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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 7 Oct 1937

Vol. 69 No. 3

Control of Prices (No. 2) Bill, 1937—Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

The debate on the Second Reading of the Control of Prices Bill yesterday covered a wider field than I had expected, but I think it is better that I should confine my remarks in reply to those points which had a direct bearing upon the question of prices control legislation; that is to say, points relating to the administration of the 1932 Act or the provisions of the present Bill. Other questions which were discussed by many Deputies relating to the cost of living price levels can be discussed at another time. I do not propose to refer to them now, except in so far as it may be necessary to do so in connection with the administration of the Control of Prices Act, 1932. I was rather surprised that a number of Deputies persisted in the idea that legislation for the control of prices, or legislation for the purpose of establishing machinery to control prices was made necessary because of the policy of the present Government, or some other temporary circumstances. I explained at some length yesterday that the demand for and recognition of the need for permanent machinery for the control of prices has existed here since this State was established.

I do not want to go over again the ground I covered yesterday, but if we are to have the minds of Deputies brought to the consideration of this Bill in the right atmosphere, so as to ensure its improvement, if possible, I think it is necessary to emphasise again that there is need for machinery to control prices which is absolutely independent of and apart from whatever temporary conditions may now exist or may have existed at any time. That need was recognised by our predecessors as far back as 1923. I mentioned yesterday that in that year Deputy Cosgrave, as Leader of the Government, announced that his Government intended to introduce legislation for that purpose. Although that legislation did not in fact appear it was not because of any failure on his part at any rate. If we are to judge by his own words he recognised the need that existed for it. He explained to the House at the time that the failure of his Government to produce a Bill was due to the inherent difficulties of framing what they regarded as a suitable measure. He said his Government were impressed with the gravity of the case and with the necessity for such a Bill and he assured the House that they would endeavour to put up a measure which they thought might meet the case. They did not do so. But the circumstances that then existed were considerably different from those which exist now, and whatever need there was for such legislation then was as independent of these circumstances as the need to-day is independent of the temporary circumstances existing in this year.

Furthermore, when complaints about prices had forced the Cosgrave Government into further action some years later, they established the Tribunal on Prices in 1926. The members of that tribunal, in the report which they submitted to the House said that the outstanding fact which resulted from their investigations was the need for permanent machinery for the supervision and regulation of prices, and their report, as mentioned yesterday, elaborated their plan for the establishment of a permanent prices board. Now, I mention these facts again because, whatever desire Deputies may have to score Party points, it is a fact that there is a permanent need for legislation of this kind. Machinery for the control of prices should be a part of the ordinary equipment of the Government of this State, and I would ask Deputies to bring their minds to a consideration of this Bill in that light and not merely for the purpose of scoring debating points or securing Party advantage. We are here adding to the legislative code of this State a measure which, I submit, is of considerable importance, a measure which will be always of importance and the need for which will always exist. I suggest that we should deal with this Bill in that light and in no other.

A number of Deputies who spoke yesterday thought fit to criticise the members of the commission established under the 1932 Act and also the manner in which I, as Minister for Industry and Commerce, had administered it. I submit it is very unfair to base any attack upon the Prices Commission on the ground that during the period in which it existed prices rose. The Prices Commission was not established for the purpose of preventing a rise in prices. Its function was to ensure that unfair prices were not charged. You could have unfair prices during a period when the cost of living was falling just as you could have quite fair prices producing a rise in the cost of living. The function of the commission was to deal with allegations of profiteering, allegations that undue or unfair profits were being charged by traders or manufacturers, and it had no function whatever to explore into the causes or circumstances of rising prices or, in any way, to check a rise in prices. There is undoubtedly an obligation on the Government to deal with any situation that may arise here, resulting from changes in the general price level, but the particular commission established under the Control of Prices Act was not charged with that responsibility.

The Prices Commission established under the 1932 Act fulfilled its duty in toto. Its duty was to carry out investigations into the price of articles referred to it for investigation. If there is any complaint that the investigations of the commission did not cover a wide enough field the responsibility is mine. It is not theirs. They carried out, competently and expeditiously, every investigation they were asked to undertake and completed their work, the completion of their work being represented in the reports furnished to me and in all but two cases furnished to the Dáil. They are, of course, engaged on one investigation at present which has not been completed.

Deputy Dillon described the commission as a humbug and Deputy Norton described it as an illusion. I do not think either Deputy knew what he was talking about. The Prices Commission has been effective in preventing any tendency towards the charging of undue-prices. It achieved that purpose by the mere fact of its existence. I know it is not possible to produce concrete evidence; it is obviously an intangible matter at the best of times, but the existence of the commission, the fact that it had the powers given to it by the Act, and that it was obviously engaged in investigations of one kind or another, had undoubtedly a very deterring effect on manufacturers or traders who might think the time ripe to make undue profits. Apart from whatever indefinite and general effect its existence may have had, we are obliged to take note of the actual work which it did. It is true, no doubt, and Deputies are somewhat disappointed that it is true, that in the majority of cases in which the commission did carry out an investigation the commission discovered that unduly high prices were not, in fact, being charged and that the prevailing prices were, in fact, reasonable and were not affording an undue profit to those engaged in the manufacture and sale of the articles concerned. In other cases their report was different. In one particular case they reported that while unfair prices were being charged at the time the investigation had begun, the position had rectified itself at the time their investigation had concluded. Deputies who appreciate the significance of that report will appreciate the effectiveness of the work of the Prices Commission, without any resort at all to the machinery for the fixation of maximum prices or the regulation of profits. In fact, any machinery set up by the Dáil or any body charged with the responsibility of investigating prices, will find that the most effective work can be done by publicity and examination rather than by resort to coercive measures.

My administration of the Act of 1932 has also been criticised. It was criticised in one respect by Deputy Davin because, he said, I failed to act on the recommendation of the commission in respect to the price of flour. I shall deal with that matter subsequently, but I want here and now to say that on every occasion on which a complaint was made to me that the prices generally charged for any article were unduly high, or wherever we had reasonable ground for suspicion that such was the case, the members of the commission were asked—immediately asked—to undertake the necessary investigation. I have heard Deputies allege in this House that profiteering was going on in respect of certain articles. I challenge these Deputies to explain why it is they kept silent about the information which they alleged they had in that connection.

Kept silent! Why, I have been thumping the table here for the last four years in regard to the price of flour.

I heard the Minister state that there was a prosecution in relation to the price of boots not so long ago.

Deputy Dillon has stated that he has been thumping the table here for the last four years. He need not have said that because we know all about it, but there was a much more effective way which he knew existed. Why did he not send on to the Prices Commission, or why did not anybody here send on to the Prices Commission, the information which they alleged they had in regard to this matter? I make the same charge against certain newspapers in this country which have been carrying on a campaign about profiteering. Why have they kept silent? Why have they withheld from the Prices Commission or the public the information which they pretend they had? I say that this campaign about prices is a mere pretence unless they avail of the machinery which is there to rectify the grievances of which they complain.

What does the Minister suggest we should have done? I repeatedly stated in this House that the price of flour was 10/- or 12/- more in this country than in Britain. What else could we have done? Will the Minister tell us?

The Deputy is trying to draw a red herring across the discussion.

What should we have done?

The price of flour was investigated by the commission as the Deputy knows. The Deputy has alleged that profiteering was proceeding in respect to other articles and that the commission had done nothing about them.

The price of flour is still 10/- more in this country than in Britain.

I will deal with flour in a minute.

I do not know what we should have done.

This is what the Deputy should do.

In relation to any article on which a report from the Prices Commission is not available, if he has any information which would indicate that profiteering of any kind is taking place, he should give that information to the Prices Commission or to me.

I did that in regard to flour.

The Deputy never did.

In regard to flour?

The Prices Commission's investigation of flour took place long before Deputy Dillon joined the Cumann na nGaedheal Party.

And the Prices Commission said there was no overcharge in regard to flour.

The Prices Commission said nothing of the kind. I will deal with the report of the Prices Commission in a moment, and I will advise Deputy Dillon not to make wild statements of that kind which can easily be found to be incorrect.

He is wrong as usual.

If the Deputy likes I will send him a copy of the report and he can re-read it.

I have read it, but I am still paying for flour in Limerick 10/- more than I need pay in Liverpool, prices report or no prices report.

By the Act of 1932 and by this Bill, we are setting up machinery of a certain kind for the purpose of investigating and regulating prices. Is there any alternative and more effective method of regulating prices than that contemplated in this Bill?

Deputy Dillon says "yes," and he mentioned it yesterday —competition. Now I believe in a reasonable amount of competition. In relation to most industries I have tried to promote that reasonable amount of competition, but I think it is wrong to assume that competition is always an unmixed blessing. Deputations have come to me, trade unionists employed in the flour-milling industry for one, employed in the boot-manufacturing industry, deputations from traders and manufacturers, asking that measures should be taken to restrict competition in those industries, on the grounds that it was destructive of efficiency and imposed undue hardship on the workers. I am sure Deputy Dillon, whatever his mentality, can at least appreciate how important it is to a worker employed in any industry to have continuity in his employment. When there was unrestricted competition in flour milling, that continuity did not exist in that industry. It is alleged at the present time that because of the growth of the output in the boot and shoe industry, that continuity of employment has also disappeared, and that workers are occasionally required to work only a few days in the week or are not allowed to work at all while accumulated stocks are being disposed of.

Competition may be all right on paper and in text books, but in actual practice it is often the cause of many social evils. In fact, I think that one of the tasks before this Dáil is to endeavour to devise some method by which that periodic interruption of employment amongst industrial workers can be avoided, and some security of livelihood obtained for those workers. That is a matter upon which I invite the suggestions of the House. I may say to the Labour Party that I should like to emphasise that point— that I want suggestions and not merely a demand that it should be done. Any suggestions they may have to offer will, I promise them, get very full consideration indeed. It is one of the problems of this State, a problem that is going to be accentuated if we resort to Deputy Dillon's device of unrestricted competition in order to secure the regulation of prices. Is Deputy Dillon quite certain that the removal of restrictions upon trade, such as import duties or quotas, is going always to secure the competition that he talks about? There was free trade in flour here in 1931, but was there competition? There was no restriction upon the importation of flour, but was there on that account an economic price for flour here?

I refer him again to the report of the Prices Commission, and he will find that there is stated there something which requires quite a considerable amount of explanation. I cannot find the particular reference, but it is to the effect that 23 flour mills in this country in 1930 made between them an aggregate loss of some £30,000, and the same flour mills in 1931 made between them an aggregate profit of £350,000. Something had obviously happened in the interval. What had happened was not due to any action of the Government. There was no restriction upon imports; there were no governmental impediments in the way of free trade. What did happen was the establishment of a combine in which Irish millers participated with the English millers in order to regulate the price of flour in this market, and the quantity of flour supplied to it.

The Minister used to tell us that when he came into office the Irish mills were bankrupt and "bust" and could not carry on. Now he tells us that they were making too much money.

I said nothing of the kind. I said that Irish flour mills in 1930, having been brought to the verge of bankruptcy by the refusal of the Government then in office to assist them, were forced into this Millers' Mutual Association in 1931, and that in consequence of their agreeing to surrender one-half of this market to the English millers they were allowed to supply the other half, provided they charged the price which the English millers dictated. That situation operated in 1931, and produced for their aggregate profit the very large figure which I have just quoted.

What was the price of flour in that year?

The price of flour in that year, in relation to the price of flour now, is of no special significance to this argument.

Let us have it though.

What is of significance is that the price of flour in that year was rising here, although the price of other commodities was falling, and that is free trade.

What was the price of flour then?

I do not know what the price of flour was.

It would be very interesting to find out. It was 24/- a sack was it not, and it is now 55/-?

It was not anything like it.

I think it was. It is now 55/-.

The 23 milling unit showed an aggregate net loss in 1930 of over £30,000, and in 1931 there was an aggregate net profit of over £350,000. Within the limits necessary to ensure some rational system of production we should undoubtedly encourage competition.

Hear, hear!

Not that I believe that competition is the only effective method of securing that there will be no undue rise in the price of goods, but it is at least a stimulus towards efficiency in the production of new designs and new varieties. Nobody will disagree with Deputy Dillon when he urges that competition should be encouraged. We have encouraged it, but there comes a stage in relation to every industry where further competition can only be the source of loss to investors, and of periodic unemployment to workers, and should not be encouraged in the national interest. However, I suppose Deputy Dillon is anxious that I should get on to this question of wheat and flour.

I am intensely interested in what the Minister is saying now.

In the course of this discussion I do not propose to deal with the flour situation as such, and the remedies that may have to be resorted to in order to improve that situation. I do not think those questions properly arise in the debate on this Bill at all. I will take another and an early opportunity to deal with that matter. The price of flour and the price of bread were frequently referred to here yesterday because they were matters which the Prices Commission had investigated, and upon which they had reported. Deputy Davin alleged that I failed to act upon their report in the matter of flour. In the matter of bread, action was taken, even though special legislation had to be enacted for the purpose, and at the present time the price of bread in this country is regulated. I heard Deputy O'Neill butt in irrelevantly upon some discussion a short time ago to make reference to the cost of living, but Deputy O'Neill is at least in a position to indicate whether he thinks the price of bread contains any element of undue profit at the present time. Judging by the representations made to me by the Southern Master Bakers' Association, they apparently all allege that they are making nothing but losses at the present time, and I am sure that Deputy O'Neill will not allege the existence of profiteering, in bread at any rate, in that area. Before I proceed with this matter, I should like to make a reference to a leading article in the Irish Independent of this morning.

Does the Minister not see——

I do not propose to give way to Deputy Anthony.

Is the high price of bread not due to the high cost of flour?

In this morning's Irish Independent reference was made to a statement which I uttered here yesterday. The Irish Independent leader writer goes on as follows:—

"In a spasm of his typical bluster Mr. Lemass accused the Irish Independent of not presenting facts correctly. We challenge him to cite any instance in which we have incorrectly presented the facts. His vulgar abuse of this journal we treat as beneath notice.”

I might have treated their leading article as beneath notice were it not for the fact that they made it very easy for me to answer their challenge by proceeding in this wise:

"Bread is an article consumed in every household and by every individual. It has soared to a startlingly high price. Why should it be far dearer here than in Britain or in Northern Ireland? The price of bread is regulated mainly by the cost of flour. By an Order published on October 1, Mr. Lemass fixed the standard price of flour throughout the Saorstát at 51/6 per sack. On September 30 the London price was 41/- per sack. It is difficult to account for such a wide discrepancy, and equally difficult to establish that the sellers of bread are profiteering. The weakness and what may be the inutility of the Bill lies in the fact that it seems to be directed at effects instead of authorising a full and searching investigation of causes."

This comment starts with the following question:—

"Why should it be far dearer here than in Britain or in Northern Ireland?"

If the Irish Independent is not merely a Party propagandist organ, anxious to secure points against the Government, then I submit it is its duty to present all the facts concerning any question on which it chooses to comment. Since 1931 the price of bread in the Irish Free State has risen by 37.5 per cent. Taking a date in 1931 and the same date in 1937, between these two dates the price of bread here rose by 37.5 per cent. Between the same date in 1931 and the same date in 1937, the price of bread in Great Britain rose by 43 per cent. Do Deputies not think that that was a fact worth commenting upon by the leader writer of the Irish Independent, when talking about the difference between the price of bread here and, the price of bread in Great Britain? The Irish Independent article proceeds:—

"Mr. Lemass fixed the standard price of flour throughout the Saorstát at 51/6 per sack."

The wording of that sentence was very carefully chosen. No doubt 99.9 per cent. of the readers of the Irish Independent will assume therefrom that the price of flour in this State is in some way regulated by the Government. It is not subject to regulation at all.

You publicly stated once that it was.

The price of flour is not regulated by the Government. It is utterly wrong and misleading for the Irish Independent to state that in some way the Government determine what the price of flour will be.

You stated it yourself.

I said nothing of the kind.

You did, in this House.

It is true that, in accordance with our statutory obligations, we ascertain from the Milling Advisory Committee what the actual list price of baker's flour is and we publish that. There is no obligation on anybody to charge the published price. They can charge over it and under it if they like, but it is on the basis of the published price that the maximum price of bread is fixed.

Is that the basis you are using now?

The Irish Independent article says:

"Mr. Lemass fixed the standard price of flour throughout the Saorstát at 51/6 per sack. On September 30 the London price was 41/- per sack."

That suggests that on September 30 flour was being sold in London at 41/- per sack. The price that we published here was the list price of baker's flour. The 41/- represents the price of straight-run flour.

Which is the same thing.

It is not.

I say it is.

Deputy Dillon can keep on making that assertion as long as he likes, but that does not make it true.

I bought them both.

I appeal to the Chair to stop Deputy Dillon interrupting until I finish my argument. Straight-run flour is not baker's flour.

Nonsense.

Anybody who states that it is, is entirely incorrect. I agree there is no flour sold in this country which directly corresponds in every particular to what they describe as straight-run flour in England. The nearest thing to it here is shop flour——

Nonsense.

——which is selling here at 47/- a sack.

That is pure nonsense.

I submit that the Irish Independent was resorting there to the same tactics that Deputy Dillon resorted to when he took the prices of the cheapest cuts in London and compared them with the prices of the dearest cuts in Ireland and then argued that the cost of living was dearer here.

So it is.

Deputy Anthony is wrong, as usual.

I am not.

The Irish Independent article says:

"It is difficult to account for such a wide discrepancy, and equally difficult to establish that the sellers of bread are profiteering."

Again, the writer of this article was carefully selecting his words. The price of bread is controlled and, to the knowledge of the Editor of the paper, the bakers are alleging that the control is much too severe and that most of them are making no profits and all of them are threatening to close down. There was a danger at one time, only a few weeks ago, in one part of the country that the bakers would, in fact, resort to those tactics in order to force an increase in the fixed price. Is it difficult to account for the discrepancy? After all, the information available to Deputies is available also to the editor of the paper. There was published in 1929 the report of the Tariff Commission on the application of the flour millers for a tariff on flour. There was published the report of the Prices Commission, which is much more recent, and it is well-known there are many reasons which make it necessary and inevitable that the price of flour will be dearer here than in Great Britain, and will be dearer here whether we protect the flour-milling industry or not, whether we have a flour-milling industry or not.

Assuming it is the general desire of the House to maintain the flour-milling industry in existence, then we must have regard to certain factors. They can import foreign wheat more cheaply into Great Britain than we can import it here; they have the advantage of big central combines for dealing with the importation of wheat; they have the advantage of wheat carried as ballast by Atlantic liners and they have the advantage of much larger production units than are established here. But there is also another factor of some importance which Deputies claiming to represent farming interests must take into account. When wheat goes into a flour mill it comes out, not as one product, but as two, as flour and as wheat offals, and the miller has to sell both the flour and the wheat offals. The prevailing price of wheat offals in this country is substantially lower than it is in Great Britain.

Nonsense.

The Minister does not use bran, I suppose.

I knew that Deputy Dillon would contradict that, so I took the trouble this morning to get the officers of my Department to telephone to all the principal centres in Great Britain and in this country in order to find out the price of bran to-day. The price of red bran to-day is £6 10s. 0d. per ton——

If you could get it. I sent to four places myself for a small quantity and I could not get it.

The price is £6 10s. 0d. per ton. That is the price at which I was offered it this morning. The price in London is £7 5s. 0d. per ton; Liverpool, £7 10s. 0d.; Cardiff, £7 12s. 6d. The price of red pollard in Dublin is £7 5s. 0d. per ton; in London it is £8 5s. 0d.; Liverpool, £8 7s. 6d., and in Cardiff, £8 12s. 6d. These are the prices to-day.

And the Irish millers' price to-day is £8 per ton and the worst of it is the Irish miller has not got it.

One other consideration must be borne in mind by Deputies and that is that the millers here are under an obligation to purchase and use a percentage of Irish wheat. It is true that the standard guaranteed price for Irish wheat is 27/6 per barrel against the world price of 30/- to 31/- per barrel. But the Irish wheat has to be kiln-dried and the costs of handling it are much higher than the costs of handling imported wheat so that the utilisation of Irish wheat does involve something in the way of additional cost in the case of the millers. But it is the policy of the Party opposite to demand a higher price for Irish wheat; individual members of that Party have actually been leading an agitation to secure a higher price for Irish wheat.

If the yield continues to be as it is, the Irish farmer will need a much higher price.

I appeal to the Chair to suppress Deputy Dillon just for ten minutes. I will have finished by that time. Let us find out what the Prices Commission recommended in the case of flour. One of the allegations which Deputy Davin made yesterday was that I had failed to act on their recommendations. He could not tell me what were the recommendations on which I had failed to act. Here is the method recommended of enforcing a reduction of prices:—

"Pending the initiation of a legislative system of control, we recommend that the present situation be dealt with through the medium of negotiations with the millers on the basis of the aforementioned formula, with such adjustment from time to time as may be rendered necessary by fluctuations in the purchase price of wheat and the sale price of offal."

Further in the course of the next paragraph they say:—

"It is not our opinion that a maximum price either for baker's or household flour should be fixed by order of the Minister."

Would the Minister read out the portion of the report dealing with the excess profits of £150,000 a year made by the millers?

I read the report this morning and I could find nothing in it about that. The Prices Commission investigation dealt with the circumstances that existed during one quarter of one year. They made a report on the circumstances then existing. They set out to deal with the price of flour for that quarter and they found that the prices obtained by the flour millers for that quarter were too high. They drew up a formula which should be followed by the millers in fixing the price of flour. They recommended that that formula should be followed and that we should not fix a maximum price. I carried out the recommendations of the commission in full. We got into negotiations with the millers and got an assurance that they would fix their price in accordance with that formula which is given in pages 33 and 34 of the report. The millers gave that undertaking.

What Deputy Davin has said about the excess profits and what has been denied by the Minister appears at the top of page 35 of the report of the Prices Commission which is in the Minister's hands. They specifically stated that an excess profit of £138,000 was made by the millers. I will ask the Minister to read the last paragraph of page 34 and the first paragraph of page 35 and he will find there that Deputy Davin's allegation is categorically supported.

There is not a word about £120,000 there.

The Minister can read the figure £34,640. That is for one quarter of 1934.

Oh, now we are to go on to multiplication. I stated here that the Prices Commission carried out their investigation during the first quarter of that year, 1934, and that they reported that during that quarter the price of flour was too high.

And that the mills were making an excess profit of £138,560 a year.

Where is the statement that they made that profit?

As I say again, multiply £34,640 by four.

Why by four?

Because there are four quarters in the year.

But the Deputy forgets that the price of flour was reduced in the interval and the millers would not have made that profit. They gave me an assurance forthwith that they were fixing the price according to the formula set out by the Prices Commission. Deputy Davin was misquoting that part of the report. He was putting into the mouths of the Prices Commission something which they did not say. The Deputy purported to put into their mouths something the commission did not say and something that did not appear in their report. I am not satisfied that the flour millers have in fact adhered scrupulously to their undertaking that they would follow out that formula. That is a matter that is very difficult to prove, because so many technical considerations come in that the ordinary layman could not form conclusions on the matter. But if Deputies note the significance of this they will understand the position better. The Prices Commission said that if the prices are fixed in accordance with the formula set out here, a reasonably fair price will obtain. The commission said that if prices were fixed other wise some millers will make no profit and other mills will make an undue profit. And that is really the essence of the attempt to put the flour milling industry on an economic basis. Deputy Davin said his Party were advocating nationalisation of the flour milling industry. I submit to the Deputy that he was using that phrase "nationalisation" to cover up what was in his mind.

The Minister is putting words into my mouth that I did not use.

I am open to correction and I am prepared to give way to Deputy Davin if he has an explanation to make, but the Deputy urged that there should be "unified ownership" of the flour mills. What unified ownership can there be if they are to operate the existing mills in the same way as the existing owners are operating? I want the Deputy to be quite frank with the Government and with the House on this matter. It is true that we could effect an improvement in the price of flour here by fixing the price of flour at a figure that will give a fair return to the largest mills; but upon the basis of such a price there is a large number of mills going to be put out of business. Perhaps it is right that they should be put out of business. I am prepared to face the circumstances that will arise. But are we going to get co-operation from the Labour Party? The closing down of these mills is going to be followed by agitation in the towns in which they are. Are we going to get support in the closing down of these mills and in carrying out that policy? Believe me there is no other method by which the flour milling industry can be rectified unless we can secure some general scheme of co-operation amongst the millers which, while enabling us to reduce the price of flour, will retain these smaller units in production. I do not want Deputies to be using phrases about nationalisation in order to cover up what is in their minds. Were we to allow the import of flour it is clear that the wheat production scheme will fail. The day we begin to import flour that market for wheat ceases to exist. But the wheat production schemes are of such importance to this country that we should go very far into any other direction in the attempt to meet our difficulties before we abandon the wheat production scheme.

The day you settle the economic war the market for wheat will cease to exist. It is dead already even with the economic war and your subsidies.

We will see about that. It is necessary that I should take this opportunity to make clear first of all that the price of bread is determined by the price of flour. I know the impression has been created that we are permitting the bakers to make more profits or in some other way determining for ourselves what their returns on the sales should be. That is not correct. The Government has no more effective voice in determining what the price of bread will be than the members of the Opposition. Deputy O'Sullivan alleged here yesterday that the Government reduced the price of bread before the election and increased it after the election. It is quite true that the price of bread went down before the election and that it has gone up since but, if it went up and down in that way, it was entirely due to fluctuation in the price of flour.

That is not so.

It was dishonest and misleading for Deputy O'Sullivan to suggest that the Government had any conscious part in effecting these fluctuations.

Give us the figures.

The figures are available.

The figures are there.

Did the millers subscribe to your election fund?

The Deputy is very unwise to talk about that. The only occasion that arose was when the English millers gave a subscription to the Cumann na nGaedheal Party to keep a tariff off.

That is absolutely untrue and the Minister knows it.

They appealed to them for a subscription. I cannot vouch for the fact that they got it.

The Minister knows that that is untrue.

Does the Deputy withdraw that statement?

We do not ask him to withdraw.

I did not withdraw it. I refer to the records of the House. The matter was fully debated here.

Would the Minister give us the price of flour when he made his first bread-price order?

The price was that given to me by the Milling Advisory Committee. Whatever that price was, it automatically fixed the price of bread.

It did not and you know that.

Deputy Dillon is wrong.

Deputy Dillon is not wrong.

Deputy Dillon is wrong in interrupting.

Will the Minister give way to me while I deal with the matter?

Deputy Dillon can wait.

Because you know you are wrong.

Facts would be much more useful than the arguments the Minister is using.

The figures are known. They were published at the time. The price of bread was automatically determined by the price of flour and the price of flour was determined by the millers. The price of bread went up since because the price of flour went up since. The price of flour went down yesterday and its present tendency is to go down. Last week, it was rising. What price it will be next week, I cannot say. The operation is completely automatic. The Milling Advisory Committee meet and communicate the price of flour to me. I publish the price and, in accordance with the table set out in the report of the Commission, the price of flour settles the price of bread.

The courts have to step in an odd time.

I was asked why two reports submitted to me by the Prices Commission were not published. The answer is that they dealt with the affairs of named firms and it would be wrong and improper for me to make available to the public information concerning the intimate transactions of named firms. Therefore, these reports were not published. In any event, these issues have no direct relation to the question before the Dáil. The Dáil has to decide two questions on this Bill—whether or not proper machinery for the regulation of prices should be provided and, if so, whether this is the best type of machinery for that purpose. It is common case amongst all Parties that there should be proper machinery. Deputy Cosgrave proposed to introduce a Bill for that purpose when his Government were in office. The Labour Party during that period repeatedly pressed for the introduction of such legislation. We believe in such legislation. Any plan for the investigation and control of prices must, I submit, have certain definite characteristics. In the first place, some body or some person must be given statutory authority to compel the production of evidence by unwilling witnesses. In the second place, there must be provision for publicity, more publicity and still more publicity. The most effective method of securing price-regulation and of preventing profiteering is by giving widespread publicity to the circumstances of particular industries or particular trades where profiteering is believed to exist. In the last resort, there must be, in any event, power to fix prices—power to fix maximum prices or power to regulate profits or power to secure rectification of the position by modification of customs duties or import restrictions. In my opinion, these three must constitute the essential features of any effective scheme for price control. They all appear in this Bill. We are proposing to set up a body which will have statutory power to secure information. All the powers vested in the High Court for procuring the attendance of witnesses and the production of documents at their different public and private sessions will be given them. We are making due and ample provision for the publication of the proceedings of this body and we are taking the necessary power, to be exercised when circumstances require it, to fix maximum prices or maximum margins of profit or to modify import restrictions upon the goods concerned.

This Bill represents the best we have been able to do, so far, in devising machinery for this purpose. I invite members of the Dáil—particularly members on the opposite benches—to put forward for consideration here any proposals that may occur to them for the improvement of the measure. Any such proposals will have fair consideration. If they want to see this measure made effective, they will have an opportunity for assisting when this Bill comes before the Dáil in Committee. I ask them to avail of that opportunity and not to leave the provision of ways and means to secure the effective operation of the measure solely to the Government. Let them give consideration to the matter and let them give us the benefit of their conclusions. We shall welcome their co-operation in making this Bill more effective than we expect it can be made.

May I ask the Minister a question? I am sure the Minister did not want to mislead the House but he said, as regards the comparison of the price of flour in Ireland with the price in England, that we resorted to the dishonest expedient of suggesting that the flour in Ireland was straight-run flour, which we knew it was not, whereas the flour in England was straight-run flour. The Minister rebuked us for doing that. I said that baker's flour here was straight-run flour and the Minister rebuked me. I want to refer the Minister to the Report of the Prices Commission on the investigation into the price for wheaten flour. On page 7 of that report, he will find the following statement: "By far the greater part of the flour produced in Saorstát Eireann is what is known as straight-run flour...As the demand in An Saorstát for lower quality flour is very small, millers find it more profitable to confine their output, as far as possible to straight-run."

"Nearly all Saorstát mills produce both baker's and household flour but certain mills specialise in the production of one or the other." Is that what the Minister wants me to read? Does not that show that baker's flour is straight-run flour?

I submit that the price quoted in the Irish Independent should be compared with the price quoted here for household flour, which is 47/- a sack.

Did not the Minister say that flour in England was straight-run and that in Ireland it was not?

I said nothing of the kind. I said the price fixed in the Order to which I referred was the lowest price for top-grade flour.

Where—in Ireland?

There is only one grade of flour made here.

Deputy Dillon is now trying to confuse the minds of Deputies.

The report says that there is no market in Ireland for low-grade flour, and that the millers confine themselves, as far as possible, to making straight-run flour. In England, they make straight-run flour and it is the same as Irish flour, but in England they also make a patent flour which is a very high-grade flour out of which they sift the second-grade flour which they sell on army contracts and similar jobs. There is no consumption in this country for that sifted out flour. Nobody will eat a low-grade flour in this country.

The Deputy rose to ask a question.

I am asking the Minister if he knows that.

Now that the Deputy has asked it, I am prepared to answer it.

Does he realise that the absence of a market for low-grade flour here prevents the Irish miller from making patent flour because if he made patent flour, there would be no market to dispose of the siftings out of that flour? What he makes is a straight-run flour which he sells to everybody and which is a very high-grade flour.

Has the Deputy finished now?

I want to know if the Minister knows that?

Am I going to be allowed to talk now?

Go ahead.

The price of 51/6 quoted in the Irish Independent leading article is the list price of baker's flour——

And is 4/- lower than is charged.

I am going to deal with the matter, anyhow. That price is the list price of baker's flour and less than half the flour produced in this country is baker's flour. The bulk of the flour produced here is household flour, selling to-day at 47/- a sack, and I say that when the Irish Independent compares the price of 41/- in England with 51/6 here, they were misleading their readers. The comparison should be between 41/- in England and 47/- here. Their attitude in that was typical also of the Sunday Independent which last Sunday announced that there was, in fact, a tax on flour here and that that explained the increase in price, a statement which was, to the knowledge of the editor of the Irish Independent, untrue.

Might I ask the Minister a further question?

I will not answer any further questions from Deputy Dillon.

Surely, Sir, it is a matter of courtesy that the Minister should answer questions. The Minister said that the price was 51/6. I can tell him that a price of 54/6 is quoted by an Irish miller.

The Deputy is again trying to mislead. Last week, I published the standard price of flour as 51/6 and I have just spent the best part of ten minutes explaining that that was the figure published only for the purpose of fixing the price of bread and that there was no obligation on anybody to charge that price—they could charge more or they could charge less, and on occasion they charged more and they charged less than the standard price. As a matter of fact, to-day's quotation for baker's flour is 52/6.

It is 54/6 a sack to the merchant so that the Independent understates the case.

I probably know more about flour than either of the two men talking about it.

And the price of bread. Does the Deputy allege profiteering in bread?

The bakers are losing money on bread at present. With the permission of the Minister, I propose to ask——

The Minister has concluded, but Deputies may, by permission of the Chair, put questions which should be brief.

I want to ask the Minister if he is aware, when he talks about the price of flour, that in this country one-third of the flour, or a little more now, is used as baker's flour and that practically two-thirds of the flour made in this country is soft white flour.

I am aware of it but Deputy Dillon is not. The Deputy can explain that to Deputy Dillon in private.

The discussion here has revolved around the price of baker's flour.

And that is what goes into bread. You do not put soft flour into baker's bread.

The Minister is aware, I presume, that he can buy flours— short flours used for retail purposes for home baking—at 45/6 to 46/6 a sack and the price of the standard grade flour in this country up to yesterday was 53/6. There has been a fall of 1/- which brings it to 52/6 this morning. You can buy standard grade flour for that price.

In Cork.

In Cork, and I presume some of the other mills are nothing higher. At all events, in this discussion certain questions have been raised and I should like to ask the Minister if he is satisfied that there is a reason for the discrepancy between the price of standard grade flour in this country, quoted last Saturday at 53/6 and appearing in the London trade journals and bakers' trade papers at the same time at 40/6. It is a matter of 13/6 per sack of flour.

For the same grade flour.

For the same grade flour—standard grade flour. They call it strong baker's here, and, in England, standard grade flour. When I quote these figures, I am dealing with the same class of flour in the two countries. The Minister is satisfied, he has told the House, that there is a reason why flour milled in this country should be higher in price than English flour and that he is satisfied on the point of a formula. I want to ask the Minister one definite question. Has he gone below the formula? What the House and the country want to know is not whether the formula is correct, but why baker's flour, standard grade flour, or whatever you call it, should be 13/6 per sack higher here than in England?

It is not 13/6 a sack higher.

It was on Saturday last. I do not want the Minister to be splitting straws. I know what I am talking about. Last Saturday, when we got the official quotations, it was 13/6. I know something about the milling business, too, and I know that the millers in this country have to meet higher expenses and that the cost of producing flour in this country is greater, but what the Minister has not inquired into yet is why should these costs be greater in this country.

The Deputy knows quite well that an exceptional situation exists here in relation to baker's flour. It was in fact considered at one time that it might be impossible for us satisfactorily to make baker's flour here at all, but the bulk of the flour used here is not flour sold at 51/- or 52/- per sack. The bulk of the flour used here is sold at 47/6 per sack. That is to-day's quotation.

And it is not used to make baker's bread.

A Deputy during this discussion suggested that the worst that could be said about the Irish millers was that they were only as bad thieves as the English millers, and that, I think, is a terrible slander on a decent group of men.

He did not mean it that way. I was listening to him and you were not here.

The Irish millers are doing their best. They are an honourable lot of men, and they are doing their best to meet the situation created by the Minister. It is not my business to educate the Minister, but I do think it is the Minister's business to educate the people of the country as to why certain things are so. He says that we could not make baker's flour at all. I, as a baker, was of that opinion at one time, when we thought that we could not get flour here as good as the imported flour, but I want to tell the Minister and the country that we bakers are getting as good a patent flour from the Irish mills to-day as we got in the old days.

It costs more to produce.

It costs more to produce and we are prepared to pay for it. However, standard grade flour is 13/6 dearer here than in England and the Minister has not explained why that should be so. I could explain it, but, as I say, it is not my business to educate the Minister.

If I am concluding for the last time, I will explain to the Deputy. He knows something about this business. He knows that there are difficulties associated with the production of baker's flour here that do not exist in Great Britain, apart altogether from the ordinary difficulties referred to in the report of the Tariff Commission and which, in their view, would justify a difference of 5/- per sack between the price of flour here and in Great Britain at any time. There are special circumstances in relation to baker's flour, due to the absence of any market here for the very low-grade flour to which Deputy Dillon has referred and the lower prices which have prevailed for offals, and these circumstances make it essential that baker's flour here will be higher in price than in Great Britain. Whether the price is completely justifiable or not is another matter.

That is what I want the Minister to enquire into. It is a matter he should enquire into.

Question put and agreed to.
Committee Stage ordered for Wednesday, October 20th.
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