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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 24 Apr 1941

Vol. 82 No. 13

Committee on Finance. - Coal Prices in Dublin—Motion to Appoint Select Committee.

I rise to propose:—

"That a Select Committee consisting of five Deputies to be nominated by the Committee of Selection and with power to send for persons, papers and documents, be appointed to investigate publicly and report to the Dáil on the wholesale and retail prices charged for coal in the County Borough of Dublin, and the Borough of Dun Laoghaire, and to make recommendations:

That the quorum of the Committee be three."

There are very few sections of the people to-day that are not experiencing very great difficulties. Through the increasing costs of everything, and the increasing difficulty in securing their incomes, they are, as I say, meeting with one kind of difficulty or another. That is particularly so in the case of the poorer sections of the people, but everybody is affected, and I feel that in many matters to-day Deputies have duties and responsibilities from which, as in the case of soldiers in the presence of danger, or doctors in the presence of sickness and distress, they must not run away. To see some of the injustices and to see some of the hardships that are being wrought to-day by administrative actions, and to stand by and do nothing about them, would be, from my point of view, a shameful thing, just as shameful as the soldier who ran away in the face of danger, or the doctor who turns his back on his patients or on sick or disabled people. No matter what may be said here or pointed out as to what are the objects of Deputies like myself in bringing forward these things, I have no intention whatever of turning my back on them or running away from them.

I appealed to the House before, in connection with other matters, that the business that it is the responsibility of this House to do, ought to be done systematically and carefully, and I have no intention here, in connection with this matter of coal—and never had any intention—but to ask that obvious facts in connection with the situation, obvious hardships and obvious injustices, should be looked at carefully and systematically, and that the necessary steps should be taken to remove these injustices and hardships; and I would ask the Minister for Supplies or any other Minister or Deputy who thinks otherwise, to give me credit for the moment, when presenting the case to the House, for approaching it in that way, and to look simply at the facts I put before them.

My reason for raising this matter, as it has been raised by Deputy Alderman Byrne before and as it was raised by Deputy McGilligan, in the way in which the question now arises, is that certain facts show definitely that the prices charged for coal in the City of Dublin are higher than they should be. I want to submit to Deputies that the figures I propose to show here with regard to the position indicate a prima facie case that in the eleven weeks from the 18th January to the 6th April there was charged at least £71,000—and it may be £100,000—more for the coal that was issued here than was just or reasonable according to the prices charged, say, from August to November last. That is, assuming that the prices charged from October to November last in the City of Dublin were reasonable, in the eleven weeks from the 18th January to 6th April at least £71,000 in excess of the reasonable profits of the previous months were charged during that period. I say, at least £71,000, because that is not taking into consideration that persons who got their coal other than through bellmen or the small retailers were charged more as a matter of excess than were the persons who bought their coal through the bellmen and the small retailers.

In discussing the question of coal a lot is heard about bellmen. One principal reason why one hears so much about bellmen and the present cost to them in connection with the sale of coal is that they are a class of people in respect of whom we can readily get the prices they are charged. The quality they get is a fairly standard quality and there are not the very elusive differences in the prices charged by the bellmen for coal as in the case of the ordinary householders who buy direct from the coal merchants. Now, the present position is that in December the bellmen were charged 53/- a ton for their coal; on the 10th January they were charged 52/- for about a week, and on the 18th January they were charged 58/-. The Minister admitted to the House here that he had approved of the increases made at that particular time and approved of them in order to meet increases in freights and pit-head prices. On the 18th February, by Order, he further increased the prices that bellmen were charged for their coal to 63/-, and in the case of the small retailers to 68/-.

In discussing the question as to whether the price charged for coal since January is excessive or not, I relate my arguments to the price charged to bellmen because they give you a regular, systematic, running line of prices, month by month, and I relate them to the import price of coal c.i.f., given by Parliamentary answer to this House by the Minister for Industry and Commerce. This question was raised by Deputy McGilligan who asked on the 11th March whether an explanation could be given of the fact that while the import price of coal between January and February was raised by 1/3, the price charged to bellmen had risen from 52/- in the middle of January to 63/- in the middle of February. The Minister for Supplies on the following day dealt systematically and thoroughly with the whole question in regard to the fixing of prices as related to the general position. After he had dealt with it, I asked him could he deal with the question raised the night before and the Minister's answer simply was that I was endeavouring to stir up disturbance and unrest in the City of Dublin, that he knew what I was after, that I was disseminating lies, that I could put on the red hat of revolution if I wished to do so, but that I was not going to get very far with it.

I expect the Minister had some reason for suggesting that it would be easy to stir up feeling and disorder and, for that reason, I would ask him to treat this motion here seriously and to do something to get it carried into effect because if people sit down in committee to examine information systematically placed before them by the Department, if they exchange views in committee quietly without any heat or argument, there cannot be any unnecessary stirring up of feeling. The truth must come out and, coming out in that way, it can be faced and the matter can be settled without any confusion, irritation or noise. The Minister's answer to my motion was that it would be ineffective and that it was illegal. On that point I want to say, that the motion is simple in form. If there are any lies, the committee will deal with them, and if they are restricted in any way by the lies, they will come up against them.

The Minister implied yesterday that he had recently made an offer in this matter and that if I had accepted it, the thing could be quietly settled in a few hours. This motion appeared on the Order Paper almost immediately after our debate on the 14th March. On the 2nd April the Minister intimated in writing to me, through the Parliamentary Secretary, his views to this effect:—

"Motion re Coal Prices.

"The Minister for Supplies intends to inform the Dáil that the motion, in its present form, cannot be accepted owing to legal barrier to the disclosure of information furnished by private firms and other reasons. He will state that he is prepared to accept a motion which would not require disclosure of confidential information and the purpose of which was to establish a committee to investigate whether coal prices now being charged in Dublin and Dun Laoghaire are reasonable. He will propose that the motion before the Dáil be withdrawn and that there should be consultation between the Whips as to the form of motion which might be accepted."

I was of opinion that the inquiry did not necessitate going into any unnecessary confidential information, and on the following day I sent back to the Minister a redraft of the motion. I stated that I would be satisfied with a motion such as this:—

"That a Select Committee consisting of five or six Deputies, to be nominated by the Committee of Selection, be appointed to investigate whether the prices charged for coal in Dublin or Dun Laoghaire since the 1st January, 1941, are reasonable and to report to the Dáil, the quorum of the Select Committee to be three (or four)."

I wanted an inquiry without going into confidential documents or anything of that kind. I wanted to go back to the 1st January, 1941, because between the 1st January, 1941, and the date that the Minister made this offer, which he says will settle everything, and which was only four days before he took 6/8 off the coal price himself, there had been an increase of 6/- a ton dating from the 18th January, which he stated here in February he had approved, and there had been an additional increase of 5/-, bringing the price up to 63/- per ton from the 18th February. I consider this unreasonable and unjust. On the basis that 30,000 tons of coal per week are sold in the City of Dublin, and assuming the August prices to be reasonable, I claim that there has been an overcharge of £71,000 at least. That amount has been collected from the people on the wholesale price alone in these 11 weeks. Therefore I was not satisfied, and did not think it reasonable, that the Minister would set up a committee on terms of reference which would prevent the coal position being looked at from the 1st January. I did not want to go back any further. Inside an hour of my submitting the motion to the Minister, he informed me that there was no purpose in going back, wasting valuable time of busy people, and added that the question was whether present prices were right or wrong. The Minister, in fact, at the time he made the proposal to me, must have been actually in process of reducing the price of coal by 6/8 because, inside four days, it was reduced by 6/8.

The Deputy is completely wrong in saying that we reduced the price by 6/8.

The Minister reduced the price of coal to bellmen.

Coal supplies to bellmen's dumps, which is subsidised.

The Minister reduced the price of coal to bellmen from 63/- to 56/4 from the 7th April, 1941.

The price of that particular coal.

I told the Minister I was relating my argument to the price charged to bellmen and the excess price taken from bellmen. I was applying that to the sale of coal in Dublin as a whole, even though the price charged to people other than bellmen was greater than that charged to bellmen, so that when I say £71,000 is the excess price, calculating that on the price charged to bellmen, I am being rather generous to the Minister. I just want to document my argument, because this is a matter simply of facts. The import price of all coal coming into the country placed alongside the quays, plus freightage, insurance, etc., for the month of July, 1940, was 40/7. In August it was 39/4; in September, 38/9; in October, 38/3; in November, 40/1; in December, 41/6; in January, 44/8; in February, 45/11, and in March, 4/68. The prices charged to bellmen for the same months were, in the beginning of July, 49/-; from the 22nd July, 50/-; August, 50/-; September, 50/-; October, 50/-; November, 50/-; and December, 53/-. At the beginning of January it was 53/-. It was reduced to 52/- on 10th January. It was increased to 58/- on 18th January, an increase which the Minister approved. It was increased to 63/- on 18th February, and it continued at 63/- until 7th April, when, by another Ministerial order, it was reduced to 56/4. The Minister mentioned that the price of 63/- to bellmen was a subsidised price. He said, as reported at column 781, of 14th March, 1941:—

"The margin between the c.i.f price of coal sold to bellmen, and the price charged to them was normally 14/- a ton."

The Official Records, at column 781, state:—

"Mr. Lemass: The margin between the c.i.f. price of coal sold to bellmen, and the price charged to them was normally 14/- a ton."

Then he goes on to give certain figures as being the cost of certain things and states:—

"The difference between 8/6½ and 14/- is 5/5½,"

so that there is more than a double-dyed error in the Official Reports if the Minister says 14/6. However, it is not very material here whether it is 14/- or 14/6, but I am taking the Official Reports. I say that that is not so, and I have told the House what the import price of coal was, and what was the price charged to bellmen over a certain period of months. It is necessary to see what exactly the margin between the import price and the price charged to bellmen was during those months. The difference between the price charged to bellmen in the earlier part of July and the import price for July was 8/5. From 22nd July, it was 9/5; in August, it was 10/8; in September, it was 11/3; in October, it was 11/9; in November, it was 9/11, and in December, it was 11/6. From 1st to 10th January, it was 8/4; from 10th to 18th January, it was 7/4; then when the increase to 58/-, of which the Minister approved, came along, the margin was 13/4. At the beginning of February it was 12/1, and from 18th February, when the Minister approved of the increase in price to 63/-, it was 17/1. During the month of March, it was 16/4. That means—if we take the period July, August, September, October and November, when, over a steady period of something over four months, the price charged to bellmen was 50/- and the average import price was 39/5—that the margin between the import price and the price charged to bellmen was 10/7.

The Deputy does not even know what the import price was.

I am asking the Minister to keep his mouth shut, and to listen to what are the official facts.

I am just trying to show the Deputy the obvious error into which he has walked.

The Minister will have plenty of time to do it. There is no desire on the part of anybody in the House to restrict the Minister in dealing with this matter in the most thorough way. The invitation, in fact, is that he should sit down together with a group from the different Parties in the House to discuss it, and to discuss it with all the facts put in black and white in front of us. Again, I must say that the average price per ton for coal landed alongside the quay, with insurance and freight paid, during the five months July to November was 39/5. The price charged to bellmen over the same period was 50/-, and I say that the difference between the import price and the price charged to bellmen over that period was 10/7.

The Deputy is wrong.

I do not want to be simply told I am wrong. I want to have it pointed out in the most systematic and clear way where the error is.

It is obvious to anybody who understands figures.

That is the Minister's old kind of tactics. The Minister can pursue them here if he likes. As well as to the Minister, with his predilections and his attitude in this matter, I am speaking to Deputy Tom Kelly, Deputy Breathnach, Deputy Lynch, Deputy McCann, Deputy Cooney, Deputy Briscoe; I am speaking to those Deputies in the House who have an interest or who ought to have an interest in standing up to their responsibilities, and who, when they see an aapparent wrong being done, should at least desire to sit down together to discuss that wrong and to stop it.

I say that the difference between the price charged to bellmen in the months of July to November, over the c.i.f. price as given by the Minister, was 10/7 a ton. When we come to the position as it existed in January, February and March of this year we find that from 18th January to 1st February there was an additional charge of 2/9; that from 1st February to 17th February there was an increase of 1/6 over that 10/7; that from 18th February to 28th February, the increase was 6/6; that the increase from 1st March to 6th April, when the Minister reduced it by order, was 5/9; that was the increase in the price charged to bellmen.

The Minister has actually told us that, when he put on an additional 5/- on 18th February, he was allowing the merchants to charge persons buying coal other than through bellmen an additional 1/- in order to subsidise the price of 63/- to the bellmen, so that if the bellmen were overcharged in that particular way the public outside who bought through the merchants, and not through the bellmen, were overcharged even more. But assuming that the overcharge to those who were buying coal in Dublin and Dún Laoghaire in that period was only the overcharge made to bellmen, then I say the increased overcharge in the period, on the assumption that there are 30,000 tons sold weekly in the City of Dublin, is £71,000. When I take into consideration all the things that could, in addition, be allowed for, then that overcharge might run nearer to £100,000. I base that statement on the fact that the margin between the import price and the price to bellmen over five months last year was 10/7, and that margin was substantially increased with the permission of the Minister on the 18th January and again increased by the order of the Minister on the 18th February.

Owing to the Minister's attitude, I have been endeavouring, by means of Parliamentary Questions, to get further information on the subject. In reply to Parliamentary Questions to-day I got information that I must regard as fantastic. If I relate all the information supplied by the Minister for Industry and Commerce as to the price at which coal is in the country, it may explain to me why the vagaries of the Minister for Supplies are so extraordinary, but it does not make my mind any more satisfied that an injustice is not being done; in fact, it intensifies my dissatisfaction and my concern in regard to the position. The Minister has stated repeatedly that he has allowed increases in prices only because of increases in costs outside this country, either in pithead costs or in freights.

To-day I asked him two questions. I asked him on whose advice he increased, by 5/- a ton, the price of coal to bellmen to 63/- a ton from the 18th February, 1941; what were the changes in the cost of imported coal which warranted this increase, and what were the grounds for his stating that this price of 63/- was a subsidised price. The reply given to me was:—

"The price of coal to bellmen as from 18th February, 1941, was fixed after an investigation by my Department. The increase was less than the average increase in the c.i.f. cost of all coals arriving in Dublin at the time, the actual amount of which was 7/-. On the basis of the c.i.f. cost at the time the price of coal supplied to bellmen would normally have been at least 65/-."

That is the way in which he explains why he allowed an increase of 5/- a ton and why he stated that the price of 63/-, to which the increase of 5/- brought the price of coal, was a subsidised price. The reason given is that the average increase in the c.i.f. cost of all coals arriving in Dublin at the time amounted actually to 7/-. He is explaining an action taken by him on the 18th February, but the c.i.f. price of coal for January was 44/8, and for February, 45/11, an increase of 1/3.

The Deputy does not understand what the figures mean.

The Minister will be given ample opportunity to explain and, so anxious am I to have this whole thing explained, I am asking that the Committee of Selection be enabled to set up a committee of the House to listen to the Minister and to take all the information that he can give. An explanation was given here to-day that the Minister allowed an increase of 5/- per ton because the c.i.f. cost of coals arriving in Dublin was 7/- at the time and the increase in the c.i.f. cost in February over January was 1/3.

Who told the Deputy that?

The Minister for Industry and Commerce——

He told the Deputy nothing of the kind.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce——

Gave the Deputy no figure for the c.i.f. cost of coal arriving in Dublin.

Did the Minister hear me saying that I was anxious to give him an opportunity of correcting our general ignorance of the position before a Committee of the House and permit him to place all the facts before it? If the Minister is not prepared to do that, will he allow Deputies to hear what I want to say, clearly and simply, without being interrupted?

I am trying to put the Deputy right, but apparently it is a hopeless task.

I tried to put myself as right as I could and through the medium of Parliamentary Questions I asked the Minister for Industry and Commerce to say what was the average import price of coal in the months of January and February and the Minister told me that the price was 44/8 over the month of January and 45/11 over the month of February, and I am figuring out by the ordinary rules of subtraction that the increase was 1/3. In the middle of February the Minister for Supplies puts on an increase of 5/- and his explanation is that the average increase in the c.i.f. cost of all coals arriving in Dublin was 7/-. That answer does not reassure me. It does give me some kind of explanation of the vagaries of the Minister, but no assurance that the Minister is dealing with the matter properly.

The other question I put to the Minister requested him to state what were the changes in the import cost of coal which caused the reduction in the price charged to bellmen of 6/8 a ton from the 7th April, 1941. The Minister replied:

"Between the time in February last when the price of bellmen's coal was fixed and April 7th there was an average reduction in the c.i.f. cost of all types of coal shipped to Dublin of approximately 3/- per ton. The prices fluctuated up and down in that period, but the general tendency was downwards in price. It was decided to give the major part of the benefit of the reduction in the price of all coal imported to the coal allocated to the bellmen's dumps, the price of which coal was in consequence reduced by 6/8."

The Minister for Industry and Commerce tells me that the average import price of coal, c.i.f., in February was 45/11 and in March it was 46/8, an increase of 9d. The Minister for Supplies balances off his phantasy of an increase of 7/- in February as against 1/3 by an apparent reduction of 3/- a ton as against an increase of 9d. If prices are going to be controlled in that particular way, the Minister ought to have some definite explanation. I think everybody would wish that the prices charged would run along in normal sequence and that the increase, if any, that is allowed would be an increase that could run in normal sequence in the same way as the average increase in the import price indicated by the figures the Minister for Industry and Commerce gave. If we are to have jerks in prices, and if that is the way the Government is going to have it, very good, but do not let us have jerks that in a period of eleven weeks mulct coal consumers in the City of Dublin in a sum that represents between £71,000 and £100,000.

We have a grave responsibility here and we ought to meet it in the most sensible way. If there is any matter in respect of which irritation or wrong statements, even by persons like myself, can give rise to difficulty, then they should be stopped in the most systematic and effective way. In the circumstances in which we find ourselves, and in the serious difficulties in which every class of the people find themselves, I do not know any Deputy who is not prepared to accept a fair presentation of facts. I am presenting facts obtained from official figures, as far as the price of coal is concerned, and from men who paid these prices and showed me their books. If any of these sets of figures have changed, looked at in any kind of way, the Minister has very elaborate machinery to show whether they are right or wrong. If the Minister in these circumstances will not allow a committee of this House to be set up to examine carefully, systematically and privately the case that is put before it, or that is put before it by his Department, then he is neglecting his duty. It is he who is creating disturbed conditions. When I state superficial facts, knowing the circumstances of people in the city, I am not going to be prevented from raising my voice here and appealing to Deputies in every part of the House to do their best to get this thing stopped, and to clear my mind, and the minds of others, if we have got a wrong impression, either from the official figures or from the facts. I take that responsibility seriously. It is above politics, above personal inconvenience, above anything we might have to face, either abuse or misrepresentation. The situation we are dealing with is much too serious for people not to take their responsibilities seriously, and as members of the Dáil to be deterred by misrepresentation or abuse. I am not going to be prevented from doing my duty.

If the Minister thinks there is any danger in my presence, or thinks there is ignorance of the facts, then I put it to him it is his responsibility to put me right. I am quite sure from questions that were raised in this House, that I am not the only person who is disturbed with regard to these facts, and that the Minister will find plenty to support my request that a Select Committee should be set up to examine this matter. The Minister pointed out that my motion is not workable because it seeks to contravene the law. There is nothing in that. It is in the common form of any resolutions of the kind put before the House. The committee will be circumscribed by whatever laws are there. I should like the House to understand that, when that point was made by the Minister, I waived it completely. The superficial facts are sufficient to establish the case and they can only be explained away to the committee in a systematic and official way by the Minister and his Department. I do not believe they can be explained away. I believe that an enormous sum of money has been taken from coal purchasers. I know that while the poorer classes may have paid the smaller amount, what they have paid came very heavily upon them, and I consider Deputies in all Parties will be failing in a really serious public duty unless they support the motion to have the question examined systematically and thoroughly by a committee.

In order that the Minister may have an opportunity of replying now, I formally second the motion.

Deputy Mulcahy made the statement that coal consumers in Dublin have paid from £70,000 to £100,000 in excess of the fair price for the coal they received during some recent period. That is the type of statement which will get headlines in certain newspapers to-morrow morning, and I presume that is what Deputy Mulcahy wants, irrespective of the accuracy of his statement of the facts to support it. I want to say here, with all the authority of my office, that that is utter nonsense. It is not merely utter nonsense but grossly unfair that any Deputy should make such a statement unsupported by facts, a statement which charges a body of coal importers in Dublin, who have been carrying on under circumstances of great difficulty, with very much less than normal supplies of coal, selling at prices fixed by me, prices which did not contain any element of excess profits much less permit of gross profiteering. That charge is utterly unfounded and I think it is important that I should intervene at this stage to make that statement, because there are foolish and reckless people who would seize on Deputy Mulcahy's allegation for the purpose of creating trouble.

I want to say in the most explicit manner that the statement has no foundation of any kind. It arises entirely from Deputy Mulcahy's inability to understand the simple figures given out by the Government. Will Deputy Mulcahy get it into his head that it is not possible to make a comparison between the average price of all coals imported at all the ports in the country over a whole month with the price of one class of coal imported on one day at one port. There is no relationship between one and the other Deputy Mulcahy's error arose out of an attempt to compare an average price with the individual price. Such a comparison is not possible. If the Deputy wants to know what is a fair price for coal sold to bellmen in Dublin he has to find the c.i.f. cost of coal sold to bellmen or imported at Dublin. No other figure would enable him to determine what a fair price is. Deputy Mulcahy takes the average price of all coal imported to the whole country, say, last July, a period during which high-grade gas coal, high-grade volatile household coal was imported as well as low-grade steam coal, inferior classes of household coal for bellmen, and a number of other classes at varying prices, in varying districts, imported under varying conditions at various ports. He takes that average price and compares it with the price then charged for one class of household coal imported at Dublin, and says the difference represents the margin of profit on the cost of importing that particular type of household coal at Dublin. That is a complete fallacy. Does the Deputy understand that now? Is it possible to make the Deputy understand that?

I am inviting the Minister to make it possible for me to understand it.

I will do my best. I will take a simple sum in arithmetic. If the price of coal during the first week in January is £2 a ton, in the second week £4 a ton, in the third week £4 a ton, and if in the last week it falls to £2 a ton, what is the average price for the month? £3 a ton. Does the fact that the average price is £3 per ton mean that coal imported during the second week at £4 a ton must be sold at £3 a ton? That is what Deputy Mulcahy is trying to argue.

Of course it is. Does the Deputy understand now that the average price of coal for the month of February has nothing whatever to do with the price of coal on 18th February? If the Deputy is going to persist in his fallacy of comparing the average price of all coals imported into the whole country with the selling price of one class imported into Dublin, will he at least give the average price for the whole month for that one class? Why does he compare the average import price for the month with the selling price on a particular date? Why not compare it with the average selling price for a month? Surely that is commonsense and surely not to do so is to walk into an obvious error? It did not occur to Deputy Mulcahy to do so because it did not suit his argument and because, if he had done so, he could not have made this fantastic statement about £100,000 excess profits. That is his only reason for not doing so, or else he does not understand the elementary considerations which one must take into account when reading official statistics.

I want to speak briefly about the motion. Deputy Mulcahy is apparently under the impression that I am in some way inclined to shirk an investigation of the price of coal in Dublin. On the contrary; I am willing to facilitate and anxious to procure an impartial investigation into the prices being charged for coal in Dublin, because I am satisfied that not merely will that investigation prove that the system of control in operation is effective, but it will dispose, once and for all, of this unfounded allegation of profiteering. Since coal prices have come under the control of my Department, there has been a systematic investigation of the costs of importing and distributing coal by skilled accountants employed in my Department. Prices have been fixed by order. Does the Deputy allege that I fixed these prices for the purpose of allowing the coal merchants to make excess profits? Is that the purport of his allegation? Surely he will at least admit that the efforts of the Department were directed to ensure that no excess profits would be made, and we are satisfied, from a continuous examination of the facts, that no excess profits have been made?

We are dealing, of course, not with figures which have no relation in the circumstances existing in Dublin. We are dealing with the ascertained facts, procured from an examination of the records of the merchants, from their accounts, from the certificates of their auditors and from the documents they are made to produce. There is no possibility of the coal merchants having withheld vital facts, and I want to say this, that at no time since my Department took this situation under control has there been any attempt on the part of coal merchants to withhold relevant facts. On the contrary; the coal merchants of Dublin have co-operated wholeheartedly with my Department, not merely in the matter of making effective our system of price control, but also in the matter of administering the system of rationing in operation, and particularly in this matter of procuring a supply of good coal at the lowest possible price for the poor of the city. I think it is a shame that these men should be blackguarded in the way in which they have been blackguarded, and I think it about time that somebody made a protest against this attempt, for purely Party purposes and to cause mischief, to represent that body of men as having engaged in profiteering.

I am not going to say that some of them would not engage in it, if they were allowed. None of them was any friend of mine, politically or personally, and Deputy Mulcahy knows that, but I want to testify here that these men have assisted my Department and cooperated with me in every way they were asked to do so. They have never hesitated to produce any information we desired, or to come to my Department for consultation when requested. A number of them have acted upon the board of Fuel Importers, Ltd., without any remuneration, for the sole purpose of building up a reserve of coal in Dublin to serve the needs of the poor. They have acted upon advisory committees established in consultation with my Department, committees which take a great deal of their time, and for which they received no reward, not even thanks up to the present, and they as well as any other section of the community are entitled to a fair deal in this House. I have allowed this agitation, this false agitation, about the price of coal to proceed for some time, but it is about time it was checked.

Let me say these few words about the bellmen in the few minutes left to me. The situation in relation to the Dublin bellmen can easily develop into a ramp. I have met these bellmen; officers of my Department have met most of them, and they are reasonable men. They understand the difficulties and appreciate what is being done for them. They are willing to assist my Department in making effective the arrangements we have brought into force, but it is inevitable that if men, no matter how reasonable, are led to believe that by creating an agitation they can get more and more of what they want they will be induced into undertaking that agitation.

They have been led so to believe by the efforts of Deputy Mulcahy to create in their minds the impression that he, and he only, was responsible for the institution of these arrangements which guarantee them, firstly, a supply of the best coal available, secondly, an adequate supply of that coal, so long as it can be procured, and, thirdly, that coal at a subsidised price. I think it is known to every Deputy, and should be known outside the House, that these arrangements were brought into force by my Department without the knowledge of Deputy Mulcahy or any other Deputy, and that this House learned of these arrangements only when they were brought into force. They were brought into force for the purpose of ensuring that the poor of Dublin, those who buy their coal from the bellmen, would be guaranteed a supply of the best coal available at reasonable prices.

I want it to be understood, not merely by Deputies but by the bellmen, that these arrangements were made for that purpose, for the purpose of securing coal for the poor at reasonable prices. These arrangements of central dumps and subsidised prices, and the allocating of portions of all cargoes to the dumps, were not made primarily for the benefit of the bellmen, and I know that some of these bellmen are getting out of these dumps at present more coal than they distributed in normal circumstances. I can give figures if they are required. I also know that some of them are not giving that coal to the poor of the city, but that they are bringing it out —and any Deputy who cares to make the journey can find it out—to the roads in the residential parts of the city and selling that coal to wealthy ration-dodgers, people who have already got their quarter-ton ration from their own merchants, but who do not hesitate to buy an additional supply from bellmen when they can get it.

The Minister is very simple.

I want it to be understood that these arrangements were not made for that purpose. I want the bellmen to understand it, and I want those concerned with the interests of the bellmen to understand that, if that practice should continue, these arrangements will have to be changed. When we made the arrangements, we intended that each of the bellmen being supplied from a central dump would furnish to my Department a list of the customers he intended to supply, a list of the customers he ordinarily supplied. The purpose of that list was to ensure that the coal would go to the people for whom it was intended. Only two of the 500 bellmen in Dublin have as yet supplied that list, and there appears to be some organised movement amongst them to deter bellmen from supplying it. It may be necessary, if the requirements of my Department are not met, to make arrangements that will ensure that only bellmen who comply with that condition will be supplied from a central dump. Whether by that means or some other means, it is my intention to ensure that the coal specially provided in these dumps at subsidised prices will go to the people who I intend, should get it, the poor of the city, and to nobody else.

A good case for the examination asked for in the motion.

I want the Deputy to understand that I have no objection to an examination. I am going to object to the motion on the Order Paper for reasons which I propose to state. I do not know when the debate may be resumed, and perhaps I had better postpone what I have to say about the motion until the debate is resumed.

Perhaps the Minister will try to co-operate in getting it resumed at the earliest possible moment?

There is other business which has to be dealt with.

Debate adjourned.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Wednesday, 30th April.
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