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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 30 Mar 1938

Vol. 70 No. 9

Control of Imports. - Quota Order No. 37—Women's Hats.

I move:—

That Dáil Eireann hereby approves of Control of Imports (Quota No. 37) Order, 1937, made on the 12th day of November, 1937, by the Executive Council under the Control of Imports Acts, 1934 and 1937.

This quota order relates to women's and girls' hats and caps. The manufacture of women's hats upon a large scale undertaking has been started by a firm which has established a temporary factory at Galway and is at present constructing a permanent factory in that town. The imports of these hats were liable to an ad valorem customs duty of 25 per cent. But it soon became evident that the customs duty was having no effect upon imports. It is extremely improbable that any customs duty would be effective in relation to any commodity such as these where established connections between distributors and manufacturing firms are so strong, and where the sale value of the advertisement that the hats were designed in Paris is probably worth anything from 50 per cent. to 100 per cent. increase in price. The quota order was made in order to ensure that the products of the Galway factory would have a fair chance. In fact, as a result of the conference between the wholesale firms, the distributors and manufacturers held in my Department, a satisfactory arrangement now exists for taking up the distribution of the products of the firm concerned. These arrangements are working quite satisfactorily. There is a very wide variety of hats being produced at Galway. There are 400 different models being produced and they vary considerably as to colour and charm. The variety of the hats produced there runs into several thousands.

Everybody who has mentioned the matter has spoken favourably of the quality of the hats produced, and, in fact, distributing firms who have been taking supplies, have found little difficulty in disposing of them. The quota order for the first quota period, which expires at the end of this month, was very considerable and permitted importation during that period of 270,000 of these articles. The quantity to be imported will, of course, be reduced from time to time, but unless there is a substantial expansion in manufacture, beyond the extent contemplated by this firm, some considerable importation of the goods will still be required.

I propose to divide the House on this quota order, because I think it is peculiarly indefensible. We have got to make up our minds in this country sooner or later whether we want to have the whole population dragooned, as people are at present being dragooned in countries like Germany, Italy and Russia. If we want to do that, we ought to do it with our eyes open. Now, a decent standard of living for our people ought to include the right amongst women to dress themselves in what they consider to be a reasonably fashionable and attractive manner. To suggest that the factory in Galway can produce millinery which would meet the requirements of any people living up to a reasonably high standard of living, under modern conditions, is grotesque. I say that a quota, the result of which means that every woman in this country must go round dressed in a "caubeen" is outrageous. It is absurd to say that the quota was rendered necessary by the established connection between retail milliners and manufacturers abroad being so strong, or that the sale value of saying that a hat was made in Paris was, in itself, sufficient to outweigh any tariff that was imposed. Neither of these things is correct. The fact of it is that if you are going to drive the women of this country to the choice of wearing a felt hat produced in Galway, or wearing no hat at all, they will not wear hats. They will give up wearing hats. You will simply wipe out the millinery trade altogether. That, I know, is a source of amusement to a number of people in comfortable jobs but if they were living out of the millinery business, as numbers of women in this country and in this city are, it would not amuse them. It means that these people will have to go on the dole, and on the dole they will go. We are told that they are the eggs that require to be broken in order to make omelettes.

The Minister says discussions have taken place between the millinery wholesalers and the manufacturers, and that they are quite quiescent in the plans he has in mind by which there will be a substantial reduction in imports of ladies' millinery. No wholesaler is engaged in the really fashionable millinery trade. They never have engaged in it. The really fashionable millinery trade is conducted entirely as between the retailer and the manufacturer.

The millinery wholesalers in this country, as in every other country, have dealt with what has been known as the bread and butter section of the trade, which is a rapidly diminishing section of the trade. Fifteen or 20 years ago the very large bulk of medium-priced and cheap felt millinery was sold in rural Ireland. That has stopped. That cheap felt millinery is no longer sold, because the women have given up wearing it. The bulk of the millinery coming into this country at present is of a fashionable character, catering for a fashionable trade. It is a trade in which a very considerable number of people were profitably employed. It was a trade in which a number of people made a good living, because the margin of profit was good. A woman wanting a fashionable hat was prepared to pay a fancy price, and one was able to get a very decent profit out of that trade.

It appears to me that people who have built themselves up a little business in the trade of selling millinery are as well entitled to their living as we are. This quota order is going to wipe them out. I consider that the women of this country are as well entitled to be fashionably and smartly dressed as the women of any other country. The ultimate object of this quota order is to restrict fashionable millinery to the people who can afford to go up to Belfast or over to England to buy it. I regard that as a highly undesirable and grossly unjust arrangement. There are many people who regard it as somewhat ludicrous to argue the case at all in Dáil Eireann about the right of women to wear fashionable clothes, but I think it is a very important matter. I think it relates to the standard of living our people enjoy, and I do not think they should be lightly deprived of that standard of living. Why should people in this country be condemned to wear clothes which would make them conspicuous in any well-dressed company? The only reason vouchsafed by the Minister is that, in the sacred cause of economic self-sufficiency, he is determined that they are going to wear Galway hats or none at all.

I do not know to what extent the Minister is acquainted with the millinery trade. He ought to know something about it, because he was engaged in the general drapery trade himself, as I am, before he entered public life, but it sometimes appears to me that the Minister has forgotten all he ever learned before he became a politician, and has accepted the Departmental viewpoint on every subject. We are told by the Minister to-day that there are 400 different models being manufactured in Galway in various colours and trimmings.

A thousand different colours.

I often heard of all the colours in the rainbow, but that goes even further. I do not think you could get 1,000 colours in any factory whatever. Deputy Killilea is mistaken in trying to overstate his own case, because rainbows, even in Galway, will not hold 1,000 colours. We are told by the Minister to-day that there are 400 different models in various colours and trimmings. The House will immediately perceive the absurdity of the situation which arises out of that declaration. You have 400 models. My information is that the range of colours in Galway is between 12 and 20. Let us assume that the range of colours is 15. I suppose that each of these 400 models will be available in about 15 colours. That would give about 60,000 hats, on the assumption that you have one hat of each colour for each model. Presumably, you make about 12 hats from each of these, which suggests that you have about 760,000 felt hats in Galway for this season. Every one of these hats will be worthless in three months' time. If I had that stock of hats in my millinery department on the 1st March, I would reduce them all down 50 per cent., and on the 1st November I would take off another 50 per cent., and if they were not sold before Christmas this year, I would give them away.

Any millinery shop will tell you the same thing — that the hat that you buy for the winter season 1937-38, if it is not disposed of at a sacrifice before the following Christmas, is simply thrown out. It is no good, because by that time fashions have changed and, if a woman went out in that hat, the people would turn round and look at her. Have any Deputies ever taken up a picture of a woman dressed in the attire of ten years ago? Has any Deputy ever got a picture paper and looked at what was highly fashionable ten years ago? If a person walked down the street to-day in what was the height of fashion ten years ago, she would start a riot. I make no disguise of the fact that I am a country shopkeeper. It is my job to know these things. I would not know them but for the fact that I make my living out of operating a shop.

Into this highly technical trade the Minister and two or three permanent officials of the Department of Industry and Commerce come waltzing. There is not a single one of them who would be trusted by his wife to buy her anything, much less a hat, but they are prepared to determine now not only what hats their wives will wear, but what hats other women in this country will wear. They are going to tell them: "You must be satisfied; we have provided 400 different models of various colours. It means, in effect, if the undertaking is to be carried out, that there will have to be 750,000 hats in Galway, and if you do not buy them now, you will have to buy them sometime." Three quarters of a million hats would represent, I suppose, the consumption of women's felt hats in this country for the next five years at least, if not for more.

About six months.

Does the Minister seriously suggest that there are 1,500,000 women's felt hats sold in Ireland every year?

I know that under the quota 250,000 were imported during the last three months.

During the last three months, which was the winter, and during the remaining three months no hats will be imported at all, for the reason that you do not sell felt hats to ladies in the middle of August. Did the Minister ever hear of an article called straw? Any of the 250,000 not sold now are reduced 50 per cent., and this day 12 months will be thrown out on the ashpit. At the moment when 250,000 hats have been brought in to supply the entire requirements of Ireland, 750,000 have been assembled in Galway and the people are going to take them and like them. If they do not take them, the quota will be reduced until they must either take them or go bareheaded. Deputies, when they take their wives abroad for a Christmas holiday either to Blackpool or to Paris with Galway hats on them, two years hence, need not express any surprise if they require mounted police to get them through the streets, because the people will think that they have taken something out of Madame Tussauds. That really is ludicrous and arises from the situation of a group of wholly untrained persons romping into a highly technical trade to achieve the impossible.

You cannot make in this country or in any other country all the felt hats that the entire community want, particularly when concerned with women's wear. The very essence of the millinery trade is variety; the very essence of the trade is the pleasing of highly individualistic tastes. If you fail in that, what is going to happen is that the people will give up using the commodity altogether. They will simply wear tam-'o-shanters and they are already doing that very largely. One of the reasons why the felt millinery trade, to which I referred earlier, has diminished so much in the last ten years is that women went over very largely to wearing what are called berets. It tickles the fancy of Deputies for anybody to talk of the technical side of the millinery trade. But we are at the present moment going rigidly to fix the entire millinery trade by legislation, and every Deputy thinks that there is something incongruous and almost improper in going into the technical side of the business. I am inclined to agree with him. But, if it seems incongruous to go into the technical aspect of the business, why not leave it alone? I think we would be very well advised to leave it alone. I do not think Deputies are qualified to poke their noses into this business at all. They know nothing about it. It is a matter of grave concern materially to reduce the standard of living of the women of the country. I think women are entitled to attach considerable importance to the matter of making themselves look smart by buying the kind of hats they like to wear and by putting up a good show so far as general costume is concerned. That is an important matter which should concern the House before they adopt a resolution of this kind.

But there is another far more important matter and that is the livelihood of the people who sell good millinery. These people have built up good businesses. They are making a nice living out of them. They have families to support and they are living in a modest degree of comfort. They have created all that by their own unaided efforts in the past, and we are going to blunder into that whole business and wreck a number of these people and wipe their business out. I think that is wrong. I think you have no right to go into a person's house and wipe him clean out of existence and put him out on the road as a pauper unless some overwhelming social good requires that his individual interest should be sacrificed. Even in that event you should go to the limit to try and help him over the difficult period and get him on his feet again in a similar calling.

I have seen too much of this happening in the past five years. I have seen commercial travellers, respectable married men, who always presented a cheerful and reasonably prosperous exterior, who had families going to nice schools, and who were getting on in the world. They had no reason to believe that they were doing wrong or doing anything contrary to public policy. Yet, overnight these men were simply kicked out on the side of the road and told that the product they had been distributing could no longer be imported and their services were no longer required. I have known men who had children in good schools who are to-day literally hungry. Of course, these individual cases mean nothing because they have no one to speak for them. Nobody cares very much about them. But the suffering in these families is ghastly, to my mind. Now, I admit that you cannot hold up the whole of Government policy if you are going to incommode one individual, but you ought to have a full realisation of the measure of real suffering, distinct from inconvenience, which a resolution of this character is likely to create. This resolution is going to destroy the business of a large number of small business people in this country who have been well off in the past. It is going to create a very undesirable restriction on the standard of living of women in this country, and in exchange it is going to establish, I believe only temporarily, in Galway a factory which cannot in the nature of the trade enjoy a permanent success. I would be glad to think it would, but I am as certain as I am standing here, with the limited knowledge I have of the millinery trade, that the thing cannot possibly enjoy a permanent measure of success. Now, bear this in mind, that you are going to take the risk of establishing, by this ruthless method, an industry in Galway which I believe can serve no useful purpose to the community or the City of Galway, and in the process of establishing that you are going to wipe out a vast number of small milliners through the country, not the kind of milliner who makes her own millinery, but the kind of milliner who went to London, Paris or New York and brought home a select range of fashionable millinery. Once you have destroyed those people, broken their connection, and closed down their business, you cannot bring them back into existence overnight.

Why can they not go to Galway?

I do not want to make the Deputy a short answer.

The Deputy has no answer.

Let us not deliberately try to make one another lose our tempers and then complain in your tied newspaper about the rude things said to one in the past. The reason why the milliners to whom I refer cannot go to Galway — I say this for the information of the Deputy who asked the question — is this, that the very essence of their trade was that they gained amongst their clientele a reputation for discriminating purchases of millinery. They would be people who would go around to all the fashion modistes of Paris, London and elsewhere, and pick up a hat here and there—hats of a very distinguished uniqueness. It was as a result of their capacity and knowledge of where to go to get that class of millinery that they built up their business. Now, suppose you say, "let them all go to Galway," the result is that all the big stores, all the ordinary shops, can simply write to Galway and ask to be supplied with one-twelfth of every hat they make in Galway. They can then put in their windows every model of a hat that Galway is turning out, leaving the modiste, the small shopkeeper, who built up her business through her power of discrimination with no claim on public custom at all. Far from it, because under the new arrangement which Deputies envisage, the big shop can buy up the whole of the Galway range of hats by taking one-twelfth of every model that is made there. The small business woman cannot do that because she knows very well that she would never be able to sell thousands of hats. Her business consisted in selling a very restricted number of expensive hats to a restricted clientele on which she made a good profit, her clientele being such that it was able to pay for her discrimination in picking out a range of unique hats and assembling them in Dublin.

Is not that profiteering?

I do not think it is profiteering if you offer a distinctly luxurious article to a clientele that can afford to pay for it. They are not at any loss if they do not buy it. It is a purely fashionable article and they are at liberty to buy a cheap one if they want it.

How does the Deputy reconcile that with his statement about extraordinary profits?

Profiteering means that you go to a person who has got to buy something from you, and you charge that person an unfair profit on that article. He is in the position that he must pay your price or do without the article. Now, no woman is bound to buy a Paris hat, and if she cannot afford it she ought not to buy it. But, suppose she elects to buy a Paris hat, instead of spending a week in Parknasilla, has she not a perfect right to do so, and is it not part of the standard of living in this country, that a woman living here would have the same facility for doing that as if she went to live in England? Suppose, a working girl in Dublin makes up her mind that she would like to give up going to the pictures for a month, or some of the other luxuries that she has been in the habit of indulging, and instead invests her savings in a fashionable hat, is she not entitled to do it? This will deny that working girl that right, and in addition to that, and what is much more serious than that, it is going to deprive the milliner to whom I have referred of her means of livelihood.

If you want to do that, do it with your eyes open. I say it is wrong, and what I apprehend is that Deputies of this House have got the idea that they are going to establish a grand new industry in Galway, that it is going to be eminently profitable, and that it is going to give splendid employment when, in fact, what it is going to do is: it is going to employ a very limited number of women in Galway in an industry which I do not believe can possibly survive for long, and you are going to put out of employment dozens of persons who have built up their own business in the distribution of this particular commodity, people who, when once put out of business, this House will be unable to put them back again into business, even if the Galway venture should fail.

Surely that is a short-sighted policy. Who is going to get advantage from it? Who is going to be helped by it? In my judgment, nobody, and the difficulty that I find myself in is this, that I cannot clear my mind of the suspicion that a great many Deputies of this House feel that this is simply making a mountain out of a mole-hill. It is not for many individuals these restrictions are going to mean—mind you, these restrictions have been in operation for some time, and the Minister has announced that it is his intention to intensify them in the future—jeopardising their whole existence and destroying a perfectly legitimate business that yielded a good livelihood to a very small number of entrepreneurs all over the country. I think that is wrong, and I think that this quota proposal in regard to hats is equally unsound and bad. I propose to divide the House on the question in the earnest hope that this quota business may be brought to an end, and that normal conditions may be restored.

Deputy Dillon has been talking through his hat. It is, of course, natural enough for him to assume, as he always assumes, that any product from an Irish factory must necessarily be inferior to the imported product, and that any hat made in this country must necessarily come within the description he has given of "a caubeen." The Deputy cannot conceive the idea of an Irish-made article being as good as an imported article. Deputy Dillon has given evidence before of his complete inability to conceive the possibility of our manufactures being any good. He has done so again to-day, but he has done it to-day not merely on a sort of general basis, but because of his extraordinary ignorance of a trade in which he professes to be an expert. I told him that 750,000 was six months' supply. He said it was four years' supply.

That is not so.

The Deputy said that they would not be sold in ten years. In fact, the number of women's and girls' hats of felt and straw——

Of felt and straw?

——of the type made in Galway to which this order applies——

Are they going to make straw hats also?

Yes. The imports amounted to 1,300,000 in 1936, and were the same in 1935. The Galway firm can produce 2,000 a day now, and a rough calculation makes that 750,000 a year. That is six months' supply.

Did the Minister include berets?

It includes the type of hats manufactured in Galway, hats of felt and straw. This quota order applies to no other.

Irish felt and straw?

In due course they will manufacture in Galway the felt and other materials from which the hats are made. I do not like to prognosticate too definitely, but I am prepared to tell Deputy Dillon that within five years there will be an export business for these goods. Will the Deputy take a note of that?

I took a note of what you said about the turf industry — that it would be the greatest industry in this country, and in 12 months it disappeared altogether.

The Deputy tried to draw a red herring across the trail.

A smelly red herring.

And now he must try to cover himself up. There has been established in Galway an industry for the manufacture of hats. I invite any Deputy to go to anyone who claims to be an expert in the sale of this type of goods, wholesale or retail, to see if they can produce a single individual of that character who will not pay a tribute to the quality and to the up-to-date designs and general turn-out of the Galway products. In any event, the quota only reduces imports by 25 per cent. Those women who want to buy the exclusive products of Paris, Berlin or Tokyo, where most of these things come from under the quota order, can continue to do so, as there will be imported in the year not less than 500,000 or 600,000 hats. Even when the Galway factory is up to the maximum, 500,000 hats will be coming in, so that those who do not want Irish hats can continue to buy the products of sweated industries to which reference was made.

I am anxious to find out what is precisely the attitude of the Party opposite towards industrial development in this country. A member of that Party some minutes ago asked what was the Government going to do about establishing a factory in Mullingar. The Deputy has been agitating about the establishment of a factory in Clones. If this factory was established in Clones, would the Deputy take the same attitude?

Precisely.

If it was established in Mullingar, what would the Deputy's attitude be? Are the Galway Deputies in that Party going to vote against this motion? The whole attitude of the Party opposite in relation to industry is hard to understand. Are they against industrial development or not? On every occasion on which any proposal of any kind for the establishment of an industry comes before the Dáil, Deputy Dillon makes violent speeches against it, and his Party votes against it. If there is any alternative by that Party, let them indicate it. In fact, we have members from that Party not merely urging the establishment of industries in their constituencies, but actively assisting in doing so. Some of them have been most useful people in formulating plans for industries, but when the plans come before the Dáil, Deputy Dillon leads his Party into the Lobby to vote against them.

That is not so.

It is true. Does the Deputy know whether any of his Party has been associated with the establishment of this hat factory?

I do not.

I can assure him that not merely was the establishment of this industry the direct result of very active workdone by a local committee, but that on that local committee there were many, if not the majority, who are avowed supporters of the Deputy's Party. Deputy Brodrick will bear me out in that. They formulated the plans and they should have got some assurance in advance that their plans would not be opposed by any Party. Certainly, if any members of the Cumann na nGaedheal Party come to me in future with industrial plans, I will have to ask them to go to Merrion Square to get an assurance that the establishment of industries will not be opposed as Deputy Dillon has opposed this; that they will not be maligned and slandered by Deputy Dillon and others when it comes to a question of taking the vote. I do not think there is anything more I need say on this matter. The imposition of quantitative regulations of imports is necessary for the development of this industry. These quantitative regulations will permit of a substantial import of goods in future, but there will be available Irish manufacture of excellent quality and design, so that no one need be ashamed to appear wearing goods made by Irish workers, even when accompanied by Deputy Dillon.

Does the Minister distinguish between the method of restriction of imports by the imposition of a reasonable tariff, and the method of a reasonable tariff by means of a quota?

Certainly I do.

Does the Minister realise that we oppose this quota order inasmuch as it is calculated to impose an absolute restriction of imports of millinery commodities, and inasmuch as we believe that, in the circumstances of the trade, it is quite impossible for this industry to confer any benefit commensurate with the injury which the imposition of the quota order may result in.

No. This will meet the requirements.

I deny that.

These will be as good and as up-to-date in design as the products of Paris. There is a sufficient quota of other hats for those who require them. On the general question as to the difference between an import quota and customs duty, I would like to say that I would not agree to impose an import quota unless I was satisfied that there was no alternative method of protection. I regard the Control of Imports Act as one only to be used to develop such an industry when it is necessary to overcome difficulties arising out of the circumstances in which business was carried on in the past, and the imposition of a different type of regulation to the customs duty involved.

Boots and hosiery?

I want to say that I always contemplated, when our industries got over the development stage, became fully established, and were able to get the maximum efficiency from their workers and plants, that these import restrictions would disappear, with the possible exception of a certain type of industries for which quantitative relations would be necessary. Quantitative regulations for imports have proved essential in relation to certain types of industries during the development stages and these industries could not be established here on the basis of the protection afforded in any other way.

The Minister mentioned the types of hats produced here to be either of felt or straw. I should like if he could tell us if the raw material of felt or straw is produced here.

Felt is not produced in Galway but will be produced there.

And the straw?

The material from which the hats are made, the felt, will be from Irish rabbit skins. I am not saying that we are going to grow a particular brand of straw, but the weaving will be done here.

The Minister is aware that straw is a vegetable and is not fur or feathers.

The Minister said that straw will be produced here. In future will the straw put into the Galway hats and the felt be produced here?

Is the Deputy able to distinguish as to the quality? The Deputy has become affected by Deputy Dillon. He was an innocent young fellow until then. We can produce as good products as any other country and we are doing it.

I asked the Minister if the straw would be produced in Galway.

The Minister said that felt will be produced in Galway.

Is it the intention to produce fur felt equal to what is being imported?

We have not to import any fur. We are exporting the raw material from this country.

The Minister intends to establish a felt industry?

That is not mentioned in the quota order.

As part of the development included in the quota order a felt industry is to be established. My submission to the Minister is that on examination of the question it will be found we have in fact to import Austrian and Czecho-Slovakian felt and that the hats are shaped in Galway. We are told that the hats will be made here out of felt. We are not told it is from wool. I do not believe it is possible to produce the raw material here.

Nonsense. The raw material is running wild over the country.

Instead of taking rabbits out of the hat you are going to take the hats out of the rabbits.

Precisely. The Minister will be astonished to discover that these hats are not hats of the same kind as the Austrian ones. He has to find that out.

Question put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 65; Níl, 26.

Tá.

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Allen, Denis.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Bourke, Dan.
  • Brady, Brian.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Breen, Daniel.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Carty, Frank.
  • Colbert, Michael.
  • Corish, Richard.
  • Davin, William.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • Dowdall, Thomas P.
  • Everett, James.
  • Flynn, John.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Fogarty, Andrew.
  • Fogarty, Patrick J.
  • Friel, John.
  • Fuller, Stephen.
  • Gorry, Patrick J.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Heron, Archie.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Victory, James.
  • Hogan, Patrick.
  • Humphreys, Francis.
  • Hurley, Jeremiah.
  • Kelly, James P.
  • Kelly, Thomas.
  • Kennedy, Michael J.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Kissane, Eamon.
  • Lawlor, Thomas.
  • Lemass, Seán F.
  • Little, Patrick J.
  • Maguire, Ben.
  • Meaney, Cornelius.
  • Moane, Edward.
  • Moore, Séamus.
  • Morrissey, Michael.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • Munnelly, John.
  • Murphy, Timothy J.
  • O'Brien, William.
  • O Ceallaigh, Seán T.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • O'Rourke, Daniel.
  • O'Sullivan, Ted.
  • Pattison, James P.
  • Ruttledge, Patrick J.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Martin.
  • Walsh, Laurence J.
  • Walsh, Richard.
  • Ward, Conn.

Níl.

  • Anthony, Richard S.
  • Bennett, George C.
  • Benson, Ernest E.
  • Brasier, Brooke.
  • Brennan, Michael.
  • Cole, John J.
  • Cosgrave, William T.
  • Daly, Patrick.
  • Dillon, James M.
  • Dockrell, Henry M.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Finlay, John.
  • Gorey, Denis J.
  • Linehan, Timothy.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McGovern, Patrick.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Nally, Martin.
  • O'Donovan, Timothy J.
  • O'Leary, Daniel.
  • O'Sullivan, John M.
  • Redmond, Bridget M.
  • Roddy, Martin.
  • Rogers, Patrick J.
  • Ryan, Jeremiah.
  • Wall, Nicholas.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Little and Smith; Níl: Deputies Doyle and Bennett.
Question declared carried.
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