Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 6 Mar 1940

Vol. 79 No. 2

Vote 71—Office of the Minister for Supplies.

I move:—

Go ndeontar suim ná raghaidh thar £3,819 chun íoctha an Mhuirir a thiocfaidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31adh lá de Mhárta, 1940, chun Tuarastal agus Costaisí Oifig an Aire Soláthairtí.

That a sum not exceeding £3,819 be granted to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending 31st March, 1940, for the Salaries and expenses of the office of the Minister for Supplies.

The Estimate before the House is for a new Department. Consequently, though it is a Supplementary or Additional Estimate, I think that an opportunity must be taken of explaining to the House the organisation of the Department, its method of working and the policy by which it is directed. Deputies will have noted from the Estimate that most of the officers of the Department have been transferred to it from other Departments of State and that their salaries are borne on the Votes for the Department from which they were transferred. That fact emphasises the temporary nature of the Department of Supplies. The total amount required this year for the Department is £3,819. The work of the Department of Supplies falls naturally into three main divisions. For convenience they may be described as supplies, distribution of supplies and prices. I propose to outline the work of the Department, the problems which have arisen and the methods adopted for their solution in their order, taking first supplies, or the problems that have arisen in connection with supplies; secondly, the distribution of the commodities, and thirdly, the problem that has arisen in connection with prices. Generally speaking, our imports of essential raw materials both for industrial and agricultural purposes have not been interfered with to any great extent by the war. That is as might have been expected. There has, of course, been many difficulties arising out of transport delays. These have so far been found capable of adjustment.

I will mention in greater detail the difficulties that have arisen in respect of particular commodities, the present situation surrounding the supplies of these commodities and the action taken by my Department to improve that position. As a preliminary measure towards securing our position and with a view to ensuring that supplies of essential commodities in the country would not be exported to the detriment of the needs of the country, an order was made shortly after the war began prohibiting the export of certain articles except under licences. Lists of the articles so prohibited from export have been published in the Press from time to time. Licences in respect of the export of agricultural commodities are granted by the Minister for Agriculture, and licences in respect of all other prohibited articles are issued from the Department of Supplies. Licences in respect of industrial articles are issued at the rate of about 300 a week. Under the terms of an open general licence granted by the authorities of the United Kingdom, goods from Ireland are admitted into the United Kingdom free of restrictions. Under our export licence regulations steps are taken to ensure that the favourable position we enjoy as regards our goods going into England is not abused by reason of traders importing foreign goods into Ireland and then re-exporting them to the United Kingdom.

In our discussions here shortly after the war began considerable anxiety was expressed by some Deputies concerning the possible effect of the war upon the supply of building materials and consequently upon activity in the building industry. Perhaps those Deputies will be glad to be informed of the present position in respect of such supplies because, of course, the requirements of the building industry in the matter of supplies have been engaging the constant attention of my Department. A substantial part of the goods used by the building industry is produced within the country from raw materials of which a plentiful supply is available from home sources. The most important materials upon which that industry is dependent on outside sources of supply are timber, constructional steel, pig iron, pig lead, copper, bitumen and sanitary fittings. Imports in most cases have been maintained at an adequate level. While it is, of course, impossible to guarantee a continuance of that position, the fact that the demand for materials has been below normal owing to the curtailment of activities in the industry, has operated to case the position. As regards timber, an order was made which came into operation on the 1st January prohibiting the importation of certain classes of timber except under licences. The order relates generally to hardwoods and softwoods for building and constructional purposes but it does not apply to every kind of wood. The order was not made for the purpose of restricting the imports of timber, but to ensure by the elimination of excessive competition amongst importers in the exceptional circumstances which have arisen within the country, and out of war conditions, that the greatest possible economy would be exercised in restricting competition in the purchase of timber and other cargoes from abroad.

Licences for the import of timber of the kind covered by the order are generally granted only to three importing organisations which have been set up for that purpose. These are three non-profit making companies which have been incorporated for (1) the Dublin and south eastern area, (2) the southern area and (3) for the western part of the country. The working of this arrangement has been supervised and careful consideration will be given to any representations that may be made by those claiming that, in practice, the arrangements have operated to the detriment of any substantially representative importing interests. It is proposed to amend the order at an early date to provide for the import of timber in small quantities without licence. That is to facilitate residents along the border who may require to import small lots of timber for their own use. Up to the present it has been possible to make supplies of timber available. No substantial difficulty has been experienced. In fact, I think it is correct to say that the stocks of timber in the country at present are greater than they were at this time last year. The export of native timber has, of course, been prohibited under the general order and licences are granted only for such classes as cannot profitably be utilised here.

Supplies of structural steel are reasonably good and importers consider that they will continue to be able to meet requirements in the belief that the demand will be rather below the normal. Minor difficulties have arisen in regard to particular types of steel and, while the position shows signs of deterioration there are no grounds for serious concern at the moment. Considerable difficulties both in the matter of supply and price have been experienced in obtaining steel billets for Irish Steel Ltd., at Haulbowline and steel sheets and steel rods. To some extent, these difficulties are being solved by supplies from Continental sources and from the U.S.A. My Department are taking every possible step that may lead to an improvement of the position. There was a scarcity of pig lead but action taken by my Department has resulted in current needs being met. We require about 2,000 tons per annum. There is no shortage of pig iron at the moment in the country and, so far as can be foreseen, the position in regard to pig iron supplies will continue to be satisfactory for some time. Special attention is being paid to a particular variety of pig iron required by manufacturers of agricultural machinery. No serious difficulties have been experienced in obtaining supplies of sanitary fittings or small hardware, such as locks and bolts, and, at this stage, there is no reason to anticipate that the position will worsen to any great extent.

Since the outbreak of the war there has been difficulty in getting adequate supplies of bitumen required for damp courses and the manufacture of roofing materials. It is possible that the position in that respect will improve in the near future but, in any event, substitutes are likely to be found in tar products. The main use of bitumen is in the making and repairing of roads. The recent shortage has seriously affected firms manufacturing bitumen emulsion for road work and, to a lesser extent, firms specialising in road making. The position in regard to actual supplies may improve, but the price at which bitumen is likely to be available will militate against its use on anything like as extensive a scale as formerly. Other industries affected by the war situation are those concerned with the manufacture of textiles.

Before he passes from the subject, would the Minister say if ordinary tar can be used as a substitute for bitumen in road making?

Dehydrated tar.

So I understand. I do not claim to be an expert. I have said that difficulties have been experienced by firms engaged in the manufacture of textiles, and consequently, by firms concerned with the fabrication of textiles. In the case of wool and woollen yarns, the position is that, following the outbreak of war, steps were taken by the British Government to acquire practically the entire world output of wool and to control all existing stocks of wool and of woollen and worsted yarns in the United Kingdom, with the result that supplies of yarns became increasingly difficult to obtain. The difficulty was most marked in respect of supplies of the lower-quality yarns, the greater proportion of which are required by the hosiery industries. Supplies of the higher qualities were not curtailed to the same extent but were, nevertheless, difficult to secure in sufficient quantities. A survey of the whole position was undertaken in consultation with representatives of the hosiery and woollen and worsted industries and a comprehensive statement of our probable requirements of raw wool, woollen yarns, wool tops, worsted yarns and wool mixtures was prepared. The difficulties have, by no means, been overcome and the position is at present receiving the active attention of my Department.

Somewhat similar difficulties have arisen regarding supplies of yarns for the cotton and linen industries. So far as native wool is concerned, we are producing here approximately 16,000,000 lbs. per year but, in normal years, the quantity of native wool used at home is somewhat less than 3,000,000 lbs., leaving an exportable surplus of between 13,000,000 and 14,000,000 lbs. The difficulties which I have mentioned in connection with the supplies of woollen and worsted yarns have led to increased use of the home product, and the tendency in that direction is likely to increase. Even, however, with the proposed establishment of a carding plant here, the use of native wool is likely to remain at rather less than half the total quantity produced. The balance is not suitable for the requirements of the woollen and worsted manufacturers here. Wool was added to the list of commodities requiring an export licence and regard was had to the requirements of home manufacturers in granting such licences. Export of the balance of the 1939 clip are being restricted in respect of particular grades by agreement with the Woollen Manufacturers' Association and the Wool Federation. The question of restriction of export of certain further grades is at present under consideration by both parties.

What is the Wool Federation?

A federation of merchants who engage in the purchase and export of wool.

Here or in Great Britain?

Here. The disposal of our surplus of native wool is bound up in large measure with the supply of woollen and worsted yarns. Another industry in respect of which it was anticipated that difficulties in respect of supplies of materials would arise was the boot and shoe industry. Although supplies of upper leather are becoming somewhat more difficult to secure, no serious shortage of either upper leather or sole leather has yet manifested itself. To preserve for home use supplies of suitable native hides, the export of all hides and skins was prohibited and licences are not granted for calf skins and light hides. Circumstantial evidence is available, however, to indicate that that limitation of exports is being evaded and the Federation of Irish Tanners made representations recently that, to ensure effective control of native supplies of hides, a company representative of the tanners and hide merchants should be formed to purchase all available supplies of hides at fixed prices, to allocate the hides according to the needs of the various tanners, and to export any available surplus. That proposal is at present under examination. My Department are consulting with the Department of Industry and Commerce and the Department of Agriculture.

One of the matters in respect to which considerable difficulty arose, affecting the boot and shoe industry, concerned the supply of grindery, that is, the steel wire for the small tacks and rivets used by boot manufacturers. Practically all our supplies of grindery for the boot and shoe industry have hitherto been obtained from the British United Shoe Machinery Company, Limited, whose boot-making machinery is mostly used by our factories. In the early part of February that company notified all its Irish customers that, acting on the instructions of the British Ministry for Supply, they would be precluded forthwith from sending any further supplies of grindery to this country. The company has arranged with its associate company in the United States of America that supplies of steel wire, without which the boot factories could not carry on, will be sent direct from the United States to this country. The first supplies under the arrangement have actually arrived and further consignments are afloat. The company is also considering the possibility of having supplies of rivets, nails, etc., consigned from its associate factory in America.

Is there any difficulty made about releasing credits to pay for these commodities coming from America?

I do not think there will be any. Certain difficulties arose concerning the supplies of aluminium for the manufacture of hollow ware, due to the loss of the steamship "Rhynanna" which carried large supplies for the aluminium company at Nenagh. Steps have been taken to replace the material lost and the present position will be, we hope, bettered in the near future. Supplies of aluminium sheets for use by transport companies in the manufacture of vehicles are very short and will, we think, continue to be short, but the use of a substitute material is under consideration by those companies.

Difficulties also arose concerning the supply of secondhand sacks and bags which are used in considerable quantities in this country. In recent months the position has greatly improved and it is now practically back to normal. The bulk of the new sacks, bags and wrappings used here are made from canvas woven from yarn spun in this country from imported jute. The increased demands for new goods which arose from the temporary shortage of secondhand sacks and bags, coupled with the fact that replenishments were not possible pending the marketing of the new crop, led to temporary difficulties and the rationing of supplies. My Department's powers to control exports were used to conserve available supplies for the home market. Supplies of the new crop of jute have been forthcoming fairly regularly and the position at present is reasonably satisfactory. Jute was recently brought under control by the Government of India, but no difficulties on that score have so far become evident.

The margarine, soap and confectionery industries obtain their supplies of vegetable oils partly from the Irish Oil and Cake Mills of Drogheda and partly by direct importation. The Drogheda company has been enabled to obtain its supplies of oil-bearing seeds and nuts and crude oil. The soap and margarine industries, prior to the war, obtained their supplies by direct importation. Arrangements have been made under which monthly allocations of the oils are made to those two industries. In order to ensure that there would be equitable distribution amongst the various industries of the oils produced at Drogheda a committee, which meets frequently, was set up, consisting of representatives of the industries affected as well as representatives of the Drogheda firm. Generally speaking, it can be said that the supply position is reasonably satisfactory and there is no reason, so far as can be seen at present, to anticipate any grave difficulty arising.

There has been no shortage of paper since the outbreak of the war and it is the considered view of the paper mills and the paper trade generally that the only problem in regard to paper supplies will be the maintenance of adequate deliveries of wood pulp to keep our mills in production. So far no insurmountable difficulty has arisen in that connection. Reasonable stocks are held and the mills are hopeful that the Baltic countries will continue to be able to fulfil their Irish contracts.

We had a discussion here to-day upon the question of agricultural fertilisers and I think it is desirable that the House should fully understand the position concerning them. On the basis of an anticipated all-round increase of 20 per cent. in the acreage under tillage, the Department of Agriculture estimated the additional quantities of fertiliser materials which would be required to be imported before the end of June. The most important constituent in the manufacture of superphosphates, which is the basis of all compound fertilisers, is rock phosphate, of which 100,000 tons was estimated to be required. Arrangements were made with the British supply department concerned for the allocation of that quantity of rock phosphate out of extensive purchases made by them in North Africa, which is at present practically the source of all supplies. Difficulties were experienced in securing the necessary tonnage to transport the rock phosphate and it was agreed that the Irish Fertiliser Manufacturers' Association should make whatever arrangements they could for the chartering of vessels.

Up to the end of February the association had found it possible to arrange for the transport of approximately 25,000 tons, apart from a further cargo of 4,000 tons recently loaded. But apart from the 25,000 tons already imported and the cargo to which I have referred, they were unable to arrange for any further cargo. Supplies on hands at the opening of the fertiliser season were higher than normal, and with those supplies, plus the imports, the Fertilisers' Manufacturers' Association are in a position to distribute 75 per cent. of the total amount sold by them in previous years.

As the Dáil has been informed, the restrictions upon the importation of fertilisers have been removed, but it would, I think, be foolish to anticipate that any substantial improvement in the position will result from the removal of those restrictions. Perhaps there will be an improvement, but the indications are to the contrary. The position, therefore, is that the rock phosphate for the manufacture of superphosphate sufficient to meet our requirements has been purchased and is available in North Africa and the sole difficulty is arranging shipping to transport it here. Adequate shipping for the transport of the total quantity could not have been made available.

In the case of animal feeding stuffs, other than grain and offals, we received representations shortly after the war began from traders concerned with regard to the supply of feeding stuffs to the effect that it would be necessary, in the conditions that had arisen, to organise the central purchase and importation of these commodities— that is to say supplies of oil seed, oil seed cakes and meal, meat, bone and fish meals. I accepted that view, and, accordingly, the traders concerned set up, with my approval, a non-profit-making company with a nominal capital of £100. The company commenced operations last December. Its name is Animal Feeding Stuffs, Éire, Limited. It has operated successfully, and reasonable supplies of oil seed cakes and meals have been imported and distributed in such a manner as to ensure an equitable proportion of available supplies to traders generally on the basis of the pre-war importations of these traders. Certain of the commodities with which the company is concerned are, however, unobtainable, commodities such as cotton seed meal and meat and fish meals, but substitute supplies of oil seed cake and meals have been arranged in consultation with the Department of Agriculture. Soya bean meal is the principal substitute. The two principal commodities dealt with by the company are linseed cake and cotton seed cake. In so far as linseed cake is concerned the position as regards stocks is that there is sufficient to the end of next April taking into account that the months of March and April represent the season when the demand for linseed cake and meal is heaviest. Stocks of cotton seed cake are, however, low, but two cargoes are at present afloat, and if they arrive in time there should be reasonable quantities available for the period of heavy demand which coincides with that of the heavy demand for linseed cake and meal.

Would the Minister say if the cargoes afloat are coming from South America?

Mainly. Deputies will remember the many discussions we had here, after the outbreak of war, on sugar. Perhaps they will be interested to know the present position concerning sugar supplies. As they have been informed, our normal consumption of sugar is approximately 100,000 tons a year. We have at present about 50,000 tons of sugar in stock which represents a half year's supply. In addition, arrangements have been completed for a further 58,000 tons which will mainly be raw sugars and of that quantity about 24,000 tons are at present afloat on their way to this country. The total area of beet to be sown in the 1940 season is expected to be in or about 65,000 acres, and with normal conditions as to yield, this acreage is expected to produce approximately 97,000 tons of sugar. The sugar company have informed me that the purchases of raw sugars made by them have been effected at prices which are below the current f.o.b. quotations. The factories are refining at the rate of 240 or 250 tons per day, and it is expected they will be able to work up to 280 tons per day. The import of raw sugar, instead of the refined varieties, has, of course, enabled considerable extra employment to be given. As matters appear at the moment, looking ahead as far as one can, and taking into account all the arrangements that have been made, I think I can say that unless very unusual and exceptional difficulties arise no shortage of sugar is to be anticipated no matter how long the war may last.

Speaking of sugar, naturally raises the question of the supplies of tea. In the early days of the war, during the evacuation of teas from the London warehouses, there was some dislocation regarding supplies for this country, but the difficulties in that connection have been got over, and the allocations are now being made regularly in quantities fully adequate to meet the home demand. In the initial stage of the allocations there were complaints of the quality of tea being forwarded to this country, but it has been ascertained from the tea merchants that there has been a marked improvement in that respect during recent months. The qualities now being received are regarded as being satisfactory.

My Department is naturally concerned to assist any efforts that may be made by the Department of Industry and Commerce to develop an export trade in industrial goods, an opportunity for which is now offering in some directions. Investigations and inquiries as to the capacity of Irish industry to undertake the production of goods for which an export demand exists, or could possibly be created, are, of course, undertaken in the first instance by the Department of Industry and Commerce. The Department of Supplies undertakes the investigation of any problem in connection with the supplies of necessary raw materials arising in such cases. Inquiries from the Department of Industry and Commerce are being pursued at the moment as to the outcome of certain tentative proposals of that nature already made.

The Control of Export Order is being administered as far as possible with a view to encouraging the development of an export business. Preliminary steps have been taken for an investigation of the problem of the salvage and utilisation of waste materials. That investigation is proceeding in consultation with representatives of other Departments likely to be concerned, and a considerable amount of information regarding the measures in that connection taken elsewhere has already been collated. In co-operation with the Department of Industry and Commerce, a survey is proposed to be undertaken of unemployment arising as a result of the war, and the possibility of finding alternative employment. Preliminary discussions to that end have been initiated. At present particulars regarding cases of such unemployment arising in consequence of a shortage of materials are specially reported by local employment officers, and the supply position of the particular commodity concerned is investigated by the appropriate section of my Department.

I would like to take this opportunity of expressing appreciation of the consideration shown to us by the various authorities established by the British Government controlling the supply of commodities. They have been most helpful to us in overcoming difficulties, and on many occasions helped us out of a situation which might have been very unpleasant, frequently, even, in the case of commodities in respect of which their own supply position was not too secure. I think it is right that that appreciation of the co-operation they have shown and the goodwill that they have displayed on more than one occasion should be made.

Hear, hear.

I have left to the last a list of commodities I intend to mention—cereals, both maize and meal. The problems that arise in connection with these cereals are partly problems of supply, partly problems of distribution, and partly problems of price. The position as regards stocks at the present time is as follows: so far as wheat is concerned we have approximately 20 weeks' supply in store. Taking into account existing stocks, and cargoes in sight, the country's requirements of wheat are covered for a very considerable period ahead, certainly to the end of next August. As regards maize, the position is that there are approximately five weeks' supplies in store, and taking into account existing stocks and cargoes in sight, the country's requirements are covered until the end of next May. In existing circumstances it is not possible to forecast the position any further. It was apparent at the outbreak of the war that special measures would be necessary in order to maintain supplies of wheat and maize, and to conserve available stocks. Accordingly, the position was discussed with the interests immediately concerned, and in order to meet the situation I agreed to the setting up by representative corn importers and flour millers of a purchasing and importing organisation, in the form of a non profitmaking company, with a nominal capital of £100, which would be the sole importer of wheat and maize.

That company, Grain Importers (Éire), Limited, has been in operation since October last. It has operated successfully, and its importations of the commodities mentioned have been distributed under the direction of my Department in such a manner as to ensure that millers and other tráders concerned receive an equitable proportion of available supplies, based on their pre-war requirements. The company also purchases and imports other cereals, including offals, as my Department directs, and these importations are also distributed under its directions. The prices at which wheat and maize offals are supplied by the company to the millers and traders concerned are determined in consultation with my Department, which has established machinery for the supervising and implementing by the company, of my direction as regards distribution of all cereals and offals imported by the company.

Who is entitled to purchase offals from this company? Is there a restricted class of persons in Eire with whom this company will deal, or is it open to receive orders from any merchant engaged in the distribution of offals?

From persons engaged in the distribution of offals previously.

Retail and wholesale?

Is the Minister sure of that?

There is a restricted supply of offals.

I do not mind, if there is fair play all round.

I mentioned the stocks available, and I think attention should be drawn to the freight position, as the cost of importing these cereals has risen enormously. Pre-war the cost of bringing a cargo of grain from the United States of America or Canada to Ireland was roughly 14/- a ton. It is now £4 9s.

And the first came in British bottoms.

The pre-war open market freight from the Argentine was £1 17s. 6d. It is now £6 17s. 6d.

Is that per ton?

Per ton. I am not quite sure who is making the speech.

I am filling up the lacuna.

The Deputy will please be quiet until I finish. During the period from the outbreak of war to date, the only restriction on supplies of wheat to millers and traders was restriction to pre-war requirements, which were, however, sufficiently elastic to enable supplies of wheat to be made available without difficulty or delay in areas where the existing demand was above normal. In the case of maize, it was found necessary to restrict supplies to millers to 75 per cent. of such millers' production of maize-meal mixture for the 12 months' period preceding the war. As the maizemeal mixture required one part of home-grown grain to five parts of maize, the actual deliveries of maize represents 90 per cent. of what it was last year. It should also be mentioned that it was found necessary immediately after the outbreak of war, when maize supplies were found to be critically short, to agree, as a temporary expedient, to the flaking of wheat as a substitute for maize. Some consignments of wheat offals have been imported by Grain Importers (Eire) Limited, and distributed under the directions of my Department. On account of the freight difficulties mentioned the present prospects of importing further consignments are not good.

The problem in relation to maize is one of price. Freight charges, which are about the same as those applicable to wheat, are rapidly putting up the price of maize and, consequently, maize meal. To-day the price of maize allocated to millers is £9 12s. 0d. a ton, but the most recent purchases work out at £11 5s. 0d. a ton, exclusive of insurance charges. The prospect is that prices will go even higher still. It is desirable, from all points of view, to pass on that burden as gradually as possible and, in collaboration with the importing company, prices are being averaged over a period. At the moment stocks are ample, and by averaging the prices of the quantity in hands and what is to come, the full weight of the price of maize should not be felt by stock rearers for some months to come.

One of the biggest problems we have to face arises out of a continuance of the rise in the price of imported wheat. The price of this wheat naturally affects the price of the people's flour and bread. The rise in the price of imported wheat can be attributed almost entirely to rising freight costs and to the difficulty in getting freight from some countries. We have been able, so far, to get all the wheat we require but, for some time past, we have been unable to obtain any of the cheaper classes from Australia. We have, therefore, been obliged practically to confine our purchases to Canada and the Argentine. I mentioned already the extraordinary increases that have taken place in freight costs for grain cargoes from these countries. The huge increase in the cost of the transport of wheat from the Argentine is gradually bringing the price of Plate wheat to that of Canadian, which hitherto was the dearest imported. While that situation continues, and there is no prospect that it will not, the price of flour must inevitably rise. My Department is daily reviewing all the various factors contributing to the cost of flour and bread, and an inter-Departmental committee is examining the basis of flour prices. At the present time I have fixed a maximum price for flour at 47/- per sack free on rail, although that figure is less than what the millers claim is an equitable price.

A good deal of controversy has arisen about the price of flour in this country and in regard to the price of flour in the United Kingdom. A recent statement by the Chancellor of the British Exchequer that, but for the subsidy, flour prices in England would be 41/- per sack, clears the air to a large extent.

Did the boys tell you to read that out?

I propose to read it out.

The Flour Millers' Association printed that a few days ago.

Will the Deputy try to behave himself for half an hour? Sir John Simon, Chancellor of the Exchequer, speaking in the British House of Commons on the 8th February, said:—

"We are acquiring wheat by buying it in various markets, in some cases under a longer contract than others, and by providing the ships to bring it here—chartering them or otherwise securing transport. We are providing this wheat for the millers for the purpose of having it ground into flour at a price which is much below what could possibly be justified if it were not for the Exchequer subsidy. The price of straight-run flour has remained virtually unchanged at 25/6 per sack, including the Wheat Act levy of 3/6, since August, before the war. But, if the Government were selling the wheat to the millers in the ordinary way, that is to recover the cost, then the flour would cost about 41/- per sack."

Later on he said:—

"We are, in fact, selling to the millers at a much lower price than would be the commercial charge in view of what we have to pay for the wheat. Hence this subsidy. It is a very large subsidy. It is a subsidy of £480,000 per week. That provides cheaper wheat for the miller and cheaper flour for the baker, enabling him to sell a cheaper loaf and cheaper flour for kitchen use. That is the nature of the operation. This £480,000 includes nothing in respect of any pre-war commitments—nothing whatever—and that there should be no misunderstanding, I would add that this £480,000 is required by reason of the increased cost of imported wheats".

On the basis of similar conditions of sale, the maximum price at which flour may be sold here is 45/- per sack, which price is to be compared with that quoted by Sir John Simon of 41/- per sack. I use the term "similar conditions of sale", because the practice in this country is to sell the flour plus the sack. In England, the flour is quoted exclusive of the sack, the sack being returnable, and the present price of a flour sack is approximately 2/-.

Is not the price of flour quoted gross here; is not the sack included in the price of flour?

The maximum price here, fixed by order, is 47/-. But, on the basis of similar conditions of sale as those normally operating in Great Britain, that 47/- is equivalent to a price of 45/-, and if any comparison is to be made between the price at which flour is sold here and the economic price in Great Britain, it is between 45/- here and 41/- in Great Britain.

Pure nonsense.

The Deputy can point out the nonsense, which he only can see, later on. All I ask him is to wait till later on. As I said, the Chancellor of the Exchequer stated that the economic price of flour in England is 41/-. The actual price here is 47/-. If we assume similar conditions of sale, the price here would be 45/-. In any event, as between the economic price in Great Britain and the maximum price here, there is a difference of 6/-. Of that 6/-, 2/- represents the price of the sack, which is not charged for in Great Britain but is charged for here. We can and may alter our method of fixing prices here so as to correspond with the British method. If we did, our maximum price here would be quoted at 2/- less. The British price contains a levy of 3/6 charged on every sack for the purpose of subsidising the production of native wheat. We subsidise native wheat on a somewhat different basis. But, allowing for the fact that only 20 per cent. of the wheat used in Great Britain is of native production, whereas 35 per cent. of the wheat used here at present is of native production, there is a difference between the subsidy element in the British flour price and in our flour price of 2/- per sack. These two items account for 4/- of the 6/- difference between the economic price in Great Britain and the actual price here. In addition, there is included in our price 1/- per sack, which is charged to meet the cost of the wheat reserve. That levy was referred to before here in the Dáil. It is still being made. It may not be necessary to continue it at all times, but, in the present price of flour, there is 1/- per sack levy which is brought into a special fund which is used to finance the wheat reserve. There is, therefore, a difference of 1/- per sack still to be explained.

I should mention that the cost of imported wheat delivered in this country is higher than the cost of the same wheat delivered in Great Britain. Wheat is brought into Great Britain in British ships at controlled and subsidised rates, and on the cargoes conveyed in those ships the British Government bears by far the greater part of the war risk insurance cost. We have to transport our wheat in ships secured in the open market and we have to pay the open market freight, and, further, the full war risk insurance charges have to be borne. These additional charges are probably more than sufficient to wipe out the unexplained difference of 1/- between the price of a sack of flour here and the economic price in Great Britain. But there are other factors operating as well. The wages paid in flour mills here are higher than in Great Britain, and apart altogether from wages, labour costs are higher, because the number of men employed in relation to output is somewhat higher than the number employed in British mills.

All these factors to which I have referred tend to show that the price of flour here is not excessively high. The attempts made to create public discontent by assertions of that kind are not justifiable on the facts and can only be described as the product of ignorance or dishonesty. The price of flour here at present is, in fact, less than it was three years ago. Nevertheless, as I said, the whole question is being investigated to see if there is any way by which it can be kept to lower levels.

The price of bread continues to be regulated by the Bread (Regulation of Prices) Act, 1936, the functions in relation to which have been transferred from the Minister for Industry and Commerce. It follows that when wheat prices increase, the prices of wheat offals must follow suit. In fixing the price of flour, regard is had to the reasonable price at which offals must be sold. The c.i.f. price of imported offals is now several pounds higher per ton than the present price of homeproduced offals. In fact, the price of imported offals, due largely to freight charges, is such that it is doubtful if further offals can be imported at all, at least for the present. Present indications, therefore, are that the supply of wheat offals will only be from 70 to 75 per cent. of the quantity available about this time last year. Conferences have taken place with the Irish millers and arrangements have been made to secure as equitable as possible a distribution of the available home-produced offals. It may be necessary to emphasise that control over the price of flour only began to operate strictly in December. Every effort is being made to make that control effective, and steps are being taken to investigate the results of that control and to judge in what special respects it should be further exercised.

It is desirable, I think, to correct at once an erroneous view contained in a recent letter published in the Press from Deputy Dillon. Deputy Dillon put the query as to whether the price charged for flour is based on the net profit of the least efficient millers. That is not correct. The price of flour has been based on a formula arrived at by examination of the costs of the millers in the country. The price arrived at by a formula is an average price for the whole country and it is consequently not giving a reasonable profit to the least economic millers. The question as to the usefulness of that formula for the purpose of control is one of the matters that have been carefully examined. Deputy Dillon in the letter to which I have referred also suggested that household flour should be considerably cheaper than bakers' flour. After full consideration of the relevant factors it was decided to fix the same price for all flour permitted to come into the operation of the control. Household flour in this country was cheaper than bakers' flour, but it is very doubtful if there was ever any justification for the difference in price. A bigger percentage of Irish wheat was generally used in household than in bakers' flour and Irish wheat was and is dearer than imported wheat. It is difficult to understand why household flour should be cheaper but at present, as I have mentioned, the prices of Plate and Canadian wheat are almost the same. It is even possible that on a basis of actual cost the price of household flour would, under other arrangements, work out higher than the price of bakers' flour. In connection with the distribution of wheat, the system adopted by the Grain Importers (Eire) Ltd., is to allocate through the recognised former grain importers. The millers at the ports of Dublin, Cork, Limerick and Waterford get wheat at c.i.f. prices plus the importers' charges. The mills situate elsewhere have to pay carriage charges. The arrangement seems to work out satisfactorily inasmuch as no representations have been received by the Department in relation to it. If occasion arises a different scheme can be easily adopted.

I turn now to deal with the problems that have arisen in connection with the distribution of commodities. So far the only commodity that it has been found necessary to ration, in the generally understood sense of that word, is motor spirit. The control of the distribution of other commodities in varying degrees short of actual rationing has, however, been unavoidable, in order to ensure that available supplies are distributed equitably. In co-operation with the traders concerned, the Department has succeeded in avoiding the imposition of rationing in respect of any of these commodities, and it is the intention to continue to rely on the present methods and to refrain from imposing any additional rationing scheme except as a last resort.

Generally, the efforts of the Department to secure equitable distribution of available supplies of essential commodities have been successful. By arrangement with the traders concerned or due to the directions given by me in the exercise of my powers under the Emergency Powers Order, 1939, available supplies are distributed where control is necessary, on the basis of the average of pre-war deliveries, and while cases of individual hardship may have occurred as a result of that restriction, an inevitable consequence of restrictions of this nature, every such case coming to notice has received the most sympathetic consideration, having regard to all the necessities of the situation. Petrol is the only commodity which is rationed in this country.

In the case of petrol, the rationing schemes came into operation on the 2nd October, and since then the same basic allowances have been allowed. It was evident shortly after the war began that difficulty would be experienced in obtaining supplies of petrol. That expectation has proved to be true. There is a false idea that there are considerable stocks of petrol in the country. That is not so. The stocks consumed are just being replenished and no more. Very few tankers arrive here now. Supplies are arriving in relatively small quantities. The situation is being kept constantly in review, and the amount of petrol permitted to be purchased depends upon the stock position. Consumption has been restricted to between 25 per cent. and 30 per cent. But if supply should improve, every effort will be made to increase the ration.

It was inevitable that in putting a scheme of that magnitude into operation there were found to be errors and omissions and some motorists may have considered that their cases did not get adequate attention. I believe now that the scheme is working quite satisfactorily, and provided the public comply with the simple instructions which they get, nobody should be without a petrol licence for a basic supply at any time.

It is obvious that once rationing becomes necessary, persons cannot get the petrol that they think they ought to have. It seems that the great bulk of motorists have adapted themselves to the altered conditions, but considerable pressure is exercised by individuals for bigger allowances. The supply position is such that we cannot meet those demands, but every effort is made to give as liberal an allowance as possible to persons engaged on essential services or those who must use their cars in the course of their business. It is appreciated that persons like commercial travellers must suffer more than most other people under the petrol rationing scheme, but every effort is made to give liberal treatment. But it would be very awkward for the Department to attempt to discriminate as between one class of traveller and another, and especially between travellers in the same line of goods. So far commercial travellers have been granted three times the amount granted to the ordinary motorist and, if possible, sympathetic consideration will be given to increasing their ration. For the next couple of months I am arranging to increase these rations, but I cannot say that that increase will be permanent or will be permitted over any prolonged period. The same consideration will be given to persons engaged in business who require the use of a car. Deputies will be interested to know that notwithstanding the rationing scheme the number of cars licensed in January of this year shows no falling off on the number registered in the corresponding month last year. Public transport for passengers and goods is not affected by the petrol ration as all requirements are granted. Similarly State and local services are not restricted. All the petrol necessary for agricultural purposes is also given. As was announced in the Press, a 50 per cent. increase has been granted to all private owners for the months of March and April. I now come on to deal with the question of State control of prices and will state briefly the principles upon which that control has been operated. A state of international war has, as in the past, been marked by a progressive rise in the level of prices and in the accumulation of abnormal profits.

With the comparatively recent experience of the Great War as an example, it was possible to anticipate within reasonable limits the conditions which were likely to arise during the present emergency and, accordingly, to frame measures of prevention and control which would ease, as far as possible, the whole burden of these conditions on the community as a whole. To the extent that this country is dependent on outside sources of supplies of materials and manufactured products and that those goods, in addition to their market value, must include in their price the cost of freight, insurance and so forth, it was clear that an increase affecting large sections of internal price levels would be forced upon us. It was also clear that the impact of such increases would bring about adjustments in the price levels of native materials and manufactured products and that, throughout the price structure as a whole, a general movement upward would, therefore, take place. Such movements, coupled with the fear of scarcity, provide ideal conditions for the accumulation of abnormal and excessive profits and the competing scramble of wages and prices.

The measures of control taken have, therefore, had, as their primary aim (1) to bring all increases in the prices of commodities under control, (2) to limit such increases to the recovery of unavoidable and proved increases in costs, (3) to limit profits and profit margins to normal and peace-time proportions and, lastly, to secure the maintenance of the greatest economy possible in costs of production and distribution. Our first aim was to put into force necessary preliminary measures of control and, immediately following the outbreak of war, I made orders under the Emergency Powers Act, which, provisionally, fixed the prices of a wide range of commodities of common use and necessity at levels which prevailed immediately before the war. A large number of commodities were covered by these orders. In addition, I publicly announced my desire that, before the price of any commodity be increased, application for such increase should be made to the Department of Supplies for examination, and sanction for such increase obtained beforehand. At the same time I appealed for the co-operation of manufacturers and producers, importers, wholesalers, retailers and other traders in whose best interests it was, as well as in the interest of consumers, that no uncontrolled movement of prices should take place. In due course, war conditions brought about the necessity for adjustment in the prices fixed under the terms of the orders to which I referred, which were conveniently described as "standstill orders."

Following examination in my Department, those adjustments were effected either by amending orders or by new orders, or by removal of the commodities in question outside the scope of the standstill orders. The frequent changes brought about by the war conditions and the frequent price revisions which must follow such changes have made it necessary to institute practically a system of continuous control.

The control is directed to three main groups of traders: (1) manufacturers and producers, (2) importers and wholesalers and (3) retailers. In the case of manufacturers and producers, it is the aim of control, mainly, to permit only such price increases as are warranted by increased materials-cost and to provide only for normal, or peace-time, profits at reasonable rates, due allowance being made for contingencies arising out of the war. In practice, allowance must frequently be made for the impact of other increased costs and other factors, arising out of the war, in each particular case. In the case of importers, wholesalers and retailers, it is the aim of control so to determine gross profit margins as to provide only for normal peace-time profits, judged by reasonable standards, and to prevent the acquisition of excessive profits which would follow automatically on the maintenance of the pre-war percentage margin of gross profit on the increased prices of war-time. Generally, though certain increases in distribution costs have taken place, traders have been discouraged from attempting to recover such increases which, at present, are not very measurable in terms of wholesale or retail prices. It is true to say, therefore, that very serious practical difficulties exist in the way of general and effective enforcement of the aims of control in the case of wholesale and retail prices. A multiplicity of methods and customs of determining profit margins are found in the wholesale and retail traders and, in the case only of a limited number of commodities, is rigid enforcement possible. In the case of the remainder, control on broad lines only is exercisable, either by agreement with groups of traders or by survey and inspection of individual traders. The methods of revision may, briefly, be defined as follows: in the case of manufacturers and producers, it is the determination of pre-war costs and war-time costs and the expression of the increase in terms of the pre-war price as a percentage or a sum per unit of sale. In the case of importers, wholesalers and retailers, it is the determination of the pre-war margin of profit per unit of sale and the provision of the same amount per unit of sale in the new price. These methods involve a detailed examination of costing accounts and the volume of work in each revision, therefore, depends on the number of prices and qualities in any commodity or commodity group and the nature or extent of the trade or industry. Since the commencement of the war, price revisions in regard to a wide range of commodities, covering a wide area of our industrial and commerical activities, have been undertaken.

To the extent that it has been found practicable, control of these commodities has been extended to cover all prices from manufacturer to retailer but, as I have said, control in regard to numbers of retail prices must depend on the co-operation of consumers and enforcement by inspectors through individual traders. A price arrangement with a group of manufacturers or traders concerned in any commodity is, in the first instance, entered into and, thereafter, the terms of that agreement are altered or modified according as the necessity arises. It cannot be too greatly emphasised that, once a commodity comes forward for revision, the process of control continues automatically. The price arrangements made are, therefore, subject to all the fluctuations occurring in the nature and conditions of trade and to the margins of error arising out of that degree of estimation which is, in certain circumstances, unavoidable, so that the results of such arrangements must, in due course, come forward for examination and check. It is in the examination of manufacturing and trading accounts of individual firms for the purpose of that check that a serious volume of additional work will fall to be carried out by the machinery of control, for which adequate provision must be made. It is only by the results of the control measures which have been taken that the degree of success achieved can be evaluated and any necessary adjustments in the system applied. The measure of co-operation and conformity with the policy of the Government which has been forthcoming from manufacturers and traders is substantial. It is undoubtedly the case, however, that price increases have taken place without the sanction or knowledge of the Department, and it will be increasingly necessary to undertake a general survey of such commodity prices as these come forward for review with a view to investigation in at least these cases of most importance to the community. Since the outbreak of the war the work of the prices branch of my Department has been carried out by the personnel of the Prices Commission.

So much for the general system of control, but, supplementing that general control, there is the process of price investigation by individual inspection and the examination of complaints received from the public. It is, in fact, by inspection through inspectors on the receipt of complaints from the public that the control can touch most nearly the immediate consuming public in respect of a wide range of commodities and the variety of conditions governing purchases and sales and that is, in fact, their only means of protection. Since 1st September we have received 1,354 complaints, of which 55 per cent. were in respect of food prices, 12 per cent. in respect of fuel, 10 per cent. in respect of animal feeding stuffs, and the balance in respect of miscellaneous commodities, including building materials, tobacco, textiles and clothing.

It was not found possible to pursue a large number of those complaints owing to the absence of vital particulars, such as the names and addresses of the traders concerned. In most of these cases further information was sought by letter, but it is clear that a large body of consumers would not enter into correspondence and such cases can be dealt with only by the personal attendance of the inspectors. On investigation 36 per cent. of the complaints were proved to be well founded; prices were reduced and in many cases refunds were made. In the remaining 64 per cent. prices were found to be reasonable.

In addition to the investigation of complaints from members of the public, a considerable number of complaints have been made at the instance of local authorities and also at the instance of the Department of Local Government and Public Health, the Department of Defence, the Department of Posts and Telegraphs, and certain charitable institutions. Those investigations arise out of contracts other than those entered into by contractors under the combined purchasing scheme. Owing to the large quantities of goods passing, such investigations require greater attention and much more thorough examination than ordinary complaints and, of course, inspections of costings and accounts are frequently necessary. The number of such cases received since 1st September was 231. A further increase in the number of such cases may be anticipated, especially towards the end of the financial year, when fresh contracts are being placed. It is the practice in such cases to specify the contract prices which, in the opinion of my Department, are considered fairly reasonable.

I have spoken far longer than I intended, and yet I have given only a very rough outline of the activities of the Department of Supplies and dealt only in a very general way with the policy operated by it. If there is any matter concerning the supply of particular commodities or the working of the policy of my Department upon which Deputies may require information, I will be only too glad to give it to them. It is desirable in all matters relating to supplies that there should be the widest possible publicity so that any suspicions that may be entertained as to favourable treatment of some individuals as against others concerning the control of prices and the elimination of excess profits should be removed. I hope that Deputies, in approaching the matter, will do so in a constructive manner.

It is recognised that difficulties concerning supplies are to be anticipated. It is because such difficulties were regarded as inevitable that a Department of Supplies was created at all. We cannot undertake to remove all the difficulties but, recognising that the war has created a situation in which supplies of many commodities will be curtailed, it is desirable in the national interest that they should be curtailed as little as possible. I hope Deputies will endeavour to make their views constructive and give us the benefit of any suggestions they have in mind as to how existing or anticipated difficulties can be removed.

The Minister has spent the last one and a half hours reading a long document which he prepared at leisure, with the assistance of the officers of his Department, before he came into the House. His capacity for reading the hundred or so pages of that document reflects credit upon him; but, in the course of reading it and preparing it, I think he has given an exhibition of the most disreputable conduct that any Minister of the State has ever given in this House. If the Minister had been the salaried servant of the flour millers of this country, he could not have further debased himself to act as their advertisement huckster. He read us long extracts from an ex-parte statement published, at the flour millers' expense, in the Press of this country.

I must intervene to say that what the Deputy has stated is untrue. I have read no statement published by Flour Millers' Association, and I resent that remark being made here. I think the Chair should see that such statements are not made concerning a Minister of this State.

I do not care one fiddle-dee-dee what the Minister thinks.

I think the Deputy should observe the rules of order in the House.

The remark made by the Deputy is not in order.

Do you mean to say that my remark about disreputable conduct is not in order—do you rule that it is a disorderly remark?

Very well, I withdraw the remark about disreputable conduct. The Minister has read long extracts from an advertisement published by the flour millers in the public Press.

That statement is not true.

If the Minister had been their salaried servant he could not have done——

The Deputy's statement is not true. Deputy Dillon, despite the ruling of the Chair, has repeated his remark.

I have not ruled the Deputy's last statement out of order. I was dealing with certain other words that he used towards the Minister personally. If the Deputy accuses the Minister of having done a certain thing, and the Minister denies he has done it, the denial of the Minister must be accepted by the House.

He can deny what he likes. I say the words he used to-day are words which were published in an advertisement paid for by the Irish flour millers and which appeared in the Press of this country. I shall rebut them in the course of the observations I am about to make. I shall quote their source, show their falsity, and name the individuals who have been paid to impose them on the people of this country. We have come now to the limit of our patience, and the time has come to expose this dirty ramp, and I am going to do it. It is time it was done. The people of this country have been ruthlessly and systematically robbed by the flour millers. They have been so robbed and plundered with the consent of the former Minister for Industry and Commerce, who is now the Minister for Supplies.

Once and once only were these highway robbers brought to book before the Prices Commission, and on that occasion the Prices Commission reported to the Minister and to the Parliament that the flour millers were robbing our people, were making excess profits and were plundering the poor in order to line their own purses. Nothing was done as a result of that report. That was the only occasion upon which these men were brought before the tribunal to defend their conduct. On the only occasion on which they were brought to book they were publicly convicted of robbing our people, and yet the only comment the Minister has ever made upon that report is to justify the thing they did; to justify the claim that they were right to rob our people; that the Prices Commission were wrong in regard to the excess profits they were charging. That is not doing a Minister's duty; that is not doing the job he was paid for.

It is not even true.

It is doing the job that the flour millers are paying costing accountants to do in Nassau Street. It is doing the job the flour millers are paying a gentleman, an Englishman, £3,000 a year to do as the costing accountant of the Flour Millers' Association. It is doing the job that the flour millers are paying a gentleman in this State £3,000 a year to do, and that gentleman is being consulted by the Minister for Industry and Commerce in his Department in order to prepare briefs in defence of the flour millers for recital in this House.

That statement is not true, and I think it should not be made.

What statement?

That my brief for use for discussion in this House was prepared by somebody employed by the Flour Millers' Association.

You deny it?

I say it is a damned lie.

Do you deny that the Flour Millers' Association have been consulted in the matter?

The Deputy knows it is a lie.

I know it to be true.

I submit to the Chair that that statement should not be made. On a former occasion deputies who made that statement were ruled out of order. Deputy Dillon should not be allowed to make it.

If the statement were made as applying to the personality of the Minister it would be ruled out of order, but the Deputy is making a statement in regard to the price of flour.

That is not the point. The Deputy has stated that my brief for discussion in this House was prepared by somebody employed by the Irish Flour Millers' Association. Is not that what you said?

I say that the Minister and his Department have consulted the costings accountant of the Irish Flour Millers' Association, and I repeat it.

That is an entirely different matter. Of course, we consult. But that is not the point. Did you not say that my brief was prepared by somebody employed by the Irish Flour Millers' Association?

I say, and I repeat, that the Minister has consulted the costing accountant of the Irish Flour Millers' Association and that on the information he has got from him he has come into this House to defend the robbery of the Irish people that his own Prices Commission had stated had taken place by the Irish Flour Millers, whose costing accountant he is consulting from day to day.

The Deputy should get the Official Report and see what he did say.

That is what I did say, and the time has come when it has got to be said, because there are things happening in this country that are going to be stopped, and if they are not stopped by this Administration then the Administration that succeeds it will go back on them and get back for the people who have been robbed every penny that has been stolen from them. The gentlemen who are engaged in this transaction had better take notice of that now. We are told to-day that the costings of flour milling in this country are not based on the cost of the most inefficient mill in Ireland. The costings of the flour milling industry in this country are drawn up by the most highly paid costings accountant in Great Britain, a man who is worth £3,000 a year or more, and they are based on the average costings of all the mills in Ireland.

Every miller in Ireland who owns a mill at the port of Dublin or at the port of Limerick or the port of Cork has in his hand one of the most efficient milling units in the world, capable of producing flour as cheaply as it is produced in any mill in the world. Only recently in Limerick there has been added to the existing equipment efficient machinery to unload cargoes of wheat from the ship into the mill without the intervention of a human hand. The costings on which those mills are working are costings arrived at by striking an average between the costings of the efficient mill and the costings of the little inland mill which, on investigation we will discover, is being operated by the owner of the big mill in order to provide a higher average costing for the two mills than would be accepted if he closed down the little antediluvian mill that he is keeping open for no other purpose than to get a licence from that Minister to rob the public.

Is that statement in order—to get a licence from the Minister to rob the public?

Go out and go to sleep again.

Mr. Kelly

I am not going to sleep. I am listening to you intently. Is it in order for a member to say that the Minister is giving a licence to this man to rob the public?

The Deputy was indisposed during the corporation strike.

Mr. Kelly

I am not talking to you. I am listening to this Deputy attacking the Minister, and I want to try and stop it. I want to know from the Chair if it is in order for a Deputy to say that the Minister has given a licence for this man to rob the public.

To accuse the Minister of robbery would certainly not be in order.

I did not accuse the Minister of robbery.

I was saying that to do so would not be in order, but it is generally accepted in Parliamentary circles that the incidence of taxation, whatever form it takes, is often referred to as robbing the poor.

Mr. Kelly

Parliament, I think, cannot be used for the purpose of making such a statement as that—that the Minister was giving a licence to a man to rob the public. It is an outrageous statement, and the Deputy ought not to be allowed to get away with it.

Tom Kelly is pretending to be a lunatic this evening.

Deputy Dillon does not need to pretend.

Mr. Kelly

I am not a lunatic, but I am not going to sit here and listen to that sort of lingo.

Then go out.

Mr. Kelly

I have as good a right to be here as the Deputy.

I think it ought to be left to the Chair to protect the Minister.

It is not so much a question of the protection of a Minister as the upholding of a standard of decency to which Deputies should conform. The standard opposite is so low that I cannot even see it.

An attempt is now being made by the Minister to avail of the special circumstances brought about by the war to justify the shameless robbery of the poor of this country that has gone on at the hands of the millers during the last three or four years. No greater mistake could be made than to fall into the trap prepared by the Minister here to-day. The Minister desires those who resent this robbery to challenge him on the prices prevailing at the present moment. The prices obtaining at the present moment are conditioned by an entirely new set of circumstances, so complex, so rapidly changing that I admit that within the last two months it has become impossible to follow with precision the fluctuations of prices here and the fluctuations of the differential —between the prices here and the prices in Great Britain. But I am going to give the House detailed figures of the price of flour here in August, 1939, and the price of flour in Liverpool in August, 1939, because these are the last occasions for which firm figures can be found. I am going to suggest that from the information we will extract from these figures we get information which will guide us to press home upon the millers of this country their responsibility of, far from exacting an excessive profit now, making some retribution to the people they have robbed in the past, and taking a lesser margin of profit than might ordinarily be expected in this period of stress and difficulty.

On a point of order, I submit that the Deputy must confine himself to the period during which the Department of Supplies has been in existence. That is what we are dealing with here on this Estimate.

May I remind the Chair that the Department of Supplies, according to the Minister's statement, has been in existence for the past 18 months——

Nothing of the sort.

——and was under the Minister's direction. It was separated from his former Department after the outbreak of war. He boasted of that fact last September.

My power to fix maximum flour prices dates from the beginning of last September. I had no power to do it before that and no responsibility.

That is absolutely inaccurate. The Minister knows that under the Prices Control Act he could have fixed prices at any time.

The Minister's power to control prices did not come into operation until September.

It was before that, and the Minister could have fixed prices. He had full power. What has been done to-day is an endeavour to cover up the flour millers by the Minister charged with the protection of the public, and he constitutes himself, in my opinion, a dishonest champion of the flour millers.

Nothing of the sort. I justified the prices I fixed.

I propose to prove that the charges by the flour millers, despite what the Minister says, have been excessive and in all human probability are excessive now. I am particularly concerned to rebut the figures advanced by the Minister to-day, and I propose to do so now. On the last relative date it was possible to get figures Liverpool spot prices for wheat, quoted in terms of 280-lb. sacks, were 12/2 for Australian, 14/2¾ for No. 2 Manitoba and 11/5¼ for Plate Rosafé. Normally these are quoted per cental, but for the convenience of the House I am quoting in 280-lb. sacks of wheat.

The Irish barrels.

Approximately. The Liverpool forward parcel price for the same date was 10/11¼ for Australian (Queensland); 13/1? for No. 2 Manitoba, August shipment, and 10/0¾ for Plate Rosafé (64 lbs. bushel). Liverpool cargo prices were 11/1 Australian, Western Afloat; 14/- for No. 1 Manitoba and 10/9½ for Plate Rosafé. I am assuming that 1/- per 280-lb. sack of wheat is approximately sufficient to cover the extra Irish port dues and charges for handling. Liverpool straight run flour price at that date was 19/6 per sack of 280 lbs.

What date is that?

August the 8th, 1939.

Does the Deputy suggest that we could have bought flour at that price in Liverpool?

Yes, at that date. That price is subject to the additional figure, to which the Minister referred, of 1/3 for sacks. Sacks have to be paid for and come to about 7½d. for 10-stone bags, and two 10-stone bags make a sack of flour. A notable difference between Great Britain and Ireland is that in Great Britain the 280 lbs. of flour is bought naked, and to the price you add the cost of the two sacks to cover it. In Ireland when you buy 280 lbs. of flour you buy it in the bag. I do not believe the Minister could be so positive as deliberately to mislead the House, but here is where he was mislead. The practice of the Irish trade is to sell the flour gross weight and you get 276 lbs. of flour and 4 lbs. of bags. If the flour be worth 8½d. you must deduct the 8½d., which the millers save by not putting the 4 lbs. of flour in the bag, from the price of the two bags, and you are entitled to add the difference between the price of the two bags and the 4 lbs. of flour that the millers save by selling at gross weight. I shall deal with that in greater detail when I come to the conclusion of this calculation. Therefore the Liverpool flour price, if we include the bags, was 19/6 per sack plus 1/3 for the bags, giving a figure of 20/9 per sack ex mill in bags.

Nobody in England could have bought flour at that price.

I am talking about the price of flour in Great Britain compared with the cost of flour produced in Ireland. Of course, there was, in addition to the price I mentioned there, a payment which was made on flour consumed in England called the wheat subsidy, with which I intend to deal later. At present the price of flour is 20/9 ex mill in bags. Now we come to the Dublin flour prices on the same date. Strong bakers were worth 38/6 ex mill, shops 35/-, so there was fifty-fifty production, and you get a rough average price of 36/9 for straight run flour. The House should know at this stage that one of the difficulties of relating prices in Great Britain and in Ireland is that in Great Britain little or no household flour is consumed. Here a very substantial quantity of our total output is in the form of household flour. In England it is all bakers' flour. It is fifty-fifty here.

The price of flour here was 36/9 and 20/9 a sack in Liverpool. That gives the Irish millers 16/- to play with. Bear in mind that the 20/9 includes nothing for English wheat. I am going to make the case that it is well know that the Irish millers have extra responsibility in as much as they have to use Irish wheat, and to put them on an equal footing with English millers, with whom I am comparing them, let us make a reckoning of what the two flours were bought at. Take Liverpool "grist". They call a mixture of wheat from which you ultimately compose a blend, grist. Grist in Liverpool consisted of a sack or barrel of Australian wheat costing 11/1, two sacks of No. 2 Manitoba costing 14/- each, and two sacks of Rosafé, 10/9 each. That gives the total price of five sacks at £3 0s. 7d., giving an average price of 12/1½ per sack or barrel of wheat. That is Liverpool grist. Come now to Irish grist. You had one barrel of Australian at 12/1, two barrels of No. 1 Manitoba at 15/-, giving £1 10s. 0d. You had a barrel of Rosafé at 11/9½ per barrel and a barrel of Irish wheat at 35/-. The Minister, you remember, said it was about one in five of Irish wheat.

One in five of English wheat. It is 35 per cent. here as prescribed by law.

My reckoning is that there was about a barrel of Irish at 35/-. Let us under-state this case. Let us give the millers every concession. My reckoning makes it £4 8s. 10½d., giving an average price of 17/9½ per barrel. The Minister wants that increased to about 18/6 per barrel average price.

It takes a long time to make the Deputy understand. In the first place, the prescribed percentage of wheat which the miller must use is 35 per cent.

On 8th August last?

On the 8th August last.

I do not remember what it was then.

Furthermore, that wheat has to be dried by the millers.

I make full allowance for that.

You have not made any allowance.

This calculation is only in its early stages. I am going to bring the miller's ear right down and pin it with a 6-inch nail, and the Minister can get a pincers and a sledge hammer and see if he can get it out.

You are already wrong in a most vital particular—the percentage of Irish wheat.

The Liverpool grist costs approximately 12/1½d. per barrel One hundred barrels of that grist will cost £60 12s. 6d., and that will produce when it is milled 72 sacks of flour at 20/9 per sack, as I explained to the House, which will yield £74 14s. 0d.; 16 sacks of pollard or middlings at 5/6 per cwt., which gives you £11; 12 sacks of bran, red and white combined, at 4/10½d., which gives you £7 6s. 3d., giving you a total return on the goods produced from that wheat of £93. From that £93 deduct the cost of wheat—£60 12s. 6d. —and you are left with a milling margin of £32 7s. 9d. out of which to pay your expenses and to make your profit.

Now, turn to the Irish side. Their grist costs, according to my calculation—the Minister, with the assistance of the accountants of the Irish Flour Millers' Federation, may be able to correct me; I have no doubt he will consult them with a view to doing so—the Irish flour millers' grist costs approximately 17/9½d. One hundred barrels of that was dearer than the British grist —it was £88 19s. 2d. Out of that 100 barrels they got 72 sacks of flour, the price of which was 36/9 per sack in Dublin at that date, yielding them £132 6s. 0d. They got 16 sacks of middlings or pollard for which they got 5/6 per cwt. I believe that they got substantially more than 5/6, but I am only debiting them with 5/6 per cwt. for the pollard.

The price here was lower than in England.

I was dealing in pollard at the time, and I remember the price. It is a long time since I bought pollard at 5/6. However, I am debiting them with no more than 5/6.

The price was lower than the price in England by £1 per ton.

They got out of that grist 12 sacks of bran at 6/- per cwt., which yielded £9, giving a total return in cash of £152 6s. Deduct from that gross total the price of the wheat they put in—£88 19s. 2d., and they had a milling margin of £63 6s. 10d., whereas the Liverpool mill had a margin of £32 7s. 9d. I want the House to note carefully that I did not add on to the British price the wheat subsidy in Great Britain. But then I did make full allowance, in calculating the cost of the Irish grist, for putting the Irish wheat into the Irish flour, thus compensating the miller for any extra expense he was put to by the use of Irish wheat. I have no doubt that the costing accountants in Nassau Street will explain to this House through the Minister——

I again object to that insinuation. You have already ruled him out of order in making it and he has repeated it. I think it is most unfair to this House that it should be alleged that any Minister is speaking here on behalf of somebody outside the House. He is speaking here on his own behalf, on behalf of the Government, and as a representative of the people, and nobody else. I think that the elementary decency which is required from Deputies should prevent statements of that kind being made.

I want no instructions in elementary decency.

You want plenty of instructions in elementary decency. I am speaking as a Minister of State, and I object to that.

It is true.

The Chair did not catch the allegation.

The allegation is that the Minister will consult the costing accountants of the Millers' Association in this country with a view to proving that their costs in drying wheat and handling Irish wheat are higher than I have permitted them to be in my reckoning.

The Deputy said that I would consult the accountants of the Irish flour millers with a view to making a statement here.

That is true.

He has been implying that I speak here, not as a representative of the Government or the people, but he has even implied, as an agent of some body of manufacturers. I object to that allegation being made.

I did not take that allegation from the last statement made by the Deputy. I think the Minister is entitled in the course of his Department's association with such matters to consult persons outside.

The Chair has no right to say that. I object to that statement from the Chair. The Chair is merely concerned to support Deputy Dillon's allegation. It is not true that I consult these people.

I am not saying you do, but I say that you are perfectly within your right if you do.

Mr. Brennan

You said a while ago that you consult them.

I said nothing of the kind. I stated here already that the flour millers have alleged to me that the fixed price for flour is too low. They are entitled to come to my Department to make such representations. It is not true that I seek to consult them in order to get evidence to refute Deputy Dillon.

The Minister himself said to-day that he would consult the costing accountants——

I said nothing of the kind.

Mr. A. Byrne

I think there is an apology due to the Chair. The Minister said that the Chair had no right to say that.

The statement was untrue.

Mr. Byrne

It is out of order. There is an apology due to the Chair and the statement should be withdrawn.

There are a hundred apologies due to the Minister.

The Chair does not feel that there is any malice in the Minister's statement. It is probably a misunderstanding.

Mr. Byrne

You may not be in the Chair in days to come when this would be quoted. I was on the Standing Orders Committee of the House 20 years ago when we prepared the Standing Orders, and the dignity of the Chair must be upheld. I suggest, with all respect to the Minister, that he ought to withdraw the statement.

The Chair, I submit, is entitled to give rulings here upon points of order and, when it gives such rulings, I will obey them absolutely; but it is not entitled to express an opinion as to my functions as Minister for Supplies.

Mr. Brennan

What about the standard of decency?

The fact of the matter is that the Minister has said more than once that considering the costings of the flour millers he is now and in the future consulting their accountants as to the price at which flour should be sold.

I made no such statement. The Deputy is trying to imply more than I said.

I am stating plainly, bluntly, and without evasion that, the Minister and his Department have consulted those men and that their opinion has been asked about those facts. He said that he will ask their opinion and their views. That was the phrase, the cost of handling Irish wheat. These representations will be advanced by the millers as justification for the difference between £32 7s. 9d., the milling margin in Liverpool, and £63 6s. 10d., the milling margin on the same quantity of flour in Dublin. The Liverpool miller has that advantage over the Dublin miller, but, in reality, the milling industry in this country and the milling industry in Liverpool is controlled by the same person—Joseph Rank. The Irish Flour Millers' Association is controlled and run by the English Flour Millers' Association. The Irish millers are just the Liverpool millers with the green, white and yellow flag around them. That is plain. It is an unadorned fact, and everybody knows it.

Let nobody be misled in following into the trap which was set by the Flour Millers' Association in the advertisement published in the Press last week. That association wants to justify all that has happened in the last four years by what is happening at the moment. They want to draw their antagonists into a controversy so as to be able to get away with their case that the level of their excess profits in the last four years is the same as it is now. They hoped to engage their antagonists in that controversy in the hope that, by defeating them in part of their controversy, they will get away with the idea that they defeated them in the whole thing. The Irish Flour Millers' Association may pay their costing expert £3,000 a year, but I warn them here and now that though they may pull the wool over the eyes of the Minister for Supplies they will not pull the wool over the eyes of Deputies in this House.

Our people, especially the poor, have been robbed by the millers of this country in the last four years. That robbery has been carried out under the eyes of the Minister for Industry and Commerce and under the eyes of the Minister for Supplies. That has been done under the eyes and against the report of his own Prices Commission, although the Minister is supposed to be the trustee of the people and their protector against combines. But he has never raised his hand to defend the poor of this country against these men who are robbing them. He has never come into this House but to justify the action of the flour millers. He has never suggested that they have been doing any wrong.

The Minister has tried to-day to use a platform from which to underline every syllable of their controversial advertisement in the Press a few days ago. The Minister attempts to justify their past conduct by the circumstances in which we find ourselves to-day. I will not let that pass. I will not let these men escape the heavy responsibility that rests on them before the whole world, and particularly before the poor people of this country, for the criminal robbery they have perpetrated on the people of this country. We are not in a position to justify their depredations, some of which the successors of the present Government may get back; but, in the meantime, we will have to try to make the burden on the poor as light as advocacy and revelation in this House combine to make it. I think I made pretty clear what our views are as to the flour industry. Every time the flour millers return to the charge they will be taken up, and their record will be read to the House; their activities will be exposed. Let them never imagine that, by power, wealth or influence, they will silence those who know the measure of their iniquity.

I want now to pass over to other matters of supply. Do the Deputies know that at the present time we are transporting, from the United States of America, treacle and on receipt of it here, we are converting it into petrol at approximately a price of 3/- a gallon in order to take the place of motor spirit which we can buy at 4d. a gallon? Are Deputies aware of that?

Where is the relevancy in this?

It is a question of supply and we are on supplies.

I do not think it is. If the Deputy is proposing to refer to this, there is another Vote.

I think the House knows the absurdity of the industrial alcohol factory. It is not the first time this has been brought to the notice of the House. I am talking now of supplies.

The Deputy is under an obligation to prove that. I have no responsibility as Minister for Supplies for the question of industrial alcohol.

The Minister is bringing in treacle for conversion into industrial alcohol. That is what I am supposing.

The Deputy is supposing what is wrong. I am not responsible for bringing in treacle.

Surely to God the Minister for Supplies is responsible for shipping.

On the contrary, the Minister is not responsible for shipping. The Minister for Industry and Commerce is responsible for it.

That is utter nonsense. How can the Minister for Supplies arrange to supply them with a boat to bring this treacle from America?

I am not responsible for that.

The Minister is repudiating all that.

The Minister will not deny this, as I know it is true: If I take a parcel of goods in Ceylon and go to the Minister and say "Lend me your aid to get space in your ship to carry these goods to Ireland——"

Not at all.

But the Minister has done it.

The Minister said he has nothing at all to do with the importation of treacle.

But he has done it. Is it not part of the Minister's duty to help us to carry the goods which we desire to carry?

I am not responsible for what Deputy Dillon says.

I am pointing out that the Minister is responsible for assisting the public to get shipping. I am not blaming him for that. The more he can assist, the more I will say "more power to his elbow". If the Minister brings in supplies of petrol, he is doing his job. But what is the use of arguing?

I am not responsible for this.

The Deputy must accept the Minister's statement that he is not responsible.

Surely you will not deny that he is responsible for bringing in this treacle and converting it into petrol?

If Deputy Dillon wanted to import penny rattles, he would get the assistance of my Department to do so.

The Minister would give any help he could to find accommodation in a ship for essential commodities for this country. But does the House know what he is doing? He is putting seven volumes of treacle into each ship capable of carrying petrol. He is converting this seven volumes of treacle into one volume of petrol in this country. He could bring over several gallons of petrol which would cost him 4d. per gallon delivered in Dublin, but he prefers to bring seven volumes of treacle which, converted into petrol, will make one volume of petrol at 3/- a gallon. Now that is the question. My submission is that whoever is doing that should be stopped.

The Minister says he is not responsible for the importation of treacle nor for the shipping that brings it. He is disclaiming all responsibility, and the House must accept his disclaimer.

The Minister ought to stop, therefore, using our tankers to bring in seven volumes of treacle when they could be used to bring in seven volumes of petrol. A poor, hysterial individual, like Deputy Brady, begins to laugh when he hears of that. He finds it hard to believe, and I suppose it is on that kind of rustic simplicity the Minister depends for permission to continue his folly. But we are not all Deputies Brian Brady. Deputy Brian Brady is one of the exhibits of this House.

Mr. Brady

What is Deputy Dillon— Exhibit A?

The electors of this country can, in the exercise of their sovereign right, to elect anybody or anything they like, throw up a Deputy like Deputy Brady.

I do not think that it is right to refer to a Deputy as an "exhibit." It is derogatory.

If the Chair thinks the word "exhibit" disrespectful, I withdraw it. The Minister holds himself out as Minister for Supplies while he continues to tolerate the use of our transport for purposes such as I have explained. That is ridiculous. May I suggest to the Minister that he, certainly, has power to intervene with a view to securing that all available ships will be used to the best advantage to the community. Surely, if he knows nothing of this transaction, he should inquire into it.

I did not say that.

The Minister told us to-day that he was short of petrol, and that people must not ask unreasonably for petrol, because he cannot get it for them. He can get only a limited amount. He will not argue that there is any scarcity of petrol in the U.S.A. His difficulty is to get tankers to carry the petrol. Does he know that there are tankers coming in here with treacle?

They are not paid for on this Estimate.

His difficulty in regard to the supply of petrol would be swept away by employing these tankers for bringing in seven times as much spirit as they are bringing in at present. They are bringing in spirit in the form of treacle at present——

Mr. Brady

On a point of order, Deputy Dillon has made a statement four times about the importation of treacle. The Minister has definitely denied that. Yet you allow him to make that statement.

He does not deny it is coming in.

Mr. Brady

I think there should be some finality. The Chairman should act as a Chairman or else vacate the Chair.

That makes Deputy Dillon whistle.

Put Deputy Tom Kelly in the Chair.

I think that these reflections on the Chair should not be made.

Mr. Brady

I withdraw any reflection on the Chair.

Will the Deputy sit down? The Chair has definitely ruled on this matter more than once. The Minister has disclaimed responsibility for the tankers and for shipping in general. He disclaims all responsibility for the importation of treacle. In face of that disclaimer, the Deputy should not proceed to develop his views about the treacle. We are dealing with a Vote for the Department of Supplies. The Minister for Supplies has stated that he has no responsibility for any of these three matters.

The Minister told us that he rationed petrol. Therefore he must be responsible for rationing petrol.

The Minister stated to-day that the public were complaining about his having rationed petrol. His answer to these complaints was: "I cannot give you any more petrol." My sole concern was to explain to the Minister how he could get more petrol so that he would not have to insist on rationing it as drastically as he has done heretofore. I think the House now knows what the situation is and, having let in a little light on it, I am sure that public opinion will correct the Minister, nolens volens.

I now come to the question of artificial manures and feeding stuffs. I asked the Minister to-day what he proposed to do to get supplies of manures. There is more to be done by a Minister for Supplies than sitting down and consulting groups of traders because, if these traders fail him, he ought to exert himself to get supplies for the people. The Minister is not here as a Minister representing traders. He represents the people as a whole. If the influence of traders with Belgian commercial men has not been sufficient to get supplies, or if the influence of traders with the Belgian Government has not been sufficient to get supplies exported from Belgium, surely it is time the Belgian Minister was approached through the proper diplomatic channels with a view to invoking his aid in getting us supplies of manures from Belgium. Belgium is a neutral country. Belgian ships travelling between their colonial empire and Belgium are immune from attack. They are, probably, in a position to carry far larger supplies of phosphate rock to Belgium than Great Britain or this country, which has not any mercantile marine of its own, is able to carry. I cannot imagine why the Belgians would not be able to export to us superphosphate of lime in a finished condition, if we were prepared to take it and to pay for it. Having placed a general restriction on export for tactical and strategic reasons, they may be reluctant to depart from it, but they might do so if representations were made to them. I put it to the Minister that there is a grave obligation on him to make these representations before it is too late. It will take some time to get superphosphate of lime from Belgium but, possibly, we could get a cargo or two before the end of the manuring season if urgent action is taken now. It would be of incalculable value if that were done.

The Minister spoke of oil cakes. The supply of linseed oil cakes has been very unsatisfactory. I should like the Minister to inquire from his colleague, the Minister for External Affairs, as to whether any protest has been made to the Government responsible for torpedoing a neutral boat approaching these neutral shores with supplies of linseed and linseed cake. I understand that a neutral ship carrying a cargo of these goods to our shores was torpedoed by a German submarine. The cargo was nearly lost, but the ship succeeded in limping into port. Surely, some remonstrance should be made to the Government responsible for that action and a suitable protest registered, with a view to protecting any further supplies which this Government might similarly attempt to import. I understood the Minister to say that supplies of oil cake and linseed derivatives were equal to those available last year. That is certainly not my experience.

That is not the statement I made.

I understood the Minister to say that he was distributing supplies approximately equal to what he distributed last year. I should be glad to know whether, on further investigation, he is prepared to reiterate that statement.

I said that supplies of linseed cake were sufficient to meet our requirements up to the end of next April.

On a severely rationed basis. Crushed flax-seed is unobtainable unless you give an undertaking that it will be used only for medicinal purposes. For calf feeding or for making a veterinary poultice, it is almost impossible to get. If you were to represent that you proposed to use it for human needs and for a veterinary poultice, you might get it, but not for calf feeding. Does the Minister propose to do anything about the supply of china and delph? I do not know whether the Department is apprised of the fact that it is impossible to get any mugs—you cannot get mugs at all.

I have not noticed it.

You cannot get mugs with gold bands on them. There are no mugs to be had of the type so much in use in the country in other years. They are to be seen on Irish dressers only in very limited quantities now. You cannot get the ordinary white cup and saucer. The Minister, who was born and bred in Dublin, may not know much about these things, because they are not used to any extent in the city, but in the country these articles are to be found on every dresser. It is practically impossible to get supplies. I do not know whether that arises from the war, but from whatever source it arises the Minister should investigate the situation with a view to relaxing the existing restrictions on the imports of these commodities.

Is the Haulbowline Steel Mill operating at all? Has the Minister examined the cost of bar iron as offered by Haulbowline and compared it with the cost of Belgian or Scotch iron?

The costs have been fully examined, but a comparison with the costs in Great Britain is of no value at all.

I do not know what you should compare the cost with. I have not bought any iron since Haulbowline went into operation, but I have heard prices quoted, and from what I have heard you will wipe every small black-smith in the country out of business. They could not buy shoeing iron at the price at present being charged, because nobody would pay the smiths for a set of shoes at the price they would have to charge.

The only question is whether we will be able to keep up the supplies even at that price.

I am sure you are getting a demand for the stuff you are turning out, but I do not think you are turning it out in the way the smiths used to get it. You are turning out a particular type of iron for the smith to use, but that iron can be used for divers other purposes and it may be those other purposes are absorbing all the available supplies. I am told by the smiths in my neighbourhood that they could not pay the price of fuller iron based on what is charged by Haulbowline factory. Of course, fuller iron is not a requisite, because for many years the smiths fullered their own iron and they can do it again. Assuming they buy the iron and fuller it. I am told they will not be able to get the price for the shoes. I move to report progress.

Progress reported, the discussion on the Supplementary Estimate to be resumed to-morrow.
Top
Share