that Part III of the Bill has been framed. It may be that there is some objection to the words "not established to a substantial extent," but if Deputies can suggest a form of words which will clarify the meaning, I will have no objection to accepting them. The only reason why that qualification is put in is because it is quite possible that somebody in a very small way, and more as a hobby than a business, is engaged in the production of the same article which could only be made on a commercial scale in a substantial and heavily capitalised factory. We do not want to debar ourselves from making an order in respect of the commodity concerned merely because that very small scale development is taking place in some district, of which development we may not even have heard. The words in the Bill were the words designed to provide that safeguard, but, in effect, an order will not be made except where the industry is entirely new in the Saorstát.

Deputy O'Sullivan referred to the possibility of pressure being exercised upon members of the Dáil and the Executive Council for the granting of the concession contemplated in that part of the Bill to a particular company, and he mentioned the dangers associated therewith, dangers which might, he said, become aggravated if proportional representation provides the same results in the Dáil as it has elsewhere—a multitude of small parties. He rightly said there was always that danger associated with the granting of powers regulating economic activities. There is no real safeguard against the abuse of these powers except the integrity of the majority of the members of the Dáil and of the Executive Council chosen by them. In this case the making of the order is a matter for the Executive Council and the order does not become operative until approved of by a majority in the Dáil. It is suggested that that should be made the Dáil and Seanad. I have no doubt when the Bill goes to the Seanad there will be an amendment to that effect and, if carried, it may be discussed here in greater detail. In my opinion it should be the Dáil only. The position is one in which the Executive Council should be able to enter into negotiations with firms or groups of persons for the establishment of an industry, with some certainty of being able to give effect to any agreement that may be made. Under any circumstances, so long as the Constitution remains as it is, the Executive Council can only speak for a majority in the Dáil, and if it is to be in the position that it will have to face the prospect of any arrangement made being upset by the refusal of the majority of the Seanad to confirm the arrangement, then negotiation will become difficult. At the same time, if there is a reasonable case made for additional safeguards in that portion of the Bill, I am quite prepared to consider it. In my own view it is not likely that more than two or three orders at the most will be made under that part of the Bill.

I have been pressed by many organisations representing large interests to introduce legislation requiring everybody engaged in industry to get a licence. That was submitted by the Federation of Irish Industries and by many of the trade unions catering for workers engaged in industry. It has been pressed in respect of particular industries by associations or deputations speaking for the employers, the distributors and the workers. In other countries they have taken these powers of regulation in respect of industry, and have apparently secured general public approval for so doing. I have resisted the pressure. I do not think it is desirable that these powers should be given. They would involve a degree of interference which I do not think is necessary, which would not confer any real benefit at present, but which might involve very considerable delay in the promotion of new industrial enterprises.

Deputy Mulcahy inquired about the licences which have already been issued under the existing Control of Manufactures Act. They number 37. There were eight issued to firms to engage in various industries associated with the apparel group of industries, readymade clothing and other apparel industries. There were three issued to firms to engage in the manufacture of footwear. There were three issued to persons to engage in the manufacture of paints and varnishes of various kinds; two to parties to engage in packing; two to firms to engage in the assembling of bicycles; two to firms to engage in the manufacture of egg-cases and similar packing materials; two to persons to engage in the production of bacon and pork products; and one each for the following:— Wood-lasts, linen, waterproofs, hosiery, monumental stone work, paper bags, oxygen gas, furniture, golf clubs, oil refining, medicinal preparations, handbags, slicing machines, the packing of lubricating oil and the repairing of plant. I am not in a position to give the Deputy the location of any of the factories, nor can I say definitely that all those who got licences among the 37 have, in fact, made use of them and established factories for the working out of the process. I mentioned already that that was one of the difficulties we had to contend with, that we had no power to fix a time limit for the starting of the process in the licence—a defect which has been remedied in the present Bill.

Or whether it was all foreign capital?

In the cases where licences were issued it could be all foreign capital and, in fact, there is no power to fix a specified proportion of Saorstát capital. Either a firm was refused a licence or was granted one which would permit it to have entirely foreign capital. In fact, in some cases licences were issued to companies. registered outside, although we usually endeavour to have companies registered here, even though the shares may be held outside the country, because there may be some tax advantage in that. At least, some of the profit comes to the Exchequer if not to the citizens. I merely mention this for the purpose of illustrating what has happened in relation to a number of industries for which licences have been issued under the 1932 Act. The position has been reached, in respect of some industries, that no new licences will be issued under any circumstances, because existing concerns have developed to the point where they are more than capable of supplying all our requirements. I think these are the principal points raised and, as the Bill appears to be acceptable in principle, I take it that the main discussion will arise in Committee.

With your permission, Sir, I should like to say a few words. In commenting on Part III of the Bill, the Minister mentioned that a firm would be restricted in the nature and quality of the reserved commodity manufactured. I should like to ask the Minister if he has power, under any other section, to review the manufactures of people who have got the protection of tariffs. Why I make the point is that at some exhibitions of manufactures one finds that there is a tendency to tell one: "That is what we are manufacturing and you have got to take it or leave it." My feeling is that, when the Dáil gives a liberal tariff so as to assist a firm in manufacturing materials, that firm in return should give us the very best they can. I think that there should be some authority to see that the nature and quality of the material is up to a certain standard. I should like to know whether or not the Minister has power to review any of the other products that have got the protection of a tariff. I do not want, at this point, to mention particular articles or particular commodities, because I do not think it is desirable. I am speaking in a general way, and I feel that if, to use the Minister's own words, we have reached the point where existing firms are capable of supplying the needs of the country, they should give us a quality that is purchasable.

I am in complete agreement with the Deputy. Any firm that has got the benefit of a protective duty should give the country the best it can produce at the lowest price, but there is, in relation to Saorstát firms, no statutory power to carry out, say, an inspection of the quality of the product and insist upon a certain standard. It would be very difficult to carry out. There is power, under the Control of Prices Act, to examine prices having regard to the quality and, if the prices are excessive, having regard to the quality, to bring about a reduction. What is more effective, however, is that there is power in the Department of Industry and Commerce to warn such firms if the standard is not improved, the protection will be withdrawn and that power has been exercised from time to time.

The power of threat?

We have never yet found it necessary to do so. Perhaps I should not say that, because in one case we did exercise our licensing powers for a period until the persons concerned began to realise their duties.

I should like to know from the Minister whether or not we have reached the stage at which we could ask for that standard of service in view of the protection the Dáil has given.

If the Deputy examines the matter he will find that it is very hard to devise any method by which the standard of quality of the majority of articles produced from industries could be stated and insisted upon.

Question put and agreed to.
Committee Stage ordered for Thursday, 5th July.
Top
Share