And talk to empty benches? I have more respect for my intelligence and for the importance of what I am going to say than to do that. Now that the Minister is here, I want to draw his special attention to the phraseology of the motion. The Minister and his colleagues are out on a campaign to get a sufficiency of wheat and on that point we ought to have agreement at the beginning. Is it 600,000 acres or 700,000 acres the Minister wants? Either acreage means a doubling this year of the area under wheat last year, and, to get that area under wheat, the Minister first offered a minimum price of 37/6 per barrel. Since our debate on 13th January on the original Tillage Order, that price has been increased to 40/-. Speaking with regard to price on 12th December the Minister said:
If we paid 40/-, we would probably get more; if we paid 50/-, we would get more; and if we paid £3, we would get more; but I am not sure that even £3 a barrel would bring us 100 per cent. of our requirements.
The Minister says we must have 100 per cent. of our requirements, but—I am not impugning the Minister's personal honour or honesty—is he honest in regard to this? He does not believe that we will get 100 per cent. of our requirements even if we pay £3 per barrel and the price he is offering is only 40/- per barrel. Our requirements are 600,000 or 700,000 acres. Both figures have been mentioned by the Minister and let us split the difference and say 650,000 acres, which would produce on an average crop 650,000 tons. That is what we want to accomplish this year.
That represents a sufficiency of wheat and we want to induce the farmers to grow that sufficiency. For oats, there will be a free market, and for barley, there will be a free market. It was stated here to-day that there would be a price of 30/- per barrel for barley. Does the Minister consider that in a free market this year wheat would sell at as low as 40/- a barrel? Does he think that it would sell at even as low as 50/- per barrel? He knows that during the last great war, when wheat was pretty freely imported into this country, Irish wheat sold for over £3 per barrel, and does he not know that if barley is to fetch 30/- per 16-stone barrel, wheat cannot compete at 40/- per 20-stone barrel? Last year, on the basis of a price of 35/- per barrel, we got 300,000 acres, representing 40 per cent. of our requirements, and we imported the balance. This year, we want more than twice that acreage, and, if we are to get it, are we not to offer a price or a free market in order to get it? I submit that, in a free market, for the coming harvest, the price of good millable wheat might reach £5 per barrel. The Minister looks up in surprise at that statement, but if there were a free market for wheat, if the millers were free to mill any kind of flour they wished and if there was a mill permitted to mill wheat on the basis of a 70 or 75 per cent. extraction, that mill could buy all the wheat it could get at £5 per barrel and sell all the flour milled from it. I challenge contradiction on that. Why? Because wheat growers are growing a crop this year that will fall short of requirements. I am not saying that that would be an equitable price to give but, when any commodity is scarce in the market, especially a commodity so essential to the human life as wheat, people will pay any price for it. I want to emphasise one point because I do not want a repetition of the cleavage that manifested itself in the recent debate on supplies. Every Deputy who represented an urban constituency spoke against any increase in the price of bread. The alternative is not an increase in the price of bread. The alternative is inferior bread or no bread. That is the alternative which is facing us.
When we put down this motion, with the approval of organised farmers, suggesting a minimum price of 50/- per barrel, we suggested a price about half that which the commodity would fetch in a free market next year. I want that to go home. Can the Minister expect to get wheat cheaper next year, following this year's crop, with a world in arms and a world at war, than it was obtained at when, on a previous occasion, we had a world at arms and a world at war? At that time, we had not a submarine menace half as intense as the menace of to-day. We had no aeroplane menace whereas we have a very serious aeroplane menace now.
We are told by the Head of the Government that we must go back and rely on our own resources. Even if it were possible to bring wheat into this country, can we imagine wheat coming in more cheaply than it did during the last war? We know that the standard which obtained in the last war was £3. In this motion, we are not asking for £3 per barrel. We are asking 50/- and we are satisfied that, at that price, foreign wheat could not be bought next year. We ask the authority of the Dáil to tell the Government that they should make the price of 50/- the minimum standard for the farmers who grow wheat. If that is done, you will be sure of the crop. I cannot emphasise too much that the object of this motion is not to get a price but to get the wheat. The Minister said that he did not expect he would get the necessary amount at £3 a barrel. If the Minister advances to 50/-, he may say that he will not get all the wheat he wants at that price. I would not guarantee that he would but I would guarantee that he would get a greater sacrifice from the farmers if he and his Government showed their sincerity.
When the Minister was speaking the last day, he mentioned about barley being withdrawn from the maltsters at 36/- a barrel and being mixed with the wheat. A price of 36/- for a barrel of barley amounts to 45/- for 20 stones. You are putting an inferior cereal into your flour and paying 45/- for it while you will not give more than 40/- for the real article—wheat. The Minister is a farmer and comes from, perhaps, the first farming county in Ireland. Owing to his environment, he ought to know this subject better than I do and I am not saying that he does not. He knows that, as a business proposition, the growing of barley at 36/- and the growing of wheat at 40/- cannot be compared. I challenge any farmer Deputy to get up and say that, as a business proposition, he would rather grow wheat at 50/- than barley at 30/-. I am not saying that 30/- is too much but that price has been accepted by the Government.
Why not make the drive necessary to get our full requirements of wheat? It may be good business, if you have no alternative, to take 90 per cent. extraction from wheat. Let us say there are 600,000 tons of wheat to give you flour of 70 per cent. extraction and we have a 90 per cent. extraction. That involves 120,000 tons of bran and pollard. I think I am right in quoting the Minister as saying the other day that 50 per cent. of our cattle feeding stuffs have to be imported. Here, he is going to turn back into flour, as if it were a windfall, 120,000 tons of animal feeding stuffs at a time when we are depending entirely on our own resources to provide food for man and beast. How does the Minister propose to make up for those 120,000 tons of animal feeding stuffs on top of the 50 per cent. of imports? Are we to slaughter our live stock as we slaughtered the calves? Shall we, this time, slaughter the stores which we cannot fatten? The situation is terribly serious. In a leading article in the Irish Press on the 1st January, it was stated that the Minister's policy was quite simple, that he merely says to the farmers: “Grow all the wheat you can to ensure bread for yourself and your families and then grow all you possibly can to feed the others.” If that is the national agricultural policy in this emergency, it is a blue look-out for the city folk.
Our view as farmers is that a duty falls on the farmers now to feed the nation. And they will feed the nation, but let the Government take them into its confidence and see what is an equitable price for providing bread for the nation. That has not been done yet and no moves have been made in that direction. It is time there were. No spokesman on behalf of the Government has claimed that a full supply of wheat will be grown in this country at 40/- a barrel. I asked the Minister on the day the House debated the question of supplies how much was sown. He could only reckon roughly by saying there were 300,000 tons of winter wheat in the country for seed. He knew that. I do not know how he knew it. No census was ever taken of my seed and I sowed 150 acres with my own seed. Nobody knew what seed I had. I did not know myself until I had finished my operations.
Why does not the Minister know exactly? I suggest that the Civic Guards should be taking a census every week. They should know what land is being prepared. They should know how much is sown every week, so that we may be sure we will have our requirements. It seems to me that the policy of the Government is to shout: "Grow more wheat." At the end of January, when there was a snow-storm on, to ask us to prepare to grow twice as much wheat as we grew last year is not cricket; it is not hurley; it is not playing the game. Why was it not done last September? It was not done, and nobody should be blamed for it but the Government.
I suggest that the question of wheat-growing should be taken up seriously. At all costs we should grow our requirements. The offals from the usual extraction are required for their own job, and that job is twofold. We have to feed livestock. We have to sell livestock. Why have we to sell it? I am not so sure that, if everything was told, the cause of the real crisis in this country is not a shortage of foreign exchange to buy our requirements. I am not going to discuss petrol here at this stage, but I am not so sure that if we had plenty of foreign exchange we would not have more petrol. How are we going to get foreign exchange? By selling in an outside market. If we do not produce the food here to fatten our livestock and prepare them for an outside market we will have no foreign exchange to buy the things we do not produce at home.
It is as important for the survival of this nation that we should have adequate food for our livestock as that we should have food for ourselves. The food for human consumption is wheat. I suggest strongly to the Minister and his Government that they should not think in terms of substitutes for wheat, but in terms of wheat alone. And the price? The price would not be more. Wheat at 50/- a barrel would be £20 per ton. Barley at 30/- a barrel would be £15 a ton, and oats at 26/- a barrel would be £15 per ton. I put it to the Minister that wheat at that price would produce as cheap a bread as he can get. The all important thing is that we will not get our requirements if we do not offer proper inducement, because the farmers cannot afford to grow it. It takes too much out of the soil. It is too late in the year. They have to sow it on ground that is not 100 per cent. suitable. The yield will be so much less. All these things considered, the farmers cannot grow wheat at less than 50/- a barrel.
If you leave the fixed price for wheat at 40/- with a free market for barley and oats to supplement wheat for human food and also to provide feeding stuffs for live stock, barley and oats will be the paying crops for the farmer this year, not wheat. I say that without fear of contradiction. Why not at least put wheat on a competitive basis with the rest of the crops? It is the crop that is most directly available for human food and, as I said before, all the offals are required to do their job. You cannot take them for human food because you will lose 50 per cent. of your cattle feeding stuffs as there will be no imported feeding stuffs. The Minister knows that quite well, better than I do, because he has at his elbow a Department. All he has to do is to press a bell to get most reliable and first-hand information. I suggest to the Minister that the cheapest ingredient he can buy for bread is wheat at 50/- a barrel and at that price he will get a considerable quantity of it, perhaps nearly all he requires. If he does not expect to get it all, the fault is his. He should offer such an inducement as will get for him all the wheat he requires.
I do not want to take up much time in opening this debate. I am sure there are many Deputies here who are interested in the subject who wish to give their views. But the Minister is the Minister for Agriculture. He is not the Minister for a wheat drive. When he asks a farmer to double his area under wheat he knows that, according to the ordinary rules of husbandry, he is asking that farmer to follow a rotation for four or five years. Instead of calling for a wheat drive for this year he should be putting up a five-year tillage plan, embodying rotation, fixing prices for that period. Farmers have a bitter recollection of the last war, when they had their land tilled to provide food and found they were undersold in their own market by Russian oats and German wheat. They got protection when they were wiped out. We know that the blisters put on Irish agriculture during the last war and during the aftermath of the last war are there still, and no Government relieved the land of this country of that burden. We are told now of little petty loans that will be given. I said in this House before that loans would get the farmers nowhere except into debt, and I am glad that a very distinguished writer has quoted that, a Cork man at that. The late John Mackey has quoted it in his "Rape of Ireland" and has supported it.
I would ask the Minister to consider what it means when he asks farmers to grow twice the area under wheat if the farmers are to follow a reasonable rotation. He is asking the farmers to double their area under tillage at a time when no provision whatever has been made for fertilisers. There we are in the dark. The increase in food production this year must come from the big farms.
The Tillage Order will not affect the small farmers, because they are tilling more than the percentage required by the order. The increased production must come from the big farmers; it must come from the tractor farmers, and I have very grave doubts as to what the tractor position will be when the harvest comes. If the Government are wise and prudent, and are going to take the necessary precautions to save the harvest—some may laugh at the suggestion I am about to put forward—they should make sure that there is enough scrap iron here to make reaping-hooks to cut the harvest. We may not have tractors; we may not have plough parts; we may be thrown back to the conditions which obtained 70 years ago in the period so often quoted by the Minister when we grew our own requirements of wheat. Yes; and we sowed it with the shovel, and we cut it with the hook. That is why we were independent of other countries. We cannot plough with the tractor, reap with the reaper and binder and thresh with the threshing mill if we have not got access to the outer world. What provision is being made for reaping-hooks? Is the scrap iron to make them going to be held in this country? Those are things that we must consider now. We were not considering petrol some months ago, a year ago. Tankers came into this city, discharged some of their cargo, and had to take away the balance because there was no storage accommodation for it, and responsible Ministers warned the country against hoarding of any kind when they should have been telling us to fill every tin can in the country with petrol. Now they wake up and say: "Boys, buy all you can" when we cannot buy anything.
There are labour battalions in the Army. I hope they will be trained to save the harvest if we cannot use our machines, and I hope those who are getting home assistance and unemployment assistance will be available to save the harvest and prevent famine, because it is famine we are faced with, famine for man and beast. Now is the time to guard against it, even at this late hour in spring. Of course, it is winter yet, because we are told to sow winter wheat. I suppose it is winter while we are sowing winter wheat, and when the last grain is sown spring will dawn. Anyway, let us sow some kind of wheat. It has been suggested that the price is a bit high. My answer to that is this: If the Minister can get up here and state that he is assured of our full wheat requirements at 40/- a barrel, I will withdraw this motion. If he stands over that statement, if he takes responsibility for the statement that he will get what wheat we want at 40/- a barrel, I will withdraw this motion and support the Minister. Our object in putting down this motion is to get the wheat, not the price. If it can be got at a lower price than 50/- and if the Minister says: "I take the responsibility and the Government will take the responsibility before the country; there will be no danger of famine; there will be no black bread; there will be a good loaf at 40/- a barrel for wheat," I will withdraw the motion. Further, I will add 20 per cent. to my present acreage under wheat—I have 150 acres under it—and so will my colleague here. But let the Minister take that responsibility. It is all very well to say: "We will not put up the loaf," but we will put up all kinds of stuff and say to the mob: "Here is cheap bread; those farmers wanted to increase the price." You may have cheap bread, but you will not have cheap wheaten bread. That is the proposition I put to the Minister on the question of price; if he is satisfied that he will get our full requirements at 40/- a barrel he would be foolish to offer a penny more. I do not think he will. I am sure he will not.
I am sorry that we are not dealing with the other motion, the motion on credits, and I have no doubt as to the reason why it is held back. We have been talking of starvation. We have been talking of the black forties when we had famine. The cause of that famine is still here. The cause of that famine was that this country did not control its credits. This country does not control its credits to-day, and the same danger is staring this country in the face, with this difference, that we are now on our own and cannot blame anyone else if we starve. Then we were able to blame it on the "famine Queen". We cannot do that on this occasion, and in order to save the honour of this country and the honour of the Irish race we should be up and doing. We should see to it that nobody will starve, and that we will not have to kill off all our livestock through shortage of food. This country can supply all the food necessary for twice the population, three times the population that is here, if it is managed properly. The people will rise to the occasion if they are taken into the confidence of the Government, and if they are told the truth. No matter what the position is, no matter how bad it is, tell us what it is, and you need not fear that the Irish people will not rise to the occasion.
In conclusion, I want to say that this motion is prompted by a desire to offer sufficient inducement to get our full requirements of wheat, and the provision of those full requirements of wheat will prompt the cultivation of other crops. It will start a four or five or perhaps six years' rotation, which means the potential doubling of the area under tillage. In return for that private enterprise, the community in general should say to the agricultural community: "Go ahead. Give us the food for man and beast during this emergency, and we will guarantee that for four or five years subsequent to the emergency the food which you produce for man and beast will be consumed here instead of the food sent by foreigners from the far ends of the earth, so that after this war you will be saved from the terrible aftermath from which you suffered when the last war ended. You do the job for the nation now and the nation will not let you down." But is the Minister saying that? Will he say it? If he does, he is on the road to success. If he does not, he will be disappointed, and his Government will be disappointed. I hope the country will not be faced with starvation, but we will be down to hard fare, and will surely be back to the hair shirt era.