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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 7 Jul 1942

Vol. 88 No. 1

Committee on Finance. - Vote 55—Industry and Commerce (Resumed).

Debate resumed on motion:—
That the Estimate be referred back for reconsideration.

When speaking on this Vote on the last day the House was in session, I adverted to the necessity of producing from home sources any artificial manure that it is possible for us to produce, in view of the fact that we are not in a position to import our requirements. I commented on the slowness and inactivity of the Mineral Development Company in not exploiting the Clare deposit to its utmost capacity and also to the fact that, as far as I knew, no effort was made to examine the possibility of producing nitrogenous manure at home. I pointed out that we have all the raw material necessary for the production of that essential commodity and that, while I was aware that plant for the production of sulphate of ammonia on a large scale was very expensive and possibly not procurable at the present time, I had information to the effect that Dr. Drumm was of opinion that sulphate of ammonia could be produced here, even under present conditions, by a number of small plants. I asked the Minister for information on that matter and I hope he will be in a position to give us full and frank information when he is replying because it is a most important and vital matter in the production of food in this country at the present time.

Dealing with the coal mining industry, I said that I felt there should be far greater exploitation of our coal deposits and, for that purpose, far greater activity on the part of the new company. We are asked to vote for this company a sum of £3,000 for prospecting purposes. The Minister told us that the new company had experienced some unforeseen difficulties. On being questioned by me on that matter he told us that, unfortunately, the shaft was driven down in the wrong place. The exact position selected for the tapping of the coal was based, he said, on a report of a very well-known British mining company. The Minister rightly commented that one never knows what is underneath the earth until one goes down and sees for himself. I pointed out that we had in fact openings in other parts of the Leinster coalfield which proved beyond doubt that at those particular places, notably in the Carlow district, the coal was a commercial proposition but that it was operated by a person who was hampered by lack of equipment and lack of capital. The new Slievardagh company chose to work the other end of the coalfield first with the result that they went down in the wrong place. The output is, I think, very disappointing when one considers the length of time they are operating there. I said that I felt greater attention should have been paid to those areas where production proved to be effective and where, as the Minister said, one could go down and see for himself that there was a seam of coal of sufficient thickness to justify a capital expenditure.

I am also aware that there are old workings in various parts of the country, even in County Cork, that are disused at the present time, not because of lack of coal deposits, but because in the past, when they were worked, they were unable to compete with the price of imported coal. I always felt, rightly or wrongly, that the present emergency provided a great opportunity for this country to concentrate on its coal deposits. We are aware of the fact that in recent years anthracite to a very great extent has come into its own. Its calorific value and its slow-burning character under thermostatic control make it an ideal fuel for the new type of modern domestic cooker, and it has proved an enormous success. Even when this emergency is over, the development of domestic cooking with anthracite as fuel will be further expanded. For that reason it is a great asset that in this country we have such substantial quantities of anthracite. It seemed extraordinary, having regard to the opportunity which we are now afforded, that the Government did not concentrate to a far greater extent on the development and exploitation of our coal deposits.

I think it is a great mistake that so much expenditure and labour have been devoted to the production of turf because to a very great extent in many districts turf production has been an unprofitable undertaking. I think the extra activity devoted to turf production can last merely for the emergency period. I do not think we can hope that turf production will survive in many districts beyond the emergency period, but I am satisfied that is not so with anthracite coal. As I have said, it has been proved beyond any doubt that it is an ideal fuel for domestic purposes with modern cookers and an ideal fuel for slow burning for stoves for heating purposes. In fact, anthracite has proved a great success for industrial purposes. I am aware of the fact that in Carlow beet sugar factory there is one very large furnace capable of working very efficiently on anthracite. I admit that it is a somewhat difficult fuel to use in ordinary furnaces for industrial purposes, but a furnace properly equipped for the purpose of burning anthracite has been functioning very efficiently in the Carlow sugar factory for many years. I think, if we take a long view of the whole problem, we must assume that this country is likely to be faced with very extraordinary economic difficulties after the war and, if we have to contend with an adverse trade balance in the post-war period, here is an opportunity of developing something which we can substitute for imported coal. I press that point very strongly. I think sufficient attention has not been given to this matter of the production of a native fuel of which we have substantial quantities in the country and that could be very profitably exploited at the present moment. I think, unfortunately, the opportunity was not availed of to the full extent it should have been. However, it is not yet too late and I call the Minister's attention to that fact.

We are asked to vote a sum of £30,000 to the Mineral Exploration Development Company and £3,000 to that company for further prospecting. The Minister gave us very little information on those headings, as to what prospecting this new Mineral Exploration Development Company has been carrying out, what have been its activities up to the present, and what new activities it proposes to undertake. It is a subject in which everyone would be most interested and on which we should like further information. I understand that there is a very valuable deposit of dolomite rock down at Bennettsbridge which has a very high magnesium content. Magnesium is a very valuable mineral at the present time. I should like to know what efforts have been made to exploit that valuable mineral, or has any examination been made of the possibilities of that deposit?

The Minister assured the House that he had great hopes of getting the Haulbowline steel mill working again in the near future on scrap steel and that he was satisfied that there were sufficient supplies of scrap steel in the country to keep the mill going for a very long time. That is very good news. I should like to ask on that point what is being done with regard to supplies of iron, particularly horseshoeing iron, and steel and iron necessary for the production of agricultural machinery by the Wexford foundries. The Minister will appreciate that, if these industries are not kept going, and if this emergency lasts very long, as is likely, we may be faced with a very serious problem owing to lack of equipment for the production of food.

I listened with interest to what Deputy Davin had to say with regard to the nationalisation of public transport. While he appeared to make a very good case for nationalisation, from my experience I have no hesitation in saying that for services in rural Ireland you cannot beat private transport. The man who has a lorry of his own is anxious to please those who engage him, and is anxions to operate his lorry to the best advantage. He is prepared to go up difficult lanes, to operate in most difficult country, and the result of that has been that the agricultural community has got an excellent transport service at a reasonable price from such lorry owners. I think that we should be very slow to cut out that very excellent service which our major industry has got in recent years. I am afraid that if we attempted to nationalise transport we would lose that efficiency. When you compare the service given by private lorry owners with that given by the railway companies, you find that unfortunately the railway employee operating a lorry was not prepared to go to the same extent to accommodate farmers or to give the same service as the private lorry owner gave. He was not prepared to take his vehicle down a difficult lane. He was not prepared to give service at certain times. Taking it altogether, he never gave the same facilities to the agricultural community in remote rural districts that they got from the privately-operated lorry.

The Minister, in his reference to our unemployed and the difficulties that industry is experiencing at the present time, said that retrogression is proceeding because of the difficulty in securing raw material. He told us that 188 firms are on short time, involving 9,780 workers, and that 121 firms suspended work, affecting 4,200 operatives. When one considers the enormous numbers that have gone to England, and the substantial number of young men who have gone into the Army, one is appalled at the magnitude of the problem that will have to be faced in this country when those people are demobilised from the Army and large numbers of others are thrown back on us in the post-war period.

The Minister stated that a public works programme would be proceeded with if it were possible to proceed with it. Obviously, the Government have difficulty in finding a public works programme. I should like to draw the Minister's attention to the fact that the Drainage Commission Report has been in the hands of the Government for a couple of years now, and nothing has been done about it. In that report would be found the basis of a large-scale public works scheme. One reads about the enormous amount of reclamation work that is being done in England at the present time. Notwithstanding the fact that they have to provide a huge number of men for war production and for the Army, in order to secure increased food production vast tracts of land have been reclaimed. Scrub, bracken, furze, and all that sort of wild growth has been cleared off land that was worthless a few years ago. That land has now been brought into cultivation and is producing essential food for the country. One cannot understand the reason why some effort at reclamation has not been made here. A large scale plan of reclamation of such land, coupled with a proper drainage scheme, would give scope for the employment of thousands of our workers, instead of exporting them to England.

The Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance commented on the fact that, although those people were earning substantial wages, a higher rate of wages than was offered here, the fact was that that country was unable to honour that wage in food, and that something like £75,000 a week was coming in here and had to be honoured in food from our resources. That means, of course, that we are simply taking a credit for those substantial sums of money, which may or may not be honoured in the future. It appears to me that it would be in the national interest if the Government would make every possible effort to provide large scale schemes of public works, so that those young men could be employed here on work of a reproductive character instead of leaving the country.

I think no one can question the fact that work is to be found on the land. Anyone who knows rural Ireland well is aware of the fact that it would he possible to bring thousands of acres of land into useful production if the necessary programme of reclamation were undertaken. As I said, that is covered to some extent in the report of the Drainage Commission. We have 150,000 farmers in this country with 30 acres of land and over it, and you would find that, for work of an improvement character alone, there is work for one man on every one of those 150,000 farms. If sufficient thought were given to this problem, it would be quite easy to plan a large scale programme of public works which would be most useful in effecting further production in this country. I do not think the Minister is offering any excuse for the Government when he says that a public works programme would be proceeded with if it could be proceeded with. The work is there, any amount of it, if a programme to deal with it were only planned. The Fianna Fáil Party was very fond of talking about a plan ten years ago. It appears to me that they never had a plan. They have not a plan now in this emergency, and they have not even thought about a plan for the difficult times that lie ahead of us. The Minister told us that there were 20,000 people registered as agricultural workers. It is well to be prepared for any eventuality that may occur in this coming harvest. In recent years we have been lucky in the weather that we experienced for harvesting operations, but we know very well that in any year, it is possible to get particularly bad conditions during that period. In view of the very big harvest in the country this year, it is well to make provision for an eventuality of that sort. If we have 20,000 agricultural workers, it is good policy to see that they are not exported, but will be available for harvesting operations if we experience a difficult period.

The Minister referred to the flour milling industry and to the control of small mills. I appreciate the Minister's anxiety to ensure that the Order concerning the 100 per cent. extraction is observed by every mill in the country, but I think it would be unfortunate if some of those very old country mills, which have been of great advantage to agriculturists in rural Ireland in milling not only human food but food for animals, were closed down through any short-sighted policy of the Minister. As I said, I appreciate the Minister's difficulty, but I should like to warn him that he is dealing with a very dangerous matter. If we deny the right of the man who is producing grain in this country to get portion of that milled for his own use and the use of his family, and, to develop that point, possibly create a national pool of wheat for the country, then we would be travelling the same road as the Bolsheviks travelled when they took up all the wheat that was produced in Russia after the last war and redistributed it amongst the people. As we all know, the result was that those who always produced wheat in that country decided that no useful purpose was served by producing wheat—that whether they produced it or not they would get their quota.

The result of that was hunger, starvation and death for vast numbers. I merely referred to that for the purpose of warning the Minister of the danger of interfering with any facilities to which the food producer of this country is entitled, at least in respect of that portion of his production milled for his own use and the use of his family. On the question of the Prices Commission, I should like to draw the Minister's attention to the price of second-hand commodities and, particularly, second-hand agricultural machinery. These prices have skyrocketed.

Price control is a matter for the Minister for Supplies.

There is a Prices Commission allowance on this Vote and it is very hard to know what appertains to the Department of Supplies and what appertains to the Department of Industry and Commerce.

Price-control was actually discussed on the Vote for the Department of Supplies.

I was merely going to suggest to the Minister that it would be well to consider the controlling of the prices of second-hand articles, particularly machinery.

I think that the Minister was so advised on the Vote for the Department of Supplies.

That is all I have to say on it. It is, I think, a useful suggestion which might be considered by the Minister either in his capacity as Minister for Industry and Commerce or in his capacity as Minister for Supplies.

The cost is borne on the Supplies Vote.

A problem has arisen within the past few days at Castlecomer colliery with regard to the employment of a number of carters. As a result of the Minister's recent Order about 160 or 170 men will be knocked out of work, and these are men who have kept the colliery going for many years. They are horse and lorry carters. It would be a great hardship for these people if, because of that Order, it was not permissible to continue the old system of transport which has been operating for a great many years. It should be possible to fit these people into the new rationing scheme. I can understand the necessity for the new Order and for making all possible use of the available supplies of coal for industry and transport, but I think that those carters could be fitted into the new rationing scheme without changing it in any may. Coal to the beet factory at Carlow has always been sent by rail via Kilkenny. I suggest that that coal should be taken by horse and cart the short distance from Castlecomer to Carlow, and thus relieve the railway system. I admit that these people have not been transporting that coal in the past. Their sole means of livelihood was the carting of coal for domestic use for the three counties, Kilkenny, Laoighis and Carlow. Under the new Order, no provisnon is made for coal for domestic use, with the result that all these people are knocked out of employment. The Minister asked Deputies last Friday to remember, when discussing the price of any article manufactured in this country, that redundant staff had been kept in employment for the sole purpose of giving them employment, and that that was, naturally, reflected in the price of the article produced. The same rule should apply here.

Even if it costs a little more to bring coal from Castlecomer to Carlow or to the City of Kilkenny by road than it would to do so by rail, it should be possible to employ these people at that work. They might be able to compete with rail transport but, even if it costs a little more, it would relieve the railway system of that amount of tonnage and the railway system is already over-strained. It would be keeping in the transport service 60 or 70 horses and carts which may be lost to national transport if not now utilised in some form or other. I think that it would be possible for the Minister to find a solution without interfering with his recent Order. When the rail system is strained beyond its capacity, it would be useful to have relief afforded by taking this coal by road.

Mr. Byrne

On one page of this Estimate, provision is made for marine services. I should be glad if the Minister would make a statement on what he considers is an adequate allowance for dependents of those who lose their lives at sea in Irish ships. I refer specially to the Limerick-owned "Clonlara." A few weeks before he went to sea on the "Clonlara," a young man of 28 years of age was presented with a certificate by the Royal Humane Society for the saving of life. The ship was bombed while he was on board and he lost his life. His father and mother, ordinary working-class people from the North Wall, made application for compensation and were told to attend to fill in forms. As a result of filling in the forms, they were granted an allowance of 5/- per week each for the loss of their "grand boy," as they themselves described him. The authority for the payment of 5/- each to the father and mother only extended for one year, from August, 1941, to August, 1942, when, it was stated, it would be revised. The father was sent for from the labour exchange—I want the Minister and the House to mark this point carefully because it is here I implore their assistance—and had to fill in another form. He was told that as he was getting, as an unemployed man, 16/- a week for himself and his wife to live on and an allowance of 5/- a week for the loss of his son, they would have, under the means test, to take 4/6 off him. The net result for the father is that he lost his son and gets 6d. per week compensation for one year. I know that is not the intention of the Department; and I honestly believe it was not the intention of the Dáil, when it gave the Minister power to pay dependents' allowances, that the means test in that sense should be enforced so rigidly.

In recognition of the bravery of these men if they lose their lives in bringing food to this country and in helping us to live, the country should adequately compensate the parents or widows and children. In this case, 5/- per week is paid to the father and 5/- to the mother; and the father's allowance in unemployment assistance is cut by the labour exchange from 16/6 to 12/- per week. That is not the attitude of a grateful nation to its sailors and firemen—this man was a fireman—and I ask the Minister to see if something cannot be done about it. Whatever allowance is paid as compensation, no matter how inadequate it may be, it should not be taken into consideration in the means test.

I have all the correspondence with me in connection with that matter and can pass it over to the Minister. The name is Mrs. B. Green, of St. Joseph's Mansions, North Strand Road. The family was a seagoing family. The letter says that full information has been given to the Department of Industry and Commerce, Transport and Marine Branch, St. Stephen's Green, Dublin. It may be that the word "pension" has been used inadvertently by somebody. I do not know whether that is the word in the regulations or not.

However, either in connection with this matter or any other matter, where the State gives compensation, the means test should not be operated to deprive the parents or dependents of the allowance to which the nation thinks they are entitled. I am not satisfied with the allowance. If the mother and father got five or ten times the amount, instead of 10/- a week, it is no compensation for the loss of their grand sailor boy, who was capable of earning £4 or £5 a week at the North Wall when work was plentiful. Unfortunately, Work is not plentiful at the North Wall now; it would almost break one's heart, and bring tears to the eyes, to go down the quays and see only one ship on one side and one on the other, with men standing idle. They are wondering what is to become of them, whether any steps are being taken to provide relief schemes, or adequate allowances out of some fund. They were all very good workers and now, through no fault of their own, they are standing idle. I implore the Minister to consider this matter of the dependents of those who lose their lives at sea.

I got another complaint yesterday From the South Wall. I was asked when the Government would come to the assistance of interned sailors off ships that were lost at sea. These men are interned in foreign countries. I understand that there is a fund out of which the Government could pay the fares—no matter how costly—and make grants to those men to bring them home. It is not right, fair or proper to have the wives left without their husbands, for the sake of a few pounds that a grateful State should pay, and I ask the Minister to deal with that question.

I will not go into the Estimates very much, but I have been asked to draw attention to the totally inadequate wages paid to cleaners in Government offices.

The Minister has nothing to do with those wages.

Mr. Byrne

It comes under the Marine Branch. The wages of cleaners are £34 a year, which is 12/6 a week.

That is a question for the Department of Finance.

Mr. Byrne

Very well. In conclusion, I would again ask the Minister to remember the case of those people, who got only 6d. a week in compensation for the loss of a son. I avail of the opportunity to expose that case, in order to win the sympathy of the House and of yourself, a Chinn Comhairle, which I am sure I will have.

Does the Deputy advocate legislation?

Mr. Byrne

I do not think so, it depends on the reading of the Act. I do not think the means test was meant to apply to such cases, and if the means test does apply, I will ask for new legislation, to see that those allowances are paid by the State.

There is one matter mentioned by Deputy Hughes to which I should like to draw the Minister's attention. It is a matter I have dealt with before, but now I am looking at it from the point of view of the Minister whose Vote we are discussing. He himself mentioned the question of emigration. I do not intend to deal with that, but there are many aspects of it which possibly require more attention than the House is able to give to it under any circumstances. At present there is a peculiar anomaly. There is a number of useful works of different kinds in the country, but I understand they are held up at the moment through insufficient labour. We are told it is desirable that all available labour should go to harvesting and the production of fuel, and that none is available for other useful works, which could be done profitably during the summer months, and only then. There is something of an anomaly there. As the Minister has pointed out, large numbers of people are going from this country to Great Britain— yet useful work at home is being held up. I am not saying that I have a remedy for that, but I want the Minister to give earnest attention to it.

As, possibly, the Minister is aware, drainage has been held up for some years. One of the main difficulties that had to be faced in that particular matter was the question of cost. The Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance used to point out, in dealing with the Board of Works, that any schemes which seemed to be fit for adoption in other respects were uneconomic—that is, that the cost of putting them into proper condition and maintaining them afterwards was not compensated for by the value that would accrue to the land.

Looking at it merely from the point of view of the Board of Works, possibly that position could be maintained; but while that might be so, I put it to the Minister that a large number of people were drawing unemployment benefit and in that connection the sum that could be saved, if these men were to get employment in drainage schemes, might be taken into account in estimating the economic value of these schemes.

I mention this matter because, quite recently, I found out that at the moment it is the policy of the Government not to encourage even small drainage schemes or relief works of the kind on the plea—quite comprehensible—that the men available are required for farm work in connection with the harvest and for turf. But, on the other hand, people are leaving this country in large numbers for England. It may be a question of the tremendous difference between the wages they get here and the wages they can get in England, and how that is to be overcome I candidly confess I am not in a position to say. A drastic prohibition on travel to England might be resented and there might not be the return from it which, on mere paper, would be expected, but the fact remains that there are a number of schemes which could be undertaken at the moment and which are not being undertaken because, it is alleged, of insufficiency of labour.

I ask the Minister to give a fuller explanation than he has given of his policy with regard to the small mills. He said his policy is governed by a desire to see that all the wheat is milled according to his standard, and I gather that he is afraid that if he grants permits to all these small mills there will be evasion of the law in different ways, that there will not be the full cent. per cent. milling of the wheat and that the wheat will not be used for human consumption. Is there not there the other danger that if the people find that, having grown the wheat, they cannot get the return they wish from it, that they cannot have it dealt with in the local mill, they may feed it to some of their animals—to the ruminants, anyway? I gather that there are difficulties in feeding wheat direct to pigs, but I doubt if there is the same difficulty so far as cattle are concerned, and they may adopt that procedure. The refusal of the Minister may practically lead them into such a mistaken policy of not sending their wheat to any miller and so produce the result the Government is anxious to avoid. I cannot estimate the likelihood of that. I heard talk of that kind a considerable time ago and I naturally tried to discourage it. If the Minister's statement is borne out by statistics, namely, that 50,000 or 60,000 tons were unaccounted for and were probably used for feeding animals instead of for human food, his milling policy itself may be an inducement. I would urge upon him, therefore, a policy of loosening up. I understand that, to some extent, an advance in that direction has been made in the last couple of weeks, but a policy of even greater loosening up might, in the long run, be more favourable to the ideal the Minister has in mind.

The Minister, in dealing with his Estimate, said he thought the House would prefer him to deal with some general matters rather than with details, and there are a couple of general matters on which I should have liked to have heard him. I understand, Sir, that you wish to have the motions on the Order Paper all taken together?

All the Votes governed by Industry and Commerce are being discussed. The motions which are being taken are, firstly, the motion to refer back and, secondly, the Labour Party motion regarding nationalisation of transport. The transport motion is first on the list of private Deputies' motions.

I might help to shorten the discussion——

There seems to be some confusion. If the Committee wants decisions on the two motions to reduce sub-heads, I purpose to allow a general debate on the Estimate, the motion to refer back, and the transport motion together; to have a decision on the motion to refer back; then to take Deputy Davin's motion to reduce sub-head (a) and, having decided that, to take Deputy Mulcahy's motion to reduce sub-head (j), and, when a decision has been reached, to put the Estimate; finally to put a question on the transport motion.

It will suit then if I make my references to my motion now?

Yes, and if the Deputy wants a decision later on, he may have it, but without discussion.

We are voting in this Estimate a sum of £3,662 for the International Labour Office. We had two Government representatives at the conference, but I notice that in the discussion of the reports there, neither of our representatives had a single word to say during the week of the conference, and we have not heard from the Minister whether any report has been made by those representatives. I entirely subscribe to the support of the International Labour Office. because I think it is very valuable that we should not only know what was going on there and watch the trend of things through the machinery of the office, but should try to take part in the discussions there.

In the report presented to the International Labour Conference in New York last October, there is a very important review of both the social and economic position in the world at present. It was presented to the conference by a very distinguished Irishman, Mr. Edward J. Phelan, who is Acting Director of the International Labour Office. In presenting to the conference a report on the possibilities of future policy, he reviewed a number of statements made in various countries throughout the world with regard to the future social objective and the policy to be pursued with regard to it. He did the Minister for Supplies the honour of quoting him, although he described him as Minister for Economic Defence, when referring to the position in Ireland. He said:

"Mr. Seán Lemass, Minister for Economic Defence, has stated that in laying plans for post-war reconstruction the primary aim must be so to organise ourselves and the national resources at our command that poverty and all the social evils that arise from it shall be eliminated and no other aims can have priority over that."

In the general discussion that took place, there was a pretty general subscription to the idea contained in this paragraph of the report:

"The economic consequences of the war, while involving grave dislocation of employment everywhere, have also produced a much keener awareness of the value to a nation of the full employment of its manpower. In the belligerent countries elimination of unemployment has become an immediate and urgent necessity as all available material and human resources have to be mobilised to secure national salvation. Security of employment is also being referred to on all hands as the keynote of post-war economic and social reconstruction. To enable the individual to secure a reasonable standard of life and contribute to the general prosperity of the community by productive work would appear to be, by general accord, the first condition which must be fulfilled in order to avoid a relapse into the economic and social disorders which played so important a part in the origin of the present war."

The president of the congress, Miss Perkins, representing the United States, is reported in the discussion as saying:—

"Faced by the necessity of mobilising all our resources for purposes of destruction, we have realised that manpower is among the scarcest of our resources."

And Mr. Carter Goodrich, Chairman of the Governing Body of the International Labour Office, said that:—

"To-day the leaders of the free peoples see more clearly than ever that ‘the daily life of working folk' is the central concern of public policy."

It is brought out that it is social progress that all the countries of the world are groping for and talking so much about, and in connection with which some of them, even in the midst of the distractions of war in which they are engaged, are planning to bring about social reforms in the post-war development. It is made pretty clear, in the discussions there, that we are not going to have peace anywhere, and that we are not going to have the proper utilisation of the resources that the world has, unless the life of the ordinary working man is concentrated upon and made reasonable and secure. We can have no culture or mental progress of any kind as long as disturbing elements of neglect exist in a world where there is so great a capacity for production, and as a result people are left in want and destitution. On several occasions here previously, we have referred to the conviction that has beaten itself into the minds of some of the countries that are at war, that if some of the energy, some of the organisation, and some of the discipline that is being employed to prosecute war, were used, say, from 1930 or 1931, to deal with the particular and new phenomenon of unemployment that manifested itself about that time, every country in the world would be better off and we might have escaped the war. We see other countries now learning, as it were, the lessons of that particular time, and even in the midst of the distractions of war, concentrating on plans of development and endeavouring to make provision to meet the future and see that they can and will provide social security, security of employment, and security of life for men, women and their families.

When we see countries that have the disturbance and the cost of war developing these hopes, when we see our difficulties here and how little we are disturbed by the kind of loss and expenditure that war has brought to other countries, we must feel that we have an opportunity of doing something here and organising for the present day and for the future such as no other country in the world has. If we do not show that we are carrying out that organisation now and carrying on these plans now, in the first place it will mean that we are failing ourselves and, in the second place, that we may be failing the world. From any of the pronouncements on economic matters that have been made by Ministers recently, we cannot but be persuaded that Miniters are facing the situation in a very depressed way. No word of hope, no word of faith, no word of encouragement has been given to the nation as a whole, and when we hear a Minister—I think it was the Minister for Supplies himself during this debate—saying that in relation to our trade with Great Britain or the working out of any kind of a commercial or trade agreement with Great Britain, we have no bargaining power, then it seems to me that not only are we throwing up the sponge with regard to our own economic development here, but that we are getting into a wrong frame of mind entirely with regard to the spirit in Which international co-operation and agreement should be arranged.

In the discussions that took place in New York it was indicated that British post-war economy must be an economy that would fit itself into the economic arrangement of the post-war world. If we are not entirely blind, through political inclinations or political prejudices of one kind or another, we must realise that our post-war economy must fit in to what the post-war economy of Britain will be. We are dependent upon our agricultural production here to keep not only our agricultural but a very big part of our urban community in their living. We are dependent upon the export of agricultural produce if we are to keep our farmers in anything like the condition of life which they have been in the habit of having. That is, we must have agricultural export if our farmers are going to keep anything like the living that they had in the past, and if our farmers are not going to have anything like the living they had in the past, then we are going to have no living in our towns. In no way is there any evidence of or, in fact, any approach to the technical improvement of our agricultural industry that would show that we are going to be prepared in any way for post-war conditions. Again, on the industrial side there appears to be no systematic thought or planning as to what our post-war conditions are likely to be. I think that, while the future is a bit unknown, there are fundamental principles upon which the mind of this country must be organised and shaped with regard to our agricultural production and its disposal and our industrial production and the solid foundations upon which it is going to be based. It is very important that it should be discussed, and particularly that it should be discussed in this House now, and if the Government have their difficulties in seeing their way to the future, nevertheless they have the primary contribution to make, in their privileged position of knowing all the facts and knowing a lot more than Deputies of the House, generally, are allowed to know, as they cannot have either trade statistics or a lot of other information with regard to their trade given to them at the present time.

We would have expected that the Minister for Industry and Commerce would have reviewed the future in a constructive way, particularly, this year, when he sees the tendencies that are in the world, and had the opportunity of learning from his representatives at New York what is going on there. The greater number of the nations of the world are represented there. They come together to discuss the present situation and particularly the future. It seems to be a useless gesture on our part to be paying money for the upkeep of the International Labour Office if we do not recognise in this House what it has done and the help it can be to us, not only from the point of view of the information that we can get from it but of the inspiration that should come to us from it. It should be a reminder to us that we cannot afford to jog on indifferently, squabbling over our little difficulties in regard to shortages of this and that. Instead, we ought to be as alert as possible. We should be exerting ourselves as much as people in other countries are, Striving to concentrate our minds on a review of the future and of the foundations upon which our economy is going to rest, especially in regard to training, education and propaganda, and the use that we are going to make of these things in order to get the national mind clear on them.

In our situation here we are not likely to have serious differences of opinions on fundamentals, on matters that are social or economic. The stress of the present time is driving these things to the forefront. Those who are in the favoured position of being in the Government have a great responsibility to keep these things before the House and to deal with them in a systematic and thorough way. No one in the Government has made any attempt to do that effectively. Anything that we have heard has been more a disappointment— despair almost—than anything else. I would, therefore, ask the Minister to give the House some account of the report sent in of the International Labour Office Congress held in New York in October last. I would also ask him to say what steps he proposes to take to keep the House in touch with the work of the International Labour Office.

Deputy O'Sullivan referred to people leaving the country. Recently I had the case of a man, his wife, four boys and a girl brought to my notice. The girl is the only member of the family working. The father does casual labour. One of the boys, who is 20 years of age, was refused unemployment assistance unless he joined the construction corps or the Army. He joined the former and did his 12 months. Now, he wants to go to Great Britain where he has an offer of work, but has been refused permission to go. If there is a policy which interferes with the liberty of people leaving the country we ought to be told what it is. We can all imagine that there would be reasons for such a policy, but here you have the case of this man and his wife. They have given their family such education as they could get for them. They have five children, some of them 20 and 21 years of age. The struggle they have made to rear them was a big one. They have now reached the point at which they expect the children to be able to go to work and help to support the house. They are not able to get work here. The girl is in employment and one of the boys has done his 12 months in the construction corps. He now finds that the family are not able to get the kind of living that he would like and he is anxious to help them. He has been refused permission to leave the country. I do not think that is the kind of case the Minister can stand over, particularly when other people are getting permits to go. If there is a policy to restrain people from going abroad then it should be capable of being stated here in general terms. That boy must feel that the position of the family was not going to be mended by his staying on in the construction corps, and his desire is to help relieve the family burden.

I suggest that if there is a policy on this matter it ought to be stated here in general terms so that all our people can understand it and so that we will not be creating focal centres of irritation and desperation here and there throughout the country. People will feel that they are being penalised if they are treated differently from others and if families are forced to exist under very miserable conditions when they might be improved if some of the children were allowed to go abroad to take up the employment offered to them. It may be that there is a danger in that—that it would be shocking outrage on the broad economic mind of which the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance spoke to-day. It may be that there is that reason for being outraged. I do not know whether there is or not, but if the thing is being worked genérally in the way in which it has been in this particular case, then I say a very definite outrage has been committed against this man and his wife. They have had to bear the burden of bringing up their family and now find that because an official here or a policeman there says that the children are not to be allowed out of the country, they simply have to remain, with the result that the family have to take whatever small pittance is offered to them in the way of relief. I would ask the Minister to clear up that position.

There is another matter that, while it may appear to centre round a single case is I think, deserving of mention I raised it some time ago with the Minister. It is concerned with the position of a Dublin firm which wanted to export a punching machine and a circular saw to its premises in Newry. It had previously exported some of its machinery there so as to be able to employ some of the Dublin staff already transferred there. Permission was refused to export these pieces of machinery on the grounds that machinery cannot easily be got outside the country now and that if we wanted them again we would not be able to get them. If we are going to maintain our industrial fabric in the post-war period we have got to be very careful in regard to what we do at the present time. One of the distracting things for employers who have to carry on industry with technically trained work-people is, that at the present, they have to part with them and they go away. He is a very lucky employer who is able to shepherd his workers, so that if they do go away, they will keep up their technical skill, which will be available to him when they do come back.

There has been a number of industries in which people have tried hard to do that and to a small extent have succeeded. Here you have an important industry which has a place in Newry that has been able to take some of these employees who would otherwise have to be scattered perhaps to England or elsewhere. This firm has been able to employ them in its Newry premises, at the same time helping the draftsmen and the clerical staff here in the city to remain in employment, whereas, if the Newry work was not being carried on, they might have to be dispensed with. In order to improve and strengthen the position in Newry the firm asks permission to send out some of its machinery which is lying redundant and which it sees no possible chance of using and difficulty is put in its way. A considerable amount of work which has been done in Newry has been imported into the Twenty-Six Counties even recently in connection with some important works here. I think there has been a certain amount of petty interference just for interference sake. It is like leaving a family here in hardship and in distress and in despair simply because somebody holds an economic theory of one kind or another. Here you have a firm able to keep its people working under, as it were, the roof of the firm. It is therefore holding on to its workers, keeping them in training, and keeping them in contact for post-war, purposes and difficulties are put in its way. I think it is wrong, and unless there are very great reasons which the Minister can state here, I think difficulties like that should not be put in the way of this firm.

The Minister recently has been closing down a certain number of mills and there are two things I should like to say about that. In the first place, I think that in the conditions obtaining at present the worst possible way you can carry on the administration of the country is by this kind of "jerk off" threat. The Minister reminds me of one of those thoughtless and perhaps bad-tempered women going along a street dragging a child after her and slapping the child because it will not keep up with her. The Minister tends too much to slapping people that he wants to correct and to put on the right lines. In reply to a question to-day he gave me a certain number of mills that were closed down and a certain number that were opened. The list shows that three of them were opened after 13 had been shut down. I have an idea that the Minister has promised at least to open others.

I said that in any case where I had reason to be satisfied that the law would be observed in future, I would reconsider the matter.

Does that suggest that if there has been no complaint up to the present and, consequently, that there is no reason to suppose in the case of a particular mill that there has been a violation of the law, the Minister would then give a permit in that case?

The adequacy of the milling facilities already existing must be taken into account before giving a permit.

Therefore, it is not merely a case of his fearing the law would be broken?

The Deputy is mixing up two things, One, the closing of a mill which is in operation, and the other, the giving of a permit to a mill to operate. These are two separate things. A mill which has a permit may be closed; a permit to mill wheat may be refused to a mill which was never closed.

I want the Minister to be clear. Does he mean that a permit will be refused not merely because the mill had broken the law or not merely because he fears they will break the law, but because of some general policy?

The number of mills in the locality might be quite sufficient.

That is, that a certain number of mills will be sacrificed to others?

In the case of old established mills a permit is usually given.

Some are 50 years old for which he has refused permits.

This shows both the position in which we are here and the position in which the Minister's mind is. If it were possible to explain anything to anybody, it should be possible to explain it to Deputy O'Sullivan who was Minister for Education for a long time. I think the Deputy is still further confused about the situation.

Perhaps I will explain the matter if I say that the Lixnaw Co-operative Society have not shown sufficient respect for the law.

That is completely at variance with the answer the Minister gave to my question.

Not necessarily in relation to the question of milling, but to the question of the purchasing and utilisation of wheat and other agricultural products.

My question was general; whether there had been any breach of the law.

First and foremost, I want to get the Minister's policy. It is very hard to expect millers throughout the country to understand what the position is if we, who are sitting here and listening to the Minister and trying to elucidate matters by asking the Minister questions, cannot understand the matter. I think it is desirable that they should understand it. In regard to the various mills closed up to the present, the Minister was asked what offence they were alleged to have committed and the Minister's answer was that he would not tell us or that he did not want to imply they had committed any offence. The Minister falls back on the line that he is going to shut mills in order to conserve the food supplies of the country. I wants to protest to the Minister that his policy with regard to the shutting of mills and the way he is shutting them is a wrong policy, and I should like to hear him on that. As regards his policy of shutting mills in order to conserve foodstuffs, I think the House deserves to have it explained how the foodstuffs are likely to be conserved by the shutting of any mill. That is a separate question. If the Minister wants to go further, I should like to ask how our foodstuffs are likely to be conserved by refusing permits to mills which are anxious to work.

The Deputy understands that it is a permit to mill wheat?

I think we are entitled to some explanation from the Minister in order to get a proper understanding of the situation in the country and to have less of this jerking and slapping business which is going on. It is very essential that we should have as little of that as possible.

I merely want the Minister to clear up the matter. There are, I understand, three reasons operating with the Minister when he refuses a permit. One reason for refusing a permit is that the mill has been guilty of an offence. That may be also a reason for withdrawing a permit from a mill which has already got one. The Minister has given three reasons. The first as an offence committed by the mill; and the second, conserving food supplies. I ask the Minister to explain more fully to the House how his policy does that. The third reason—and I should like to know how far this weighs with the Minister more than the other two—is what he implied now, namely over-milling; that there are too many mills in the country; that he wants to preserve a certain number of mills, that there is only sufficient work for these and, consequently, the others must be prevented from taking on the milling of wheat. These are the three reasons, I gather, that the Minister has for refusing a permit. Am I correct in that? I do not want to misrepresent him.

I spoke at some length on this the other evening in a discussion here. A mill may be closed. If, for example, an inspector, entering a mill, found that animal feeding stuffs, including wheat, were being produced, the mill would be closed. That is the commonest type of case where action has been, or may in the future be, taken, where the inspector entering the mill finds animal feeding stuffs containing a proportion of wheat. In the case of a mill which has not a permit to mill wheat, the mere existence of wheat in the premises would be ground for suspicion that it was going to be used for illegal purposes and action might be taken in that case if other circumstances appear to suggest that the suspicion was well founded. Where a permit has been refused, it has been because of the belief that the milling facilities already existing were adequate for the requirements of the locality. That policy may be reviewed, because the regulations now in operation appear to be sufficient to govern the activity of mills—that is, provided you can make these regulations effective.

The Deputy understands that in these matters I am obliged to consult the Minister for Agriculture. The granting of a permit is made only after consultation with the Minister for Agriculture. It is he who expresses the opinion whether a new permit for milling purposes is required in a particular locality. If he Considers it is, then the permit is given, unless there has been a conviction or some irregularity, or, on inspection, irregular practices are found to be in operation.

I am correct in saying that the real dominating motive is to prevent over-milling in a district, on the ground that there are already sufficient facilities? Is that fair?

That is becoming much less important now, because we have restricted the quantity of wheat which any mill can use. If we can make that regulation operative, then the number of mills ceases to be of any great importance.

My first remark will be to ask if Deputy McGilligan is in the House. I should like to see him here. He commented last week in connection with the absence of Deputies from this Chamber. It is all very fine for a Deputy who represents about 400 or 500 intellectuals, and who has nothing to do for them in this House, to talk in that vein. It is all very fine for a Deputy who can earn a couple of thousand a year in the Law Library, and who has £500 a year as an ex-Minister, to refer to the absence of Deputies from rural constituencies. There are many Deputies from the rural areas who, when they are in Dublin, have to do work for their constituents, who have to be over in the Customs and Excise offices, in the Customs House, or in the Department of Supplies, doing work for their constituents, and they cannot be here listening to words of wisdom uttered by the representative of the 500. I suggest that Deputy McGilligan, who appeared to be so anxious to have us here the last day, ought to be here to-day.

I think Deputy McGilligan has as much right to be out of the Chamber as the whole of the Fianna Fáil Party had to be out of the Chamber when he was speaking here the other day on the liberties that we ought to have under the Constitution.

Or the licence which he endeavoured to have and to use, or misuse, in this country. Deputies who have a couple of pensions and a couple of salaries ought to stop here, anyway. I was rather interested in the statement made with reference to the mills. Let us remember that for a period this year the people of this country were in the position that they could not get sufficient bread to eat. Flour and bread had to be rationed. At the same time, we had certain millers who got privileges and who were misusing these privileges, and Deputies who were loudest in their talk about bread queues a couple of months ago are now howling to have the people who infringed the law in that respect better treated; they are anxious to know why the permits were withdrawn from these people merely because of the milling of wheat.

I have got as many as 100 letters in respect of the closing down of one mill and I refused to take any action, no matter what it would cost me and no matter what pressure was brought to bear on me to exercise my influence in regard to that matter. I am not going to look for the return of a permit to a man who turned human food into food for animals in a period when our people wanted bread. I think that Deputies who use their influence in this Dáil in that connection ought to blow either hot or cold. Let them come out openly and declare that permits should be given and that these millers should use wheat for animal food if necessary, but at the same time they should not talk here about bread queues. I am as anxious as any Deputy to see the rural mills working. I want the agricultural community to have wheat mills as near to their homes as possible, but I am not prepared, at a time when we have to go to great lengths in order to get sufficient bread for the people, to look for the return of licences to people who have misused them. Bread may become very scarce. We have passed a period when it was very scarce, and I think the miller who used his mill at a critical time for the production of white flour or food for animals should not get his licence back under any condition. Any Government that would return a licence to such a miller would be prostituting justice.

I was rather amused at Deputy Mulcahy's idea of what our post-war programme should be and when he suggested that we would have to fit in with the post-war economics of Britain. Who told Deputy Mulcahy that Britain would be here after the war or, if they are here, that they would be in a position to pay the Irish farmer for his exports? Considering that in the middle of the war, as we are to-day, they are unable to pay an economic price to the Irish farmer for whatever he can export to them——

That does not arise on this Vote.

Deputy Mulcahy spoke on this subject for threequarters of an hour. I am sorry you, a Leas-Chinn Chomhairle, were not here then. Deputy Mulcahy told us that we must have agricultural exports to Britain and he wanted technical improvement in the agricultural industry for that purpose. I, for one, am not at all anxious to see the agricultural community kept in a position in which they have either to live on subsidies or keep themselves and their employees living just above the verge of starvation, in order to provide exports to Britain for the purchase of luxuries for the rest of the community which the farmers themselves cannot afford to buy. That is the whole position. Take what was one of our primary industries here, dairying. The price that you could get to-day for butter on the British market would not allow you to pay more than 4d. per gallon for milk at the creamery. Some Deputies want to continue that or to do worse than that. They want to have the industry flourishing so that we shall have increased exports after the war when Britain, if she wins the war, will be free to import these commodities from places all over the world.

How will you buy industrial products?

Let the industrialists see to that. The poor farmer should not be the scapegoat all the time. He was the scapegoat too long. Let us get out of that rut in which we, the agricultural community, were the only people who produced food for export at less than the cost of production. So long as we are content to do that, so long shall we be the hewers of wood and the drawers of water for the rest of the people.

I agree, but what is the remedy?

Stop it. Produce for the home market that you can control.

That is a blue look-out.

It may be, but the farmers in this country made it pay and pay fairly well. Why do not the flour millers, for instance, export flour to Britain to provide for any industrial products they need? Must our farmers be the only people to bear the burden all the time? It is time we got away from that.

I must ask the Deputy to deal with the Vote before the House.

I am dealing with statements made from the opposite benches.

The Deputy's remarks must have some relation to the Vote before the House.

Deputy Mulcahy was considered to be quite in order by the Ceann Comhairle when he was dealing with these matters. However, I do not wish to go further into it than that. The one fault I have to find with the Minister and his Department is that apparently they are not prepared to take into consideration the statements made here by An Taoiseach in which he promised equal rights for all citizens. In reply to certain questions in this House to-day, the statement was made that there were 339 prosecutions against farmers who had not tilled their land. I say that the Government that did that were right. If I had my way I would double the fine. I would even go so far as to send to jail without the option of a fine, farmers who were not prepared to produce food in this crisis. I say that frankly, but what is sauce for the goose should be sauce for the gander.

While I give every credit to the Minister for the fact that he has brought the steel industry back again to the point of production, I cannot agree with his methods. He has not taken the same power to deal with industrialists in this country as the Minister for Agriculture has taken to deal with farmers. Equal rights for all citizens! If the farmers of this country find to-day a shortage of essentials for carrying out their production programme in agriculture, it is because the Minister has not exercised the same power in regard to industry that the Minister for Agriculture is exercising in regard to the agricultural community. We want fair play all round. We had an industry opened by the Minister in August, 1939, previous to the war, in Cobh. The first object of that industry was to convert the scrap iron of this country into iron and steel so that the country would be self-sufficient, in so far as we could make it, in iron and steel. What happened? The principal director of that company was also the sole licensee of the British Department of Supplies for the export of scrap iron from this country. Just imagine that! It was the only industry in this country that could convert scrap iron and scrap steel into ordinary commercial iron and steel for the use of the Irish people and the principal director of that company was the sole agent of the British. Department of Supplies for the export of scap iron and steel.

The result was that during the whole of 1940 billets were imported and scrap iron went out at roughly £3 per ton. Anyone who likes can look up the returns of the Dublin Port and Docks Board which will show that 70,000 tons of scrap iron went out in 1940. Billets, an odd lot of them, came in at £16 per ton. The furnaces at the factory were started but never finished. In the end the industry went wallop about 12 months ago, owing to the fact that the furnaces were not finished and that no further billets were available. In my opinion, that was the time for the Minister to step in and do what the Minister for Agriculture did with the farmer. If the farmer does not plough his land the Minister for Agriculture steps in, takes over that land and sees that it is ploughed and tilled. That is right but if that law is fair for the farmer it should be also fair enough for the industrialist. The Minister, in my opinion, had a right to step in, take over that industry, put the furnaces going and see that the agricultural community were provided with at least enough iron to shoe their horses —a thing which they have not to-day. Instead of that, those people seem to be a law unto themselves. I can heartily congratulate the Minister on the hope of getting it done even now but I realise that it would be far more difficult for the Minister to get the materials to finish off those furnaces to-day than it would have been 12 months ago. In my opinion those people should be dealt with in the proper way. There is only one way to deal with anybody in this country to-day who deprives the country of essential supplies, that is, to put him behind bars. That sort of treatment is good enough for the farmer and it ought to be good enough for the industrialist. The fact that he may be a big person in Dublin is no reason why subversive activities should be passed over or winked at.

There is also the position with regard to the Cloyne Clay Company. Despite repeated warnings given by me in this House over a number of years, repeated loans were given by the Industrial Credit Corporation to that firm. It is a good industry. It could be a great industry in this country to-day, an industry that would give employment to hundreds of people in my constituency. It is now in the hands of an Englishman and two Jews. I believe it was bought for £12,000, and I think the Industrial Credit Corporation loan was at least double that amount. That has gone west. I am anxious that those industries should be maintained. I realise that the greater number of such industries we have the less unemployment we will have and the more employment there will be for the people of this country in their own land and the less chance there is of the agricultural community running short of essentials during this emergency. I do not want to see the kind of thing that happened in connection with that company going on. It should not go on. The Minister should take the same powers as the Minister for Agriculture has taken and he should deal with industrialists in the same manner as the Minister for Agriculture has dealt with farmers.

It is a physical impossibility to-day for a farmer to get a set of shoes for a horse unless he has some scrap iron at home to bring to the forge and have shoes made of it. He cannot get them in any other way. Nobody is going to persuade me that the makings of thousands of sets of horse shoes did not leave this country during the year 1940, and perhaps some in 1941. I saw it myself. I am not telling any hearsay story here. I spent four days at Haulbowline. I saw what was happening there. I asked the general manager of a firm there if he would sell to the blacksmiths in the district some of the iron that was heaped there for export. He said "certainly" and I brought blacksmiths who picked out tons of iron from that scrap heap to make shoes for the farmers' horses. It was sold to them reasonably enough —£6 a ton—at a time when bar iron was costing £30 a ton. But what they did not buy was packed into the boat, according to the returns of the Cork Harbour Commissioners at any rate, and sent across the water. That was done by a principal director of a firm who has under his control the only mill in this country that could convert that scrap iron into ordinary commercial iron and who is and has been the sole agent for the British Department of Supplies for the export of scrap from this country. There is no use in blinding ourselves to the position.

I am prepared to admit that the Department of Industry and Commerce and the Department of Finance did everything in their power to keep that industry going and to see that that industry did what it was intended to do, but you cannot expect a business man—as they are called in this country, I believe—who has so much commission out of every ton of scrap exported, to look after the conversion of that scrap into iron and steel for home use. By exporting it he made more, money for less work and that is, I believe, one of the root principles of business in this country, as we know it. That is the reason. I know that, somewhere about 15 months ago, £150,000 was offered to that company, under certain conditions, to enable them to get the furnaces finished and to get the work done. We were told at one meeting that was held in Cork about it that the terms were too onerous but, if similar terms were offered to any farmer in this country for agricultural work, he would jump at them. If any farmer in this country were offered the price of his seeds and manures and sufficient money to till the land on condition that, when the crop was reaped, that money would be the first charge on the crop, he would jump at it. But those industrialists would not accept those terms; they would not look at them, and they have been dodging about it for the past 12 months, whilst the agricultural community of this country have been crying out for essentials to carry on their production work. If it is fair and just that the farmer should be prosecuted because he does not till his land and produce food for the people in this emergency, it ought to be equally just, in regard to the essentials for the tilling of that land, that the industrialists be placed in the same position. There should be no more nonsense about it. I am glad that the Minister has succeeded in bringing those people to reason at last, and I sincerely hope that the industry will now go ahead, but I believe that, if the Minister took proper steps in regard to those people 12 months ago, we would be in a far happier position to-day in connection with the essentials which the farmers need. There is too much of the spoon-feeding with regard to some industries in this country.

Deputy Mulcahy and Deputy O'Sullivan also spoke about exporting labour. There is no Deputy in this House who regrets more than I do to see those people leaving the country, particularly when I realise that we may be short of labour for saving the harvest, but in my opinion it is hard to blame them for going. I have one man who landed home from England last week on a holiday. Thank God he is not going back. He said he was starving there and would not go over any more, although he was getting £7 10s. a week—six guineas for himself and 24/- a week family allowance for his wife and two children. Still, he will not go back, and I am glad he is not going back. I think he is too useful a man to this country to lose in time of crisis. But it is hard to blame those people for going. I suggest that, if the Minister paid a little more heed to the industries in this country which have their roots in agriculture, we would do better. Take, for instance, the sugar industry. I believe that if you had sugar for export to-morrow morning we would get a very good price for it, and you would not have to subsidise it going out as you have to subsidise the butter. But you will not bet sugar for export at 70/- a ton for beet, nor will you get sugar enough for our own people at that price. That is an industry which would largely save the situation in this country, if you want something that is essential to those who are fighting, and for which they would be prepared to pay a good price and give us in exchange something that is essential to us.

There is too much class distinction here particularly as regards labour. The moment an article becomes commercialised or industrialised, then the wage goes up. There is no stop to it. Jack must work down in the field for Martin Corry at 33/- a week. He must work out in the rain, sowing the beet, thinning it, pulling it, and taking it to the railway. The moment that beet arrives in the factory, if Jack follows it in he will get double that wage, and he need not work out in the rain or in the muck. That is what is wrong. That is why you have the people leaving the land. Is there any reason for it? The same applies to turf. We had a statement from the Parliamentary Secretary in connection with the turf problem. It was very illuminating. A fair wage for the fellow in the bog was 32/- a week, and it was equally fair for the gentleman who went into the lorry in Cork and threw that turf out to get 16/- a day. You cannot reconcile the two. That is what is wrong in this country, and that is why you have the agricultural community flying out of it. The moment you come to industry the wages go up, and the products of those industries must be bought back by the poor devil with the 32/- a week. He has to pay the piper in the long run, because he is the only producer. Let us get down to that. Let us have a levelling up in regard to the agricultural industry, and let us not have a particular kind of class distinction driven in as a wedge between the ordinary farmer and farm labourer and what is termed the industrialist, starting off with the special law under which we fine the farmer if he does not produce the essentials but wink at the industrialist when he will not do his part. It is all wrong. It is unfair and unjust in every sense of the word. The sooner we get down to that side of it the better.

I admit that the Minister has no time to watch all those things. I admit that he has the toughest job in this State to-day. I admit that freely. I say he is a wonderful man to be able to do half of it, knowing as I do the difficulties of the situation he is facing. I know that he has appeals from one industry after another saying: "We are short of so-and-so; can you get it for us?" That is all the more reason why he should concentrate on those industries which have their roots in agriculture. If there had been an economic price for beet this year, we would have got sufficient beet in this country to keep all the factories going.

You would not.

I know that you would not get it in County Limerick.

Or in Cork either.

Nobody expects the County Limerick farmer to do any thing. Any Deputy who travels by rail from Limerick Junction to Charleville and who looks out at Kilmallock and Emly, as the Leas-Cheann Comhairle and I do occasionally, can see that there is only 5 per cent. tillage done there. Is it any wonder that Deputy O Briain says that we would not get the beet there? I speak as a representative of beet growers, as one who knows exactly what he is talking about and who has the backing of the chief agricultural adviser of the sugar Company for the statement that 70/- a ton is an uneconomic price for beet.

Is the Minister for Industry and Commerce responsible for fixing the price of beet?

As Minister for Industry and Commerce, he is responsible for seeing that the industries of the country are kept going. This industry is comparable with the other industries with which the Minister has to deal. I can see the Minister at his wits' end to provide transport for billets from America to keep one industry going and endeavouring to win something else from the farthest corner of the earth to keep another industry going. Here is a raw material which he can get at home and I say it was the Minister's duty to step in and say: "I want sufficient sugar produced here for the needs of the Irish people during this war and I want something more than that if I can get it—I want sufficient sugar produced to enable me to go to Britain and say: ‘Here is something. I can exchange with you. I want 20 tons sulphate of ammonia for our farms and I will give you so much sugar in exchange.'" John Bull would not refuse that because he has a sweet tooth and cannot do without his sugar.

The Minister would be well advised to pay more attention to industries whose roots are here in agriculture than to industries the raw material of which we cannot get here. I am well aware of the policy of the Party opposite. It was stated by their deputy-leader and he enunciated that policy from the Farmers' Party before he went to the opposite benches. According to him, the price of Fine Gael co-operation during this emergency would be (1) the giving up of the "codology" of growing wheat here and (2) the blowing up of the beet factories. He was not put out of the Party for saying that. He still remained deputy-leader of the Fine Gael Party and nobody got up to repudiate him. That shows the opinion of the Party opposite.

I, and those who agree with me, consider that the duty of the people, even when there is no emergency, is to produce and manufacture as much of our requirements as can be produced and manufactured here. It is the bounden duty of the Minister to go immediately into the whole costings of sugar-beet production fairly and squarely. The Beet Growers' Association are prepared at any time to appoint representatives to meet him. The tragedy of having factories here capable of producing all the sugar we need and, in addition, sugar for export, of having the people who should be engaged in those factories looking to England for employment and of having our farm labourers who should be happily engaged on this work unemployed and idle, whilst we are going to the ends of the earth for materials to keep other industries going, is one that the Minister should examine. He should endeavour to mend his hand for the coming year and now is the time to do it. We have the extraordinary position in which the acreage of beet has gone down by 30,000——

Is not the Deputy going too deeply into the question of beet-growing in its relation to the Minister's Department?

He is the man who can have the position righted——

The price of beet is not his responsibility.

There is no use in having a factory if you have not got the beet and you cannot hope to get the beet unless you pay the price.

The Deputy must not criticise the Minister for matters which are not under his control.

The Minister is absolutely in control so far as this matter is concerned. The Minister can make an Order to-morrow morning fixing the economic price of beet at 95/- or 100/- and there would be no objection to it. He could do that just as he could make an Order in connection with the price of flour or wheat. This is the one industry that we can keep going "at full belt" and enlarge it. I do not want to force the matter further, but I should like to be sure that the Minister will take heed of what I say.

Is price the only trouble?

It is the principal trouble —nine-tenths of the trouble.

Then, money will solve everything.

So long as we have the land, we can produce. I have nine acres this year and I am glad to say it is a very promising crop.

It will pay you well.

It will not pay me at all, but I think I owe a duty to the people which I am endeavouring to carry out. It is the duty of a Deputy to show good example and I, will show that good example as long as I am here. Unfortunately, I cannot grow the complete requirements. The acreage is down in Wexford by 50 per cent. as compared with 23 per cent. in my constituency. These are the few matters with which I wanted to deal. I should like the Minister to tell us if we can hope for the production of iron and steel in Haulbowline in future. He knows the growing need for it. I would like to know definitely if there is any hope of getting the furnaces going and converting the scrap iron now in the country into ordinary commercial iron and steel.

I am concerned about the employment position. I do not want to see any of our people going to Britain. I know what will happen to them there when Herr Hitler comes. I do not want to see any of them there at all if it can be avoided. I have no confidence in the post-war economy that Deputy Mulcahy talks about. If a country is not prepared to pay economic price for agricultural produce to-day—in the middle of a war—I cannot see that country prepared to pay an economic price when the war is over, if they win—and if they lose, the less pound notes I have the better I will live, as I do not think they will be worth much.

The Minister devoted a good deal of his opening remarks to the subject of paper and to an indication to the country at large as to the very serious situation we are in in regard to paper supplies. He urged that greater efforts should be made in paper salvage. The urge to increased efforts for paper salvage should have been made about two years ago. In the meantime, a considerable volume of waste paper has been destroyed in one way or another. With a proper system of collection it could have been returned, to the mills for re-pulping and re-manufacture.

I think the wrong system has been adopted, by leaving the collection almost entirely to the waste paper merchants interested in it commercially. Admittedly, certain voluntary bodies are giving some assistance, but the intensified transport difficulties have made their work harder. As far as the waste paper merchants are concerned, it is obviously not economic for them to send from house to house to collect small bags of waste paper. Presumably, they concentrate on the firms with large and regular consignments each week. I understand the Minister is introducing an Order making it an offence to destroy waste paper. In that connection, I suggest that he should also make it obligatory on householders to place bundles of paper separately with the refuse bins, and that the corporation be instructed to collect those bundles and hand them over to the paper merchants. I know that the corporation have objection to that, as there are difficulties in segregating the paper from other forms of refuse. In time of war, however, it is necessary that this be done. This matter should not be left to private enterprise any longer, but should be regarded as one of national importance, and the public authorities, on behalf of the country, should be given the task of ensuring continued supplies.

Apart from salvage, there is another aspect—it is paper saving. We are told not to let the right hand know what the left hand does but the Minister will agree with me that there must be considerable waste of paper in his other Departments. Persons who have several motor vehicles for which they receive petrol coupons get the separate books of coupons in separate envelopes each month. Surely it should be possible to produce a scheme by which the amount of paper involved unnecessarily in that way would be saved. There must be many other methods by which paper could be saved. Unfortunately, this shortage is one of the effects of increased control, from which the country is suffering in common with other countries of the world. Increased control means more forms, and more forms mean more paper; and it is particularly difficult to provide that when there is a paper shortage. If the Minister would arrange that local authorities collect the salvage, he would get a very much bigger return from domestic households, where there is great difficulty in having paper collected at present; and that would assist in carrying on the supplies a little longer.

Deputy Corry made a very alarming statement when he said that the factory in Haulbowline engaged in the production of commercial iron from native scrap was under the direction of a man who is also the chief licensee for the exportation of scrap to Great Britain, and that, as a result, a very large quantity of useful scrap was exported from this country in 1940. If that statement is true, it is a very serious reflection upon the Minister's Department and the Government—and, I might also I say, upon Deputy Corry's Party. It would seem to indicate that there is a complete disregard of the essential facts.

Does the Deputy not think he should have found out something about that beforehand, if he is going to make a speech? Does that not occur to him? Does he not know that there is a Scrap Iron (Control of Export) Act on the statute book?

I am aware——

Does the Deputy know that?

A very prominent member of the Minister's Party made that statement just now, and I am asking the Minister, when he is replying, to give us some information upon the points raised.

A five minutes' visit to the Library would have done the Deputy more good, if he intended to make a speech.

This country has no resources of its own for supplies of iron, and everything possible should be done to conserve within the country all available supplies. There is no use in the Minister getting hot and bothered over this question, as every farmer knows that, as far as can be observed, nothing is being done to collect scrap iron throughout rural Ireland. As far as I know, no really effective steps have been taken to collect the vast amount lying in and about every farmstead throughout the length and breadth of the country. In one sense, this may not be as serious a matter as the failure to collect waste paper and other types of perishable scrap, as the scrap iron probably will still be there later on. However, some effective machinery. should be set up for the collection and segregation of different types of scrap iron.

I understand there is a flat rate for all scrap, and I do not think that is desirable. There are many different kinds; and, with very little handling, a lot of it could be utilised for various purposes. Iron of that type should be valued much higher than the rougher types which must be melted down. Up to the present very little has been done. Up to the present very little, and, so far as large areas of the country are concerned, nothing, has been done to collect this type of waste and it is time the necessary machinery was set in motion. Deputy Benson has referred to the ineffective measures adopted for the collection of waste paper. We are now informed that more energetic action is about to be taken, and it is hoped that this will have the effect of increasing the amount of waste paper available to our paper mills.

In his opening statement, the Minister referred to the fact that newsprint is being manufactured to a certain extent out of straw and that it has not been found altogether unsuitable. As the Minister has under his control a research department, I am sure that the most intensive research will be embarked upon now, with a view to finding out if there are other suitable types of material for the manufacture of paper in the country. If straw has been found suitable for the manufacture of wrapping paper and for a brown type of paper which might be suitable for newsprint in a real emergency, it is quite possible, and I believe it is true, that there are within the country other raw materials which could be utilised for paper making, if the proper research were undertaken.

It is gratifying to note that there have been some new developments in regard to the production of commodities hitherto imported. We have the developments in regard to carbide, glue, wool tops and the other commodities mentioned by the Minister. All these developments constitute a step in the right direction, but I think there is urgent need for much more widespread research, because, even though the present emergency, I suppose, will end sometime, there will be, for a long period afterwards, a very grave shortage of many essential supplies. This is particularly true in regard to supplies of building materials, and there is a grave necessity for investigation of all substitute products which could be used in the building trade, and of such designs of houses as would be suitable for the utilisation of home-produced material.

All this is work which would help to tide the country over the present emergency. The Minister has mentioned that over 4,200 workers have been suspended from industrial employment and that over 9,000 have been put on short time. This is a rather grave problem, but when we consider the number of people required for the production of supplies of native fuel and our requirements in food, I do not think the figures are too alarming, because it ought to be possible to divert at least some of these unemployed workers to other spheres of activity such as fuel production. In this connection again, there is need for the work of the research department. It is becoming increasingly clear that not only during the emergency, but for a considerable time afterwards, this country must depend upon home-produced fuel which is mainly turf, and there is a wide field for investigation, not only of the methods which could be employed for the production of other types of fuel from peat, such as briquettes and other kinds of concentrated fuel, but in regard to the production and manufacture of new types of stoves and fireplaces suitable for the burning of turf and in regard to such machinery as may be required for the utilisation of turf for industrial purposes. So far as the utilisation of turf for household purposes is concerned, I have never yet observed any type of stove, range or fireplace suitable for turf burning. I have a very long experience of the burning of turf, and I know the exact type of stove or range required, but I have not up to the present seen anything of that kind produced.

The Deputy will find a very excellent pamphlet about that in the Library.

I know that quite a lot of literature has been written in regard to the production of various new types of stoves and so on, but it is only literature.

They are on the market.

I know that new types are on the market. I can claim to be an expert in this matter and I can say that they are not suitable.

I think public opinion will be against the Deputy. Those which have been made are very suitable.

I can assure the Minister that if I had the capital I would put on the market a type of range or stove which would put all these others which the Minister is trying to boost off the market altogether.

That is too sweeping a statement for me to answer.

The Minister has had to face a good deal of criticism in regard to the closing down of certain types of corn mills. There is another serious defect in our industrial life—not so much the compulsory closing of mills as the closing down of a number of water-mills over the past 20 years, and the failure of the Minister and his Government, and of their predecessors, to realise the value of these mills which were dependent on water supply for their power. It was very easy and convenient to import into the country fuel-driven engines for the grinding of corn and other purposes. These machines could be set up in places more convenient to the public road than the old water-mills, but events have proved that the water-mill was a much sounder proposition, and, apart from the present emergency, if a long view is taken, it was also a cheaper proposition. In addition, it was not dependent upon imported fuel and, for that reason, at least, contributed its share towards making this country more self-sufficient. I think the Minister should investigate or consider the question of assisting, wherever possible, in the rebuilding or reopening of those water-driven corn mills wherever they exist. Some of them may be in a state of disrepair, and some of them may be almost completely dismantled, but there are very few of them which, for a very moderate expenditure, could not be put in working order again, and they would be a very useful asset to our rural areas and to the nation generally. The fact that those mills are independent of imported fuel should influence the Minister.

Deputy Hughes, I think it was, used a very strong phrase here last week when he said "self-sufficiency be damned." Now, I am not in the habit of using language as strong as that, unfortunately, and I feel at a bit of a disadvantage, because phrases like that sound very impressive. In this connection I am reminded of what an old age pensioner said to his parish priest on one occasion. He said: "It is a pity that strong language is so sinful, because it is a fine, manly way of talking." Now, to use the expression that Deputy Hughes used may sound very impressive to some people, but when you examine it, it is a very childish expression, because it is only to the extent that we advance towards self-sufficiency, and to the extent that we have advanced towards it during the past 20 years, that our nation's security lies. If we were to accept Deputy Hughes' statement as an expression of opinion, if we were to accept that statement that self-sufficiency was undesirable, something towards which we should not try to attain, and something which we should not seek to achieve, we would be in the position at the present time of having absolutely no sugar and no bread—two very important items in our food requirements. I do not agree with some of the statements which have been made. I do not agree that the position in regard to sugar supplies is as serious as some Deputies would suggest. I believe that there is a very considerable falling off in the acreage, but I am not so sure that the beet crop will be as unsatisfactory as some people would lead us to believe. I think that the beet crop is looking fairly well, and that applies also to our wheat crop; so that we can look forward to a fair supply of both of those commodities, sugar and flour. It is to be hoped that the Minister for Industry and Commerce will take whatever steps may be necessary to ensure that the available supplies of sugar will be spread equitably over the population.

Surely that is a matter for the Minister for Supplies?

Yes, Sir. In addition, I am hoping that the Minister will take such precautions as may be necessary to ensure that our wheat supplies will be used to the best advantage by the millers. I do not agree that bread is a commodity which in this country should ever require to be rationed, and I think that if the Minister for Industry and Commerce——

That, again, is a matter for Supplies, on which Vote it was discussed.

Yes, Sir, but I am not going to deal with rationing. I am just going to mention that if the Minister does his duty, as Minister for Industry and Commerce, in regard to the production of flour in our mills, if there is not a sufficient amount of wheat to meet the national requirements, he will take such steps as may be necessary to provide for a blending of other cereals with wheat to stretch the supply over the entire population and over the entire year.

That is, obviously, Supplies.

I submit, Sir, that at least under one branch of the Department of Industry and Commerce, which deals with research, it should be the duty of the Minister for Industry and Commerce to investigate the various methods which might be found necessary to provide for the blending of other cereals with wheat, because it is quite obvious that there is need for very considerable research in this connection. We had very contradictory reports from the Minister for Industry and Commerce during the past year in regard to whether it was possible or not to blend other cereals with wheat, and for this reason I think there is need for research into the matter so that it will be possible, during the coming season, to manufacture and produce for our people a sufficient supply of flour for all needs, so that there will be no necessity to consider the question of rationing, because rationing is obviously most undesirable in connection with bread supplies.

It is gratifying to note that even at this late hour the Minister has decided to make the destruction of waste paper illegal. I think I might almost say that it is rather late in the day to adopt that precaution, but I hope that the measures which are now adopted will lead to an increase in the supplies required.

The Deputy seems to be bent on Supplies.

Yes, Sir. I have never been able to understand why more progress has not been made in supplying our needs of newsprint. I have suggested that there are other substitutes besides straw for the imported materials. I think they are matters in connection with which research might be carried out.

The Minister has been forced to admit that the activities of the Slievardagh Mining Company have been very unsuccessful. Repeatedly, during the past year, representations were made to the Minister's Department to investigate the possibilities of mining in areas in which coal-mining had been extensively conducted over a long period. I refer to the Leinster coal-fields. For some reason or another the Minister and his officials showed a very great disinclination to consider the suggestions which we put up to them, particularly in regard to the Rossmore area. There a mine had been worked with very inadequate capital and very inadequate facilities—such as mining rights—for a very long period. Despite those difficulties a very large amount of coal has been mined there. One would imagine when the new company was set up by the State that, in endeavouring to feel its way, so to speak, in such a difficult and complex matter as mining, it would have concentrated its efforts in an area in which some developments had been carried out with a fair amount of success. In spite of that, the Department refused to consider the claims of the Leinster coal-fields and concentrated on the Munster area, which has produced very unprofitable results. I would appeal to the Department, even at this late hour, to reconsider that matter and, with whatever equipment and resources they can procure, to concentrate upon those areas in which coal has been found to be in a workable state in considerable quantities.

It would appear to me, even at this late stage, that it is desirable the Minister should pronounce clearly on what the policy of his Department is in connection with the large number of motor vehicles, motor tyres and motor lorries now out of commission. In view of the fact that we are depending so much on motor transport, it seems to me to be unwise, from the Government point of view, that, so far as we know, no provision has been made for the replacement of the motor vehicles now in commission. We know that there is an acute shortage of motor tyres, and that these will only be given in certain circumstances to certain categories of users. As motor tyres are a perishable commodity it would, surely, be in the interests of the Government to commandeer them for use later on in the national interest. It would be more just, too, to the owners if they got compensation for them by way of purchase rather than allow them to rot wherever they may be stored.

On the question of scrap metal, it is hard for any person uninformed in this matter to gauge what the true position is because the reports that one hears are very conflicting. On the one hand we are told that there is a dire shortage of scrap metal, and on the other hand that there is an abundance of it in the country. If the latter assertion be true, one would think that the collection of it should be done on a national basis, especially in a time of emergency such as the present. It is not good policy to rely upon private enterprise for the conservation and collection of this material which is so necessary for the maintenance of industry. We are all aware of the very difficult situation which exists with regard to our transport services. Take producer gas plants. For the most part they are being made out of scrap metal by our home manufacturers. I am told that the material available is at least as good as imported material; but in regard to these plants it is worthy of mention that, in the main, they are being used for short journeys by people in towns and cities while they could be more usefully employed on long journeys. I wonder if the Department has examined the possibility of easing the transport situation by having these producer plants attached to long-distance buses.

People experienced in the matter will unhesitatingly confirm the assertion that, from the point of view of utility, these producer gas plants are very little behind petrol-driven vehicles for long distance journeys. They have the additional advantage of being somewhat cheaper. I hope the Minister will give attention to these points. I do not think there can be any doubt that the deplorable state to which most of our industries have deteriorated has been due to the failure of the Government to foresee coming events. I do not propose to go into that now because I do not see that any useful purpose would be served by doing so. But I certainly believe that if the small matters of detail to which I have drawn attention are examined it will be found that they can be usefully applied to some of our present-day problems.

A few weeks ago, in the debate on the Estimate for the Department of Supplies, I asked the Minister for Supplies what were the prospects of getting or what efforts he was making to get some of the greatly increased quantity of coal which is about to be produced under what I will describe as the new order in Great Britain. For some reason or another the Minister overlooked that point when concluding the debate. To my mind, it is a very important point so far as our industries are concerned, and perhaps the Minister for Industry and Commerce might tell us what representations he has made to the Minister for Supplies to make an effort to get some of the greatly increased quantity of coal which will be produced in Great Britain in return for goods which we can send them. We are not asking them for it as a gift.

I wish to support Deputy Mulcahy's plea for more active participation in the activities and discussions of the International Labour Office. That office is one of the few Departments of the League of Nations which has justified its maintenance. It has done a tremendous amount of good work, chiefly in bringing the nations of the world gradually to realise that if the labourer is worthy of his hire he is also worthy of decent working conditions and of a decent return in wages. But, unfortunately, the Government have not come to anything like a realisation of that principle and therefore we must start to put our own house in order first. I would therefore suggest that somebody should go down to Dún Laoghaire pier each morning when 200 or 300, or perhaps 400 or 500 of the cream of our youth are setting off for work elsewhere, and ask each man where he is going and what wages he is going to get over there. It may be £3 or £4 or £5. Whatever wage he is offered, let that wage be offered to him to do here the very great amount of work which has yet to be done in the way of cutting timber and turf, building roads, and building anything useful which we can build with the limited materials at our disposal. I guarantee that not one man in 100 will still want to go to the other side. That is the clue to the problem which has received such a great amount of attention here and in other places in the last year or so. If you offer the men a decent wage they will not go over to the other side. I agree with the general idea that if we cannot offer them work here we have no right to prevent them from getting work elsewhere. But there is plenty of work to be done here and if decent wages are offered to them very few men will go over to the other side.

I want to refer briefly to a matter concerning the Unemployment Assistance Act. When this Act was put into operation in 1932 or 1933 a considerable amount of money, comparatively speaking, was voted by the Government to relieve unemployment and distress amongst workers. Since that date a considerable increase has taken place in the number requiring assistance, but a considerably less amount of money is now being allocated by the Government as compared with what was allocated in 1933 or 1934. At that time a stipulation was made that local authorities should contribute a certain amount to supplement that fund. In the case of certain scheduled urban areas the amount to be levied was ninepence in the £, and in certain cities 1/6 in the £. The local authorities interpreted the particular clause in the Act which referred to the levying of the rate as if they were to collect a rate of ninepence or 1/6, as the case might be, on the effective valuation of their particular areas. The Minister was of a different opinion and thought that it was on the gross valuation of the urban area or the borough area that the collection was to be made. It was not sufficiently clarified, however, in the section of the Act to enable the Minister to proceed against these local authorities, and within the last five or six years a new Act had to be passed to compel local authorities to collect a rate levied on the gross valuation of the particular areas concerned. In the beginning, as I said, in certain urban areas the amount to be levied was ninepence in the £, and in certain boroughs 1/6 in the £. But in order to get what the Minister wants on the gross valuation, a rate of 11d. and 1/8 in the £ respectively has to be levied in these areas. That is a hardship on the areas concerned. In view of the amount of money voted by the Government now as compared with the time when the Act came into operation, I suggest to the Minister that some relief should be given to the local authorities who are called upon to contribute the same amount in rates now as when the Act came into operation, notwithstanding the fact that the Government contribution has been considerably reduced since 1933 or 1934.

Will the Deputy state whether such relief would necessitate legislation?

I presume it would.

Then there is no more to be said.

If you will bear with me for a moment, Sir, I suggest to the Minister that, as the contribution from the Government has been reduced considerably, some action ought to be taken by his Department now to give some relief to local authorities who are called upon to pay the same amount of money as they paid when a considerably larger sum was provided by the Government. I do not think it is too much to ask that. Together with that, when certain relief grants were given to certain urban and city areas, those areas were called upon to pay what amounted on an average to about 1/- in the £ on the rates. That 1/- in the £ on top of the 1/8 or 11d., as the case may be, is a pretty high sum to ask local authorities to pay for the relief of unemployment which, I submit, is a Government responsibility. I suggest that the Government gain considerably by the spending of the grants in urban areas. If one goes to the trouble of making a calcuation of the amount saved to the unemployment assistance fund, it will be found that a good deal of money is saved by the particular Department now under consideration. I would, therefore, ask the Minister to try to give some relief to local authorities in this matter, because in recent years rates have increased enormously owing to circumstances over which the local authorities themselves have no control.

I should like the Minister to do something to speed up claims under the Unemployment Assistance Act. I will not say that the complaints that have been made in this direction are general. When the Act first became operative it required a good deal of time to have all the claims examined, but I have in mind certain claims that were held up for five, six, seven or eight weeks. I suggest there was undue delay there. In many cases complaints have been made by people who had not the decency to attach their signatures to the letters which they sent to the labour exchange. When such letters are sent in, payment is stopped and it takes some time to complete investigations. I trust the Minister will see that the Department deals more speedily with these claims. Many hardships are suffered by the people who have to wait for five or six weeks. The amount they get is small enough, but hardship is really involved when they have to wait such a long time in order to have a little dispute settled. Some people are able to get credit, but others are not and it is these people who are in a hopeless state. Some persons will be able to get home assistance, but others cannot get it and there is undoubted hardship because of the slow methods of the Department.

During the debate on the Department of Supplies Estimate I referred to the desirability of providing steel and iron for the foundries in Wexford. I am sure the Minister will attend to that matter. I should like to point out that in consequence of the shortage of steel and iron a good deal of unemployment has arisen in Wexford. Perhaps the Minister will indicate his efforts to secure metal in order to keep the factories in Wexford going? They are the backbone of that particular area. Ireland is depending on those factories to turn out the machinery to enable crops to be sown and the harvest saved.

There is a considerable amount of unemployment in the printing industry. Along with other Deputies, I have frequently stressed the importance of the collection of waste paper. I understand that some time ago there was a conference between newspaper proprietors and the Minister in an effort to secure that something will be done to salvage waste paper. A proposition was put before the Minister by provincial newspaper owners to the effect that they should be permitted to establish a depot for waste paper and should also be permitted to collect it. One would think the Minister would readily agree to a proposal of that kind.

And so I did.

So far as my information goes, the newspaper owners have not had any intimation in that connection.

They formed a company amongst themselves and it has been functioning for some time.

I am glad that has been done and that the Minister is alive to the importance of that matter. I should like him to do something with reference to the points I have submitted, especially about the rates paid by local authorities and the holding up unduly of claims to unemployment assistance.

After Deputy Dillon and other Deputies, including myself—and I had a very considerable experience of the particular supplies with which I was dealing when we were discussing the Department of Supplies—dealt exhaustively with the matter of supplies, we were met by the Minister with a certain amount of flippancy. He said that Deputy Dillon and Deputy Belton should know that trains could not be driven on the wind. He then passed on to other matters. The Minister must remember, when he is so fond of the wind, that when he sows it as a crop he must expect to reap a whirlwind. He is reaping a whirlwind now. I remember that years ago he was warned here to start on a right premise so that he could secure his industrial position. He was then warned that an industrial revival could only be built on the profits of a sound, flourishing agriculture. He was warned that when agriculture was taxed to breaking point, that was not the time to overload it with an industrial revival. Of course, anybody who used intelligent argument of that kind was dubbed by the Minister as a free trader, as opposed to industrial revival. In the Department of Supplies debate the Minister said that we had no bargaining power now.

The debate on the Department of Supplies Vote occupied three full days. We are now dealing with the Department of Industry and Commerce.

Quite so. I am merely referring to the condition to which injudicious speed has brought us in the matter of industrialisation. In the tale of woe which marked the Minister's introductory speech on this Vote, the one disturbing factor was the increase in unemployment, the rationing of work the Minister suggests. Were it not for the safety valve that is afforded to this country—people who are unemployed not only having to leave the country to find employment, but actually being helped by our Government out of the country to find employment elsewhere, employment that the policy of the Government has deprived them of finding in their own country— where would we be to-day? Every country in the world finds that its greatest asset at the present time is man-power, and yet we are exporting our man-power. Has the Minister made any bargain with our man-power, if it has to be exported? In war time there was always work in this country for our men and women, but that is not the case now. The Minister once promised that in normal times there would be such an amount of work in this country that we would not have enough labour to undertake it. The Minister set out, as no man who understood industrialism or the economics of finance would have set out, to build up an industrial revival without any control of our money. Where are we to-day with whatever money we have?

That is a question for the Minister for Finance, or possibly for discussion on a Bill that is before the House.

In the matter of pure finance, I agree, but I submit that in industrialism, in any business undertaking, the important consideration is the banking account. If your money goes wrong, if you have not enough money, you cannot start. The day your money goes down, the day the bank dishonours your cheque, you are bankrupt. We set out to compete with a nation and that nation was holding our banking account. The Minister would take no notice of that. Honest, sound criticism of that kind was ignored.

There has been a good deal of discussion about beet and food production and other things that I do not intend to discuss now, though they have been debated on this Vote. All I will say is that I am in as close touch with food production as anybody in this country and I am aware of the difficulties that could have been avoided if in industrial development we kept in mind two things, namely, to use the raw materials that an agricultural country can produce and, secondly, to produce the industrial goods that an agricultural community requires, particularly the goods required for the agricultural industry. I will grant credit where credit is due. A good effort has been made but a much better effort could have been and should have been made. The Minister was in control of industry and commerce when war broke out. He should have planned according to the information at his disposal and the circumstances of the country. He should have taken steps to provide industries, that he had helped to set up and to which millions of national money and some private money was loaned, with the raw materials to carry them over a period.

That was never thought of. Why were not the £170,000,000 of our foreign investments—that are now no good for anything, we are told by a Parliamentary Secretary—used by our Government as foreign credits to buy raw materials to keep our industries going over a period of years? There is nothing revolutionary in that idea. Britain did it in the last war. Britain has done it in this war. Every belligerent nation has done it. Why did not we do it? It is a poor solace to the people of this country now, to be told in effect, that they must do without things because the Government did not take time by the forelock.

What is the position of the rope factory? We are now approaching the harvest and we were told up to 1st July that we could not buy binder twine, by Order of the Minister. Now we are told we can buy it for one specific purpose, that is, for use in a binder. I speak subject to correction, but I think I am right in saying that it cannot be used for tying straw by a mechanical tyer. I wonder does the Minister realise the costs he is piling on the production of food by his neglect in this matter, in not seeing that binder twine is available so that economies could be effected in the production of food. Factories were set up here. Why was no effort made to grow the raw material for them and, if that was not possible, to use our foreign investments to buy up a store of the raw material necessary for the manufacture of binder twine over a period of years? A factory was set up that cost some private money—I do not know how much; I do not think it was much—and I understand it received a big Government loan or a loan backed by the Government. Has that gone out of production or is it not producing sufficient quantities to meet our requirements? I wonder if this House and the country are getting a full and proper picture of present conditions.

Not at the moment.

I could teach the Minister for a year. All he knows about industry is what he is told by officials. There is nobody so ignorant as those who think they know everything and will not learn. If the Minister is not so ignorant as that perhaps he will bear with me for a few moments. The Minister in his opening statement said:—

"The House is, I think, aware of the general attitude of the Government in the matter of industrial employment. We have appealed to employers to retain their workers in their employment, even though by doing so they may increase the costs of production and have to obtain compensation for these increased costs in higher prices. In the general view of the Government, it is better to keep as many people as possible in employment, and consequently in receipt of incomes which will procure livelihoods for them, than that we should apply strictly ordinary commercial principles for the encouragement of efficiency and the reduction of production costs."

Now, Sir, we will see whether we are speaking in the clouds or on the ground. A year ago I employed scores of men to save my harvest. When my harvest was saved there was no option but to turn them loose on the road. There was no work for them. There was nothing but Dun Laoghaire Pier, if they could get a permit from the British representative to go to England. I had a wood that I cut down and I put them working there. When I had the wood cut and sold for fuel, it was almost on the eve of Christmas. What option had I then but to turn them out? I did not. I invested in a forest and I put them working there and when, after a great effort, I had five times as many men working, the Minister withdrew supplies——

The Deputy discussed that matter at length on two Votes already. He must not raise it on every Vote.

The Minister has thrown out an encouragement to employers here——

I have nothing to say to what the Minister has thrown out. The story of the Deputy's timber may not be retold now.

He had not even the courtesy to deal with the matter when replying on the Estimates. I shall not refer to it further but I give it as proof that this was an empty, dishonest promise of the Minister that he has no notion of honouring. Deputy Byrne referred to the increased output of coal in Britain. Why can we not give employment to workers here cutting timber that is otherwise useless and sell it in exchange for coal from Britain? Has nothing been done to bring about such an exchange? Has the Minister made no attempt to provide employment for our people here at home? Anything that I have noticed him doing has had the result of causing unemployment. I do not know whether the House is aware of the very serious position in which the country has been placed by the failure of this Department. Within the last week I was refused electrical energy by the Electricity Supply Board to milk my cows. There is not enough coal to produce electricity. On Saturday last I was notified that I would have to cut down the use of electrical power by one-half. Has anything been done to secure supplies of coal to provide electricity for industrial purposes? What is the use of talking about industry and commerce if there are no results?

We are told that we should keep on our staffs. What hope have we of keeping them on? The one thing that an employer does not want, if it is at all possible to avoid it, is to part with his staff. It is his biggest asset, a most difficult asset to build up, and no employer will part with it lightly. They would, if they could afford it, keep on their workers for months doing nothing if they saw at the end of that time there was any hope of getting on with the work again. Why have we been reduced to this condition of impotence? Yesterday I got a phone message asking me to supply wood to certain bakeries or they could not carry on. The Ceann Comhairle has stated that we may not debate supplies on this Vote, but the Minister has curtailed supplies, as far as I am concerned, notwithstanding the fact that he is giving them to others passing my door. I defy contradiction on that. I do not know how industries, laundries, bakeries and various other establishments are going to carry on. I have met many business people and industrialists during the last few weeks whose lives are a misery. Bad as the opening speech of the Minister was, it did not tell half the story, and the nation should be in possession of all the facts of the situation.

I see a motion here by the Labour Party calling for the nationalisation of public transport. We have nationalisation at the moment, and could it be worse? I am afraid that Labour hit on an unhappy time to put forward this plea. I have been in correspondence with the chiefs of the railways and the chiefs of the Minister's Department, and the letters make most interesting reading. A business man would say: "Sack the lot and let us get somebody who knows the job." I am a very strong believer in private enterprise. Private enterprise has developed the world. Every new country is developed by private enterprise. It could not be opened up any other way, because the man who sets out with the colonising instinct cannot be bought. The colonising instinct is implanted in that man by God Almighty, and no money reward offered as a bribe would induce that colonist to take on the risks and the hard life which he has to face— nothing but the spirit of adventure. We all remember the conditions that prevailed 15 or 18 years ago, before the development of bus and lorry transport. Where were the railways or the tramways then? Where were the big combines and the big moneyed interests? Why did they not give us lorry transport or bus services? Who gave us these services? The man with £50 or £60 who went to the bank and got the balance, or who got a couple of friends to back him, and put the buses and the lorries on the road. It was such men who started the bus services in this country.

Mr. Byrne

A woman.

A woman did some of it. She started out about Killester. Other individuals who had nothing to support them but the driving force and the ambition to make good likewise started these services. They made good and when they were successful the Minister came along, bought them up and handed the services over to the big combines, who had not got what the British call the "guts" to take on the job themselves.

Is the Deputy criticising legislation?

No. I am speaking against this motion which calls for the nationalisation of transport. My case is that, if you want to develop, if you want to build up, you must give private enterprise a chance. Let it go operate, but just control it. I am not one of those who take every opportunity of criticising the Government on their policy of self-sufficiency. I believe in self-sufficiency as far as soil and climate and mineral wealth will give it to us. In arriving at the present stage of self-sufficiency, if I had any difference with the Government it was because of the speed at which they proceeded, and the unfavourable time they chose, such as during the economic war. Seeing the position as it is to-day I wonder how long we will be able to keep going. How long will the few industries we have be able to keep going? From inner working knowledge in other places, I know the electrical position. It was only when we came to putting over the Poulaphouca scheme that I realised for the first time the position with regard to electricity here. At the best of times, even in winter, half our electricity is produced from coal. We are short of coal now; we are short of water power owing to the drought. If we lose coal altogether, it means that we lose half our electric energy, and, in times of drought, more than half of it. How are our industries to work?

The Minister did not think that any business light would be thrown on this debate while I was speaking. Well, when the Minister has harrowed quarter of what I have ploughed he can stand up and say that. If he were a business man now, a prudent business man, he would negotiate with the British for coal. If he has done so and failed, he should offer them everything that we have to offer in exchange. For instance, they want pit props; we have them. We could sell them hundreds of thousands of tons of them. Has he offered them to the British in exchange for coal suitable for the production of electricity? I really think that is the best way to use coal if we can get a suitable quality. I should like to hear the Minister, when replying, tell us whether he has or has not opened negotiations with the British for coal —steam coal, I presume. Has he been turned down, or have certain conditions been stipulated, and if so what are the conditions? It is time we should know. If things go wrong, the Minister will come here and tell us: "There is no electric current. We have not got it." But what about the people who are deprived of that current and have thousands of pounds invested in industrial concerns, all that they owned and all that they borrowed? That would then be dead money, unrealisable. The Minister exhorts people to keep their men working. He is quite right; that would be a very good thing. but what is he doing to enable employers to keep their men working? Nothing that I have seen, and I have met business people of all kinds. They are all contracting their work. Their workers have to go over to Britain. Was there ever such a condemnation of freedom for a small nation as the results of the freedom we enjoy now? What have we used our freedom for? Nothing that I can see, but to starve, and we are making steadily in that direction.

I want to ask the Minister what happened to the cartridge factory that was to be established? We sowed our crops, and we want to scare off the vermin that are eating them, but we have not a cartridge to shoot at a crow. Now the wheat is filling; in a couple of weeks it will be turning, and then who will get the first of our harvest while we will be lucky if we have black bread? The crows, the pigeons and sparrows are taking our white loaves from us, and we have not got a cartridge to shoot them, in spite of our industrial revival. I asked the Minister, on the Vote for the Department of Supplies, why he did not provide a supply of cartridges for us when we sowed our winter wheat. He did not answer then nor will he answer now. I wonder does Deputy Lemass, the Minister for Industry and Commerce and Supplies, take any interest in either of his Departments. He tells everybody else what they should do, but I am afraid he does nothing himself. Some people have got up here and blamed civil servants. I do not. I was a civil servant for 17 years, and I know what civil servants can do, and what they are anxious to do. But, if the leader will not lead, then the army will smash up. We have no coal and we have no electricity, but we are talking about industry. What will drive our industry? Have we anything to offer in exchange for coal to provide electricity, or have we tried that and been refused? I have never heard that we have tried and been refused. When the Minister is replying on this Vote I should like to hear whether that has happened.

Certainly the Minister's oration on this Vote was not encouraging. It was certainly not what one would expect to hear at a christening; it was an oration more suitable to a funeral than to a christening. It was not what one would expect from somebody in the full bloom of manhood, but sounded like a decrepit man of 80 or 90 saying: "My life is over; there is nothing for me now but the grave." I am afraid the funeral oration over the grave of Irish industry was delivered by the Minister for Industry and Commerce yesterday.

I would like to direct the Minister's attention, as Deputy Hughes has already done, to the existence of coal deposits in the Leinster coalfields and to suggest that, no matter what the Minister's objection may have been to the development of these deposits under State auspices in the past, the position in respect of coal supplies is now so serious that he ought to reconsider the position with a view to ensuring that no officiousness or punctilio is allowed to stand in the way of the development of these deposits. We have had, from time to time, extensive geological reports which indicate the existence of deposits in the Leinster coalfields, but it is an accepted fact in the mining sphere that the best way to test the availability of deposits is by boring. At the moment, one's advocacy of the existence of the deposits and the desirability of developing them must be conditioned by the knowledge that, while there have been extensive and really learned geological surveys of that area, there has been no extensive boring such as would ascertain the extent of the deposits and the practicability of working them. At all events, the fact that there is a coal deposit at Carlow and in the surrounding area and that there are other minerals to be found there should induce the Department to abandon the peace-time laissez faire which has been pursued in respect of these deposits.

Not very far removed there is a colliery known as Rossmore colliery which is being worked with very limited capital and which is situate in what is, in certain respects, a very inaccessible area. A man with considerable mining experience but devoid of the requisite capital has, nevertheless, been able to employ 40 or 50 miners. I think that it is admitted by everybody who has had occasion to purchase and use the coal that the deposit is a very good one. Not far from the Rossmore colliery there is also the Swan coal deposit which contains excellent coal —so excellent that competition for the deposit is very keen. All these deposits are at present being worked by private enterprise and, notwithstanding Deputy Belton's faith in private enterprise in other spheres, I have no faith in private enterprise in respect of the development of our coal deposits. It may be possible as a matter of speculation—a cabin boy may hope to be a captain some day— to induce people to invest money in the manufacturer of a commodity which they can see, the existence of which is not in doubt and the market for which is a matter of certitude. But when one comes to coal, a considerable sum of money may be expended on boring operations and investors may have to wait a considerable period before they see any return on their money. Because of that and because private enterprise, inevitably, and, perhaps, in the system under which we live, not unnaturally, desires to get a quick return on money invested, there is considerable reluctance in this country to put money into mineral development. I see no hope whatever of inducing private individuals to invest money in coal mining in this country but, seeing that coal is so vital a commodity in present circumstances, I think that the Government, and the Minister in particular, who has expressed a desire to see coal mined in the largest possible quantities, ought to realise by now that the only way we can obtain essential supplies is by the State stepping in and doing in respect of coal mining what the State was compelled to do in respect of the development of the Shannon scheme.

Nobody thinks that the Shannon scheme would ever have been developed if we had relied on private enterprise. When it was brought to fruition by the guiding hand and the multiple resources of the State, private enterprise was not unwilling to purchase the scheme. That is the type of thing which private enterprise does, notwithstanding Deputy Belton's well-developed affection for it. I suggest to the Minister that if he relies for the full development of our coal deposits on private investment, his hopes are foredoomed to failure. That would be bad enough at any time, even in the piping days of peace when we could get coal from other countries, but, at a time when coal is the life blood of many of our industries, it is a fatal policy for the Minister to pursue. When replying on this Vote I hope the Minister will indicate an inclination to advance more rapidly than he has so far done and that he will give some assurance to the House that our valuable coal deposits—estimated at one time by the Geological Survey Department to comprise, approximately, 33,000,000 tons in the Leinster basin—will, with the resources of the State, be developed so as to win for our people supplies which are so vital to our industrial life.

I am not unaware of the difficulties confronting the Government in that connection. I am not unaware of the long period of training necessary to make skilled miners or of the difficulty of securing machinery for winning coal. As regards the training of miners, if we are ever going to have a mining tradition for such coal deposits as we have, it is necessary to make a start. What might appear to be uneconomic in peace time may well be found to be a sound economic proposition in the times through which we are passing. As regards the securing of the necessary technical equipment, it ought not to be wholly impossible for the Minister to secure the requisite machinery from the British Government, which has coal-winning machinery which does not satisfy modern British requirements and which it is not now using. I feel sure that that machinery would be sold to the State here if the purpose was to win coal for our industries, some of which are exporting industries so far as Britain is concerned.

I should like to ascertain from the Minister his views in connection with the future development of the Drumm battery. At one time very high hopes were entertained that the development of the Drumm battery would produce a kind of transport renaissance, that it was going to give us a method of transport which would be the envy of other countries. Beyond the initial development of the Drumm battery, nothing appears to have eventuated from the discovery of Dr. Drumm, who is still, I understand, as enthusiastic about his discovery as he was when he first made it.

The one train from the terminus in this city that does not get into difficulties is the Drumm train; but on a Vote of this kind, in which a reference to the Drumm battery should have occupied some place, the Minister is ominously silent. I should like to learn from the Minister whether, in the circumstances that now prevail, the Government have any hope that the Drumm battery may be further exploited, so as to make good the very serious deficiencies noticeable in our transport system for the past 18 months.

The Minister should tell us in what direction he thinks his present industrial policy is leading. It is well-known that the failure to purchase the raw materials which were available to us in 1938, 1939 and the first half of 1940, has led to very serious curtailment of employment in production in our industries, and particularly so in respect of those industries which rely solely on the imports of raw materials. That failure to purchase and store supplies has caused large-scale unemployment. To some extent, that unemployment problem has been eased by the fact that thousands of workers have joined the Army and tens of thousands have been forced to emigrate. Notwithstanding that, we still have a very serious unemployment problem. That is not solved by putting people to work in the bogs, and will not be solved even by an intensification of our tillage policy on the basis of the present Compulsory Tillage Order. Turf production, at best, is just seasonal employment: when the turf is cut, reared, ricked and transported, there is a long period—between October and April— when those so engaged must look for employment elsewhere. Those workers are mainly in the rural areas, where there is very little other employment for them, except such fragmentary and intermittent employment as they get in tillage. Therefore, we have reached the position that our industries are paying off large numbers of men, who are not fully absorbed in the Army or by way of emigration; and still larger numbers will become unemployed when October sets in. I would like to ascertain from the Minister what he proposes to do to carry those people over next winter—which is likely to be the most severe winter we have had for the past 25 years.

At this stage I do not want to make any, references to the previous declarations of the Minister and the Government, that they could cure unemployment in this country. Promises of that kind seem to be completely inharmonious with the realities of the times in which we live. The Government has not made any pretence of curing unemployment. I gathered, from the Minister's opening speech on this Vote, that he appears to be of the opinion that large numbers of our people must emigrate and try to find in Britain war work, or work ancillary to war work, and that that is the only hope of absorbing our people into employment, to save them from storming the workhouses here. I would suggest to the Minister that he cannot be complacent in mind at the development of a situation of that kind. Large numbers of our skilled, highly trained craftsmen are leaving this country: most of them are the younger craftsmen, who are going to Britain. It is likely that they will settle down there and be lost to us for ever, losing probably even their nationality, in the condition of life under which they will live there.

I think that an estimate will show that we are exporting more people to-day to Britain and the Six Counties than is being added to our population by the normal excess of births over deaths. As a matter of fact, a close examination of statistics of that kind probably would show that we are exporting more of our adult population than is compensated for in numbers by new people being born. That is a situation which no Minister could face with equanimity. That drain on our manhood, accompanied, unfortunately, by the low marriage rate, must be bound to have very serious repercussions ultimately, If anybody suggested that we should give Britain cattle for nothing, there would be a strong protest from every sane man and woman. We are giving something more than our cattle at present —we are giving the human population, the youngest and most virile of our people, and we are getting nothing back but—as the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance said the other day, and for once I agree with him— coupons which give our people a lien on goods which are not produced by those who have the lien on them.

I do not blame people for emigrating or for desiring to emigrate, when starvation is the only alternative. Many of those men who go away leave their wives and children with heavy hearts; but the alternative to emigration is to rely on the miserable pittance from the employment exchange or to seek some succour from the home assistance, officer. Decent men of independent outlook will not tolerate that. It is natural, therefore, that they should try to go to Britain, to earn wages—which happens to be the passport to a tolerably decent standard of life for their wives and children. One can understand their desire to go to Britain to engage in any kind of work available there; we can understand their desire to get British pound notes to send back to their wives. The amount being sent back at present by telegraph money order must be in the vicinity of £100,000 per week. No Government can view that condition of affairs without serious disquiet. We export the best of our people, our highly-trained craftsmen, our semi-skilled workers, our brain and our brawn, to enable them to obtain in Britain the employment which is not available to them here. From our standpoint, it would be very much better to endeavour to retain those people here, creating wealth which they and their dependents would share. In the long run, it will be found to be an uneconomic proposition to stand idly by while large numbers of our people go to Britain to obtain wages which give them, as I said, a lien on the limited quantity of goods here. The Minister for Industry and Commerce in other days probably would have been loud in his denunciation of the continuance of such a policy. I cannot imagine that the Minister to-day can feel light-hearted over the development of that mass emigration of our people to Britain. They are earning coupons to consume wealth here, while there is no corresponding production of the wealth which is consumed by their families here for the coupons they get elsewhere. It seems to me from a careful examination of the Minister's recent statements that he has no proposals for remedying such a situation, but that he is now at his wits' end to know what to do with the unemployment problem. If all these unemployed men and women were to say: "We were born in this country and this country owes us a duty. We are not going to leave this country, but we insist on the Government, whom we elected, providing for us, instead of exporting us," I think the Government would very quickly be driven to the adoption of measures which would provide employment for these people in their own land.

In present circumstances one does not desire to be captiously critical of the Government, as many of the problems are perhaps entirely outside their control, but the House is entitled to learn from the Minister what are his proposals for dealing with the existing and growing unemployment problem. Have the Government any proposals for dealing with the situation, or does the Minister merely contemplate the continued issue of passports to our virile unemployed people to go to Britain to earn wages there and to send those wages home to be consumed by their families? Are we to understand from what the Minister said in his opening speech, that small as is the population of this country, sparsely populated though the country is and relatively undeveloped though it may be, we are to continue, for the period of this emergency, and perhaps after it, to export men and women to find elsewhere the employment which they cannot find at home?

In normal times of peace a planned economy might well have saved us from the ravages of emigration as we know them during the past few years, but that planned economy was not attempted. Instead, there was a piecemeal effort made to build up industries by quotas and tariffs, under which the quickest-minded got rich most quickly. Under that scheme of building up industries by means of high tariffs, without any adequate State inspection, a number of gentlemen were enabled to get rich quickly, but it never gave the country an industrial fabric capable of withstanding competition from elsewhere.

I am not opposed to tariffs or quotas, under State supervision, if the purpose of the tariffs and quotas is to ensure the building up here of an efficient type of industry, capable ultimately of withstanding fair competition from without. So far as unfair competition is concerned, I should be prepared to prohibit completely the importation of goods made under conditions which did not enable industrialists in this country to compete with them, but our attempt at what is called the building up of an Irish economy consisted in the main of the imposition of tariffs and quotas, without any adequate State supervision, with the result that when we did meet the economic blast in 1940, our industries in the main were unable to withstand it. Some active-minded industrialists, more far-seeing than the generality of them, were able to get in supplies which enabled them to weather the storm for a longer period, but one has only to read the daily newspapers to realise that even the most far-seeing of them, with their limited financial resources, are now in difficulties, and these difficulties, I suggest, will intensify ten-fold during the next six months.

It is, perhaps, difficult in our circumstances to suggest ways and means by which this serious situation which has been allowed to develop can now be combated. We have fertile land in this country which is the envy of many other countries in Europe. It is land which is capable of producing food and which has, I suggest to the Minister, a high market value in Britain. It may not be possible for us to obtain all the raw materials we need for the continuance of our secondary industries, but we have in the grass and in the land of this country very considerable wealth—wealth capable of producing for nations as vital a weapon as any new tank or any new anti-tank gun— and we ought to try to capitalise that wealth as much as we can for the purpose of securing the raw materials on which our secondary industries depend.

On the Vote for the Department of Supplies, I suggested and in no carping spirit, that the Minister for Supplies, who happens to be the same person as the Minister for Industry and Commerce, should realise that, notwithstanding his own pessimism, we really have a bargaining strength. Food is still a very vital commodity in, Britain. Beef which we export is a vital commodity to a country in which the people are rationed to 1/2 worth of meat per week and if the Minister would say to the British that there is no need for them to keep their people down to a ration of 1/2 worth of meat per week, when we can give them more, if they will give us the raw materials, I venture to suggest that the Minister would create a situation in Britain in which the British Government would not be reluctant to trade raw materials for the beef and other agricultural produce which the British people need and which could be given to them in increasing quantities under an intensified tillage policy in this country.

With all goodwill, I again suggest to the Minister that he is not as handcuffed as be pretends to believe he is in the matter of bargaining with Britain, that he still has very valuable cards in his hand and that he can still say to Britain: "We cannot continue to export to you agricultural and other produce in excess of the goods we get from you." He could say to the British: "There is no use in our continuing to give you £3,000,000 worth of goods when you give us only £2,000,000 worth in return and an I.O.U. for £1,000,000." A nominee of the Government on a public utility corporation is reported in to-day's paper as throwing some doubt on the value of British investments after this war. He is a learned student of economics, and, when a person in his position has developed such a view-point, is there any reason why the Minister should not cultivate a similar outlook in his negotiations with the British and should not put to the British candidly that our desire is that our trading relations with them in respect of our exports vis-a-vis their imports and raw materials ought to be on the basis of a barter agreement? I refuse to believe that the Minister is as helpless as he pretended to be during the debate on his Estimate for the Department of Supplies, and I am not unprepared to give him a very fulsome certificate for being pretty artful in matters of that kind. I want again to make the suggestion to him that he really ought to go to the British people and say that raw materials are vital for the maintenance of our industries, that we have valuable assets which we have given to the British people in abundance, and which we can still give to them in even greater abundance, if we get the raw materials which will keep our people here creating wealth for this country, instead of forcing them to emigrate elsewhere, there to earn the contents of the wages envelope which is the passport to food, clothing and shelter for those they have left behind them at home.

I am concerned, this year more than ever, with the prospects that will confront our people in the coming winter. I do not think the Minister's speech, in introducing this Estimate, constituted any real appraisal of what the economic position will be for the winter months. As I see it, the position will be serious. Reports reach me from industrial undertakings, which lead me to regard the position as more serious than it has been at any time during the past 25 years. Trade unions catering for workers in industrial employment are very much concerned about the situation they will have to meet in the winter months. That is a situation which must agitate the Minister's mind, which must cause him grave anxiety, and we ought to have from him on this Vote some indication as to what are the Government's plans for dealing with the intensification of unemployment during the winter, with the serious position created by rising prices whilst wages remain low, with the shortage of many commodities which our people require, and with the shortage of raw materials, the scarcity of which will lead to the unemployment of large numbers of skill and semi-skilled workers whom, apparently, it is not possible to absorb in any kind of relief schemes or schemes of public development which we can put on foot in this country in present circumstances.

Deputy Mulcahy and, to some extent, Deputy Norton complained that when reviewing here the position in respect of supplies, or the industrial situation, I have made statements which are depressing. That, I think, was the word that Deputy Mulcahy used. I think that the biggest mistake we can make is to refuse to face facts. I have said that over and over again, and I want to repeat it now. If there is any safety for us in this situation, any way out of this situation for the nation, it is in facing realities, and not attempting to humbug ourselves, and particularly not attempting to humbug the people of the country as a whole. I have endeavoured, in reviewing the supplies situation or explaining the industrial position, to give a fair statement of the facts. The facts may be depressing; certainly, they are not encouraging.

I do not know that any Deputy would suggest that anything would be gained by misrepresenting the facts to make the situation appear less disturbing than it is. I realise that facts can be presented in one or two ways. Some time ago, a firm came to my office and asked us to look at a circular that they were about to send to their customers. The circular read: "We are sorry to have to tell you that owing to a shortage of supplies we have to restrict deliveries to you in each month to the same quantities that you got each month last year." I suggested to them that the circular should be changed to read: "We are glad to be able to tell you that in spite of the restriction of supplies we will be able to deliver to you the same quantity in each month this year as you got in each month last year."

That was good political sagacity.

The psychological effect of the changed wording, I think, was different, but the fact remained the same. On occasion, in the past, although not recently, I have given the facts to the people in matters relating to the supply position in a cheery, optimistic tone, and I have been criticised time and again by Deputies opposite for having done so. I was accused of encouraging complacency, and I was accused, in fact, of being complacent myself. I was told that I misled the people as to the growing gravity of the situation. I had stated nothing that was not the strict truth, but the manner of stating it resulted in these charges being made from Opposition Benches.

If, since then, I have decided that the manner of presenting a picture of the situation should be such as to make people realise its full significance—to shock them into such realisation if necessary—I think I follow the wiser course. There is nothing to be gained by pessimism. Anyone who judges our situation as a whole will, as I said in the course of the debate on the Department of Supplies, have to admit that up to date the hardships which inevitably arose out of the development of universal war have fallen less heavily on this country than on any other country in Europe. That is true. It is true now. It may not always be true, but if we want to get a fair picture of our situation, we must take into account, not merely the bad things that have happened to us, but also the good things. We must count our blessings as well as our evils, and if we count up all our blessings we will realise that we have a great deal to be thankful for, despite the fact that our situation is much worse than it was previously and is steadily deteriorating. We know that it is deteriorating, and we must base our plans upon the assumption that it will continue to deteriorate, that no change in the situation is likely to arise which will so improve our circumstances as to lessen the hardships and the inconveniences which the war means for us.

Deputy Mulcahy spoke also about post-war planning. The Dáil can assume that the matter of planning for the post-war situation has received very careful and continuous consideration from the Government. It is difficult to visualise the international situation in which this country will find itself when the war is over, and, consequently, in matters relating to the development of trade and economic conditions generally, it is not easy to embark on any programme of planning for that period with any confidence that the work done now will be of value when the time comes. Post-war planning, I think, can be divided into two parts.

Firstly, there is the fundamental question of organisation. Consideration of that fundamental question has, naturally, to be undertaken in the light of the fact that the circumstances that the organisation will be required to cope with are unknown, and also of the fact that the report from the Vocational Commission, which must be taken into account in that relationship, is about to appear. I understand that the commission has prepared its report, although when, in fact, it will be submitted to the Government I cannot say. If we are to consider now the matter of post-war planning and the taking of positive action for that purpose, we cannot leave out of account the existence of the Vocational Commission, or the fact that its report is now being prepared. Apart, however, from that fundamental question of organisation, we can tabulate the lessons which our war-time experiences have taught us, so that we can utilise those experiences in the post-war period for the nation's benefit.

We know, as a result of our experiences in the war, that our industrial programme had been all too inadequate to give this country the economic security which it should have to tide over periods of emergency, whether emergency caused by physical war or by economic or financial upheavals. We can list now the industries that we should aim to establish immediately the circumstances permit of it. We know that the absence of these industries is a handicap now. We know that whatever considerations may have deterred action towards their establishment in the past fade into insignificance in relation to the inconvenience that their non-establishment has created for us. I mentioned a number of these industries when speaking in the debate on the Vote for the Department of Supplies. There are others besides those which I mentioned then. I cannot say that plans for the establishment of these industries can be brought to the point where immediate action could be taken upon them when the war ends. It has been the policy of the Government to promote industrial development by private enterprise, and, consequently, the first step to industrial progress along any of the avenues that appear open to us must be designed to arouse the interest of private persons in their possibilities. We can, however, decide that the various projects to which I have referred are practicable, and, more particularly, we can decide on this side of the House as well as on the opposite side, that we are going to encourage and facilitate development along these lines.

Deputy Hughes scoffed here some days ago at the whole policy of self-sufficiency. He was almost as vehement in his denunciation of that policy as Deputy Dillon, but to-day Deputy Hughes has been demanding action for the establishment of industries for the production of nitrogenous fertilisers, and for the production of other agricultural materials which he knows are scarce. He has been demanding the development of our coal mines, not merely as a temporary war-time measure, but on a permanent basis. Was there ever such a reversal of attitude, in such a short space of time, on the part of a Deputy as we witnessed to-day from Deputy Hughes, or does the Deputy just not appreciate the inconsistency of his speech to-day when related to his speech upon the Vote for the Department of Supplies? On one occasion he thought it was popular to denounce the Government's policy of self-sufficiency and to blame that policy for our present circumstances, but on this occasion he thinks it is equally popular to demand action by the Department of Industry and Commerce towards carrying out a policy which he himself denounced only a few days ago. Of course, in the matter of inconsistency, Deputy Hughes does not stand alone. The establishment of a factory for the manufacture of nitrogenous fertilisers is possible. Some years before the war I went into that matter in great detail. In the course of one of my visits to Geneva, in connection with the International Labour Organisation, I met personally a number of persons who are interested in the process of manufacturing nitrogenous fertilisers and had established a number of factories for that purpose. A committee, which I caused to be set up, prepared a detailed report upon the various processes which were available to us. They were all the subject of patents, and the adoption of any particular process involved the payment of royalties to the owners. We finally decided upon a general programme of operation, upon the type of plant that we wanted, the process that we were going to use, and were on the point of making an arrangement, which had already been discussed in detail with the Scoda Works, Prague, when the German armies occupied it, and that particular project fell to the ground. For Deputy Hughes's information, the capital equipment alone to be installed in the factory which we had planned to establish was valued at £750,000 then.

It was a project of that scale that was involved in the manufacture of nitrogenous fertilisers here, so that when Deputy Hughes talks about proceeding now with the manufacture of these fertilisers he is dealing with something which is completely impracticable. There is not the slightest possibility of our getting anywhere in tho world the equipment that would be required for the purpose. It is a very large-scale industry, but it can be established here upon the basis of raw materials available in this country, once the necessary equipment has been secured. It is one of the industries that I mentioned here last week as being on the list for post-war development. Every Department of the Government has been instructed to prepare plans for development of one kind or another, so that immediate action upon them will be possible when the war ends and when the inflow of the necessary materials is resumed. We can do a great deal upon that line, but I think it is foolish to suggest that there is any course of action open to us now which would permit of the expansion of employment-giving activities on the lines suggested by various Deputies. The extent to which we can do housing work or drainage work or road construction work, or any other development operations is limited by consideration of supplies. Supplies of fuel, supplies of equipment and supplies of tools are all restricted. We can determine to a very narrow degree of accuracy the extent to which a works programme can be undertaken in present circumstances. We cannot do more than that.

Deputy Norton just now most eloquently pictured the ill-consequences of emigration and the possible future of our emigrants in another country. Deputy Norton's eloquence was not worth one practical suggestion. If he had chosen to deal with this matter as something for concrete propositions rather than for oratory, he would have done much greater service to the country. But he knows, I am sure, that concrete suggestions capable of being translated into work in order to stop the cause of emigration cannot be made and it is the knowledge that the thing cannot be done that deterred him from attempting to give even a vague indication of how he thought it might be done. I suggest, therefore, that in these circumstances it is not good enough merely to denounce the whole situation. The Government are not facing this situation with equanimity of mind, as Deputy Norton suggested. We face it with great disquiet. We know that this situation is one to be deplored, that this emigration of our people to find an opportunity to work which they cannot find here is something that is not merely affecting our security at the present time but may have a permanent effect and a permanent ill-effect on the country. What are we to do about it? We can and must open every avenue of employment that exists. We must utilise every source of activity which will enable people to earn their livelihood here to the fullest extent. But the fullest extent is easy to determine by the available supply of equipment.

Deputy Norton says that turf production is not enough. It is not enough. The development of agricultural activities will not be enough. It will not be enough. But we cannot give carpenter employment at carpentry or a printer employment at printing or other skilled workers employment in the occupations to which they have been trained when the total volume of work in each of these occupations is inadequate to afford employment for more than a small proportion of those who normally follow them. Are we then to say to the carpenter or the printer or the electrician or the motor mechanic who has lost his job: "As the only work available in the country, is turf production or agricultural work or constructional work of one kind or another, and as that is not the work you have been trained to do, then we will exempt you from doing any work even though it has to be done, and provide you with a livelihood based on the standard of living that you enjoyed when employed in normal circumstances in your normal occupation"? We cannot do it because that means taking out of the common pool of resources available to the whole community an undue share for that one section and diminishing the share available for those who are contented with the livelihood which can be got out of turf production or agriculture or general constructional work. These are the problems with which the Government are trying to deal.

We have laid down a policy for emigration. Deputy Mulcahy asked me to state clearly the details of that policy. I have done so. The details of the policy were not merely published frequeutly in the Press, but I gave them again in the speech introducing this Estimate on Friday last. I asked Deputies on that occasion, not merely to deplore the emigration situation, but to take that policy as I had outlined it and indicate the changes in it that they proposed should be effected. Not one change was proposed. Not one Deputy suggested that that policy should be departed from in any detail. We have restricted the outward movement of certain persons: those who are in employment, those for whom there is employment immediately available, those who have refused a specific offer of employment, those in certain areas, in certain seasons, who are capable of undertaking and have had experience, in turf production or in agriculture. We have restricted also the outward movement of persons under 22 years of age. None of the restrictions applies to migratory agricultural workers who normally went year after year to agricultural work in Scotland or England, returning here in the autumn to harvest their own holdings. We are restricting the outward movement of workers within the classes I have mentioned. We have decided that we cannot in fairness restrict the outward movement of workers who are not within these classes; that is workers who are not in work and for whom there is no work available.

It may be that the fact that a number of these workers are going out of the country has a weakening effect on our-national position and may have future consequences for us. But we cannot stop them on that account, because the opportunity of work abroad, whatever the consequences to the country, means for the individual a livelihood not merely for himself, but for his dependents back here in Ireland. If there is a Deputy who wants to suggest either an extension or a restriction of the class of persons coming within the existing regulations, let him suggest it. No Deputy has suggested it. Deputy Mulcahy raised the case of an individual worker under 22 years of ago who had been refused an exit permit. That is the general regulation. But the Government made it clear that in special circumstances the would grant an exit permit to persons under 22 years of age, and in a number of cases where special circumstances were shown to exist such exit permits have been granted. The individual to whom the Deputy referred, I assume, accepted the intimation of the general ban without attempting to show that special circumstances existed in his case which would justify the lifting of the ban. If he attempts to show that, then his case will be considered on its merits. We do feel, however, that particularly in the case of men under 22 years of age, the opportunity of enrolling in the Defence Forces should be availed of before seeking work abroad, and in normal circumstances persons who are eligible to enrol in the Defence Forces and who are under 22 years of age, even if qualified on other grounds, will not receive exit permits.

Deputy Mulcahy referred also to the refusal of a licence to export certain types of machinery in the case of a particular firm. We can discuss any general regulation upon the basis of an individual case if we wish. But I feel certain that if we do we will come to the wrong decisions on matters of general policy. Hard cases make bad law. The general regulation which the Government are attempting to apply is designed to hold within the country the supply of machinery which we have, knowing that in present circumstances it cannot be replaced. It may be a hardship on the individual who owns the machinery that he is not allowed to cash in on it in Northern Ireland and Great Britain where high prices can be realised at present.

It is not fair to suggest that in this case.

I am not suggesting that the case Deputy Mulcahy referred to is of that kind, but every separate case will have some individual characteristic and, if we are to give individual consideration to applications, we will get ourselves into a mess and nowhere else. We must make a general rule and apply that rule irrespective of the special circumstances of individual cases, and the general rule is that we are not going to let out machinery that cannot be replaced, and it is not merely a matter of being unable to replace it now. No one can tell us how many years after the conclusion of the war it will be possible to replace it and, if we give consideration now, as Deputy Mulcahy suggests, to post-war development, to the absorption in employnent here of the thousands of men who are now going to England and who will be coming back then, we must decide to keep under our control the equipment that will give us the possibility of employment.

In a particular case it may be that circumstances would, on balance, appear to suggest that permission to export the equipment involved should be given, but how am I to convince one individual that the permission given under certain circumstances in another case should not be given to him? If we are to deal with that general matter upon the basis of deciding on the merits of each case, we are going to create not merely discontent, but a feeling that there is unfair discrimination, because each individual will feel that his case is the strongest. There are numbers of people who own motor cars that they purchased for the purpose of business and that are no longer being operated. They can get in Northern Ireland for these motor cars prices higher than they paid for them as new vehicles, and all sorts of tricks and devices have been tried in order to export the vehicles. Deputies are aware that we have had to impose the most amazing restrictions in order to prevent the exportation of the vehicles, to the extent of making it impossible for any citizen to sell a motor car without the consent of the Civic Guard, without a Civic Guard being present at the transaction and satisfying himself as to the bona fides of the seller and buyer. All these regulations are designed to ensure that the temptation to bring out of this country equipment that may be vital for us before the war is over does not result in a depletion of our existing stocks.

No purpose will be served by discussing now the circumstances of an individual case. I am endeavouring to tell the Dáil the general policy that the Government are following. Its application in individual cases may appear to cause hardship and to be unfair, but I feel certain that from no section of the House will there be any criticism of the general policy.

It would be very bad to have a general policy that may inflict hardship even on industrial roots here.

Deputy Mulcahy says that if the machinery is exported to Northern Ireland, the workers employed here can also be sent to Northern Ireland and will get employment there with the same employer and in the same occupation. That is all very well, but the machinery is then outside our control. Deputy Mulcahy knows quite well that when, at some particular stage, either during or after the war, we require that machinery here for the purpose of producing materials necessary for the development of this country, we may not be able to get it. There will be no-certainty that we will get it; nobody can give us a guarantee that it will be allowed to come back to us. There is not a factory here that has not got surplus plant at the moment. Its existing equipment is more than sufficient to handle the raw materials coming in. In every case it is possible to export that surplus equipment with profit to the owner and perhaps even with benefit to the firm concerned. But we cannot let it go, because we know it will not be replaced. There is no possibility of replacing it. In each of the countries to which we would normally look for equipment of that kind, there is a complete ban on export, a ban that will be maintained. we know, so long after the war as the Governments of these countries think it necessary in the protection of their own interests.

Deputy Hughes, who speaks here far too often to be able to speak intelligently on every occasion, criticised what he described as the inaction of the Government upon the Drainage Commission's Report. The matter is not really relevant to this Vote, because it is the Minister for Finance who is responsible to the House for whatever action may be taken by the Government on that report, but I want to suggest to Deputy Hughes and to Deputy Cogan and others, who speak here as if they were authorities on everything, that they should take the elementary precaution of reading the documents they refer to. I am quite certain that Deputy Hughes never read the report of the Drainage Commission. He said we got that report and nothing was done with it. If he read the report he would know the fundamental recommendation of the commission was that, as regards arterial drainage, nothing should be done until a comprehensive plan was prepared. The one essential thing they emphasised was that in any drainage area piecemeal activities would do more harm than good; that in the past they had done more harm than good. Their central recommendation was that for each of these areas a comprehensive plan should be drawn up and that work should be carried out in accordance with that plan and not in accordance with what appeared to be the requirements or the demands of particular localities. They recommend that drainage should be made a national charge.

The Government have accepted in principle the recommendations of that commission and legislation is being framed for the purpose of giving effect to it. That legislation will be of a most difficult and complicated kind and, with the present pressure of work in the Parliamentary draftsman's office it has been found necessary to make special arrangements to permit of the completion of the necessary measure. But that is being done, and it would be foolish to do what Deputy Hughes apparently thinks we should have done, start digging drains all over the place, drains unrelated to one another and a not in accordance with any carefully prepared and preconceived plan.

Is it correct that the Parliamentary draftsman is so busy?

Certainly.

It must be on Emergency Orders—it is not Bills, anyway.

Deputy Hughes had much the same idea about our coal development. In a most unfair manner he criticised the Slievardagh Coal Mining Company for the fact that in the development of the coal measures of Slievardagh they had encountered unexpected difficulties. In the case of the Slievardagh coal mine we employed a firm of coal mining engineers which had a very high reputation in the mining world. We employed them at considerable expense. They brought experts here; they examined the data relating to that area; carried out tests on the spot which they considered necessary, and prepared a report which indicated the commercial possibilities of the coal measures there and contained proposals as to how their development should be undertaken. It is in accordance with that firm's report that the company has been operating and, despite all the elaborate precautions taken in advance to secure the success of the venture, difficulties have been encountered. Because of that fact, Deputy Hughes criticised the company and, I think, the Government also. As regards the coal measures outside Carlow, he wants us to run in straight away without any preliminary investigation, any exploration work, and start digging for coal. That was the sense of the Deputy's remarks.

In the case of the Rossmore colliery, to which reference has been made, the Department of Industry and Commerce has a great deal of information. It is not true, as Deputy Hughes told us, that they are producing 400 tons of coal there per week. They are not producing a quarter of that and have never produced anything in the nature of 400 tons a week. There is a small colliery there working in a small way under a State lease. The output of resolutions from that locality exceeds in tonnage to a considerable extent the output of coal. I have been getting a great number of resolutions from all sorts of bodies in that area in favour of giving the proprietor of that colliery a longer lease or a larger lease.

You got other resolutions, to take over the place.

At a valuation.

Certainly. I have asked the Slievardagh Company to go in and investigate that area.

I have asked them to do that some months ago. They will undertake the exploration work. It is only when that exploration work is completed that a decision can be made as to whether larger-scale commercial development is practicable and desirable. My feeling, however, is that in matters relating to the development of minerals, private enterprise is infinitely preferable to State activity. Deputy Norton said that he has no faith in private enterprise in matters relating to coal mining or other mineral development work. I think he is fundamentally wrong. Even this debate demonstrated the difficulties that are associated with State activity in matters relating to mining. Every mining venture is a speculation. As I said in my introductory speech, you can never be certain what is under the ground until you have gone down to see. People go into mining ventures knowing that a big risk is involved but expecting that, if their gamble comes off, the reward will justify the risk. A State Department does not act upon these principles. In the case of Slievardagh, where, for various reasons, it was necessary in our opinion for the State to take action, the mere suggestion of a difficulty brings forth a volume of criticism from members of the Dáil. It is the knowledge that everything the State does is expected by its critics to be perfect which will deter the State from ever engaging in speculative ventures of this character, but private enterprise will undertake these speculative undertakings if they are reasonably assured that they will be able to reap rewards appropriate to the risk.

But if private persons will not do it?

Private persons are doing it, and that is the answer to Deputy Norton's question. There are eight private firms at present engaged in coal mining activity in this State.

How much coal are they turning out?

They are turning out coal appropriate to the total supplies of coal available here. We are not a great coal-mining country. We never will be. We have got a few comparatively small pockets of coal, so small that in Great Britain they would not be worked at all; and we are developing these in the best method practicable in the circumstances and upon the scale which the size of the deposits justifies and these private companies are doing it in a manner which the State could not attempt. If the State does go into business, it must insure itself against risks of all kinds. These mining enterprises of ours, particularly the small ones, can proceed upon methods which would not be tolerated in the case of a State enterprise and they are producing coal. It is small in relation to our requirements of coal. The total production possible in all the Irish coal mines would not equal and could not equal 10 per cent. of our requirements of coal.

What is the output in the Lough Allen area where there are supposed to be 30,000,000 tons of coal?

Who supposes?

Who supposes?

Deputy Davin can proceed either on the basis of guesses or of local superstition or upon the basis of established fact. In the case of the Arigna area we brought over here a French company which undertook the most elaborate exploration of all the mineral resources of that area. I think I am correct in saying that the total cost of the exploration work alone done in that area was about £30,000. The report of that firm of French experts is available for the Deputy to read. They put down bore-holes all over that area. The only way of finding out what is under the ground is to go down to see. They went down all over the district and took up cores. They took up what was under the ground. They drew a picture of what was under the ground. All that information is there for anybody interested in the commercial development of that area to inspect. That information is as complete as it possibly can be made. I am not guaranteeing that it gives an accurate picture of what is under the ground. There may be hundreds of miles of a coal seam and your bores may hit only where the holes are and you may in fact prove no coal at all. On the other hand, there may be just one lump of coal and that is where the bore-hole will hit and you may get the illusion of coal all over that area, when, in fact, there is only the lump you brought up. That is the speculative part of mineral exploration.

Does the Minister know that they bored 30 years ago in Wolfhill and they could not find coal, and that now they are finding it there?

Is not that what I am trying to tell the Deputy?

It is not exactly the same thing. They can find it in the vicinity now when they cannot get it anywhere else.

There are three methods of dealing with it. The formation of the whole locality will enable an expert geologist to say what is probably there. By geophysical survey, that is, by the process of sending an electric current through the ground and finding how long it takes to pass through it, they can make a fair guess as to what is there. The third way is by going down to see, putting down bore-holes. All three methods were applied in the case of Arigna and the sum total of all the information is available to the Deputy or anyone else who is interested.

I read some of it.

In Arigna they are producing 80,000 tons of coal a year at the moment and that represents an increase of practically 100 per cent. upon the output of 1939. The State can, and should, encourage and facilitate private people who want to undertake mineral development work. It has done so in the past. It is doing so now. We know there are certain types of mineral works that private enterprise will not touch because they are too risky, too speculative, and because in present circumstances we think that, despite the risk, exploration work and development work should nevertheless be attempted, special organisations have been set up for the purpose—the Slievardagh Coal-mining Company and the Minerals Exploration and Development Company—and these two companies are proceeding to develop the mineral resources of this country which are too speculative for private enterprise to interest themselves in. I know that the Government will be criticised and the managers of these companies will be criticised if the net outcome of all their activities does not appear commensurate with the financial cost involved.

Not from these benches.

That is the risk we are taking—the political risk we are taking. We have decided that the national need justifies spending that money upon exploration and development work that may prove useless but which, if it proves productive at all will help us considerably to deal with the circumstances that the emergency has created for us.

I do not think it is necessary that I should deal again at any length with the policy of the Government in the matter of the small wheat mills. I spoke twice last week on the subject and explained in detail not merely the principles on which we were working, but the methods by which they were applied. Deputies are confusing two matters—the closing of a permit mill and the refusal of a permit to a mill. Normally it is the practice to give a permit to a mill which was previously engaged in the business of milling wheat and which has not been breaking the law relating to the milling of wheat. That mill is closed only when it appears evident that the conservation of supplies requires it, that is to say, that supplies will be wasted in one way or another if the mill is not closed and the machinery sealed. Permits are given to other mills which apply for them only where it appears clear that the milling facilities in the locality are inadequate because if we give too many permits and if we allow mills to enter into competition in various localities, then the efforts of each proprietor of a mill to earn a livelihood for himself will leave him open to the temptation to engage in illegalities.

Are these latter mills ones which previously did not mill wheat?

Yes, they are mills that formerly ground only maize or in some cases barley and oats. They are capable of milling wheat but in normal circumstances the raw material on which they worked was principally imported maize.

Deputy Byrne told us about a seaman who was lost in the Clonlara and about the treatment meted out to his relatives. I appreciate more than anyone else the obligation which the nation has to those who are manning its ships in present circumstances, but I feel that we have discharged that obligation, if we have provided for these seamen exactly the same scale of compensation for injuries, or compensation for dependents in the event of death, on exactly the same conditions as the British Government have provided for their seamen. We have taken the British scales and the British conditions without change and applied them here, so that we can say that the seamen sailing our ships are receiving in that respect exactly the same treatment as British seamen sailing British ships receive, even though Great Britain is a belligerent country and we are not. I cannot deal with the case Deputy Byrne referred to because I do not know what the amount of compensation actually payable to the dependents of a seaman would be in individual cases, but such compensation is not designed to offset the personal loss sustained by the death of a relative, in this case the death of a son. It is designed to make good the financial loss involved. Somebody had; no doubt, to assess the extent to which the parents in that case were dependent upon the earnings of the son, the extent to which the son did in fact contribute to the support of the parents, in accordance with the scale provided and the regulations made.

Deputy Byrne, however, made the case that in determining the amount of unemployment assistance which the male parent was entitled to receive, the existence of this compensation payment was taken into account in assessing his means. That is the law and I can do nothing about it. This Dáil when it passed the Unemployment Assistance Act provided that in assessing means, for the purposes of the Act, all and every source of income should be taken into account and I think the Dáil was right. It does not matter what the source of income may be. The matter has been discussed here on several occasions and, as Deputies are aware, Old I.R.A. service pensions, income from savings or from the payment of any compensation such as I referred to, are all taken into account and the amount of assistance is determined in relation to any other income which an applicant has from these sources.

The idea in this Act was that the State was crecting a last line of defence against destitution, and its obligation was not to give payments based on the same scale to all individuals but to ensure that no individual who qualified under the Act would be left completely destitute. We feel that we are entitled in doing that to take into account any source of income or any alternative source of maintaining himself that might be open to any applicant. The scales of assistance were calculated so as to provide that the amounts so received by individual applicants would be taken into account. That has been tho law since 1934, and I think it cannot be repealed in respect to any particular type of means. I feel that if we depart in any particular from the practice of taking such means into account, we may as well let the means test go altogether and say that unemployment assistance will be payable in any circumstances to a person who applies for it.

Mr. Byrne

Then I did not overstate the case in saying that the man as a result of the loss of his son of 28, was cut down to 6d. per week.

The Deputy can put it that way if he likes, but I think it is a particularly unfair way of putting it. The fact is that in determining the amount of unemployment assistance which he was entitled to receive, his means as a whole had to be taken into account.

Mr. Byrne

It is unfortunate that it should be so, and I am sure the Minister would, have the support of the whole House if he brought forward legislation to alter that.

In the course of the debate we had a more or less scattered discussion on the question of the nationalisation of transport. I do not think that Deputy Davin made a very serious contribution on that question. I have stated that we have, at the present time, control over railway transport sufficient to enable us to deal with the present situation, just as adequate as would be given to us by any system of nationalisation. We determine the priority in which the railway company is to carry goods. We have appointed the chairman of the company and we gave him powers to ensure that the policy of the company is directed in accordance with national needs at the present time. Deputy Davin's case in support of the nationalisation of the railways was based more upon its theoretical than its practical value. He thinks that railway transport should not be run for private profit. There is no shareholder of the Great Southern Railway Company who will agree with him that the company is being run at present for private profit. It is many years now since that company showed any profit and the shareholders of the company will be the first to endeavour to convince Deputy Davin of that fact. I stated, however, that the policy of the Government in relation to the railways was related to the circumstances of the emergency only. It may be that, in the post-emergeney period, we shall have to consider anew the general question of transport policy. Action taken now represents no decision in favour of a particular course of action to meet the requirements of a later period. I do not think we shall get anywhere by discussing the theoretical merits of nationalisation as against any other form of control. I think we can leave these theoretical questions aside and deal with the practical problems at the present time. These practical problems are of such a nature that it is almost certain that an increasing measure of control over all forms of transport will be necessary to ensure that the available transport resources of the country will be utilised in the best interests of its people.

I have been asked about the Drumm battery. Naturally enough the possibilities of substituting battery-driven trains or vehicles for steam-driven or petrol-driven vehicles have been considered. The problem of procuring metals and the equipment required for the production of batteries is as great, if not greater, as the problem of producing coal for the railways or petrol for the petrol-driven lorries. Some Deputies suggested here that injury was done to Dublin when the electric trams were taken off.

Deputy Davin, I think.

I think it is true to say that, if Dublin had been dependent upon electric trams for public transport services at the beginning of this war we would have no public transport service now. The maintenance of the lines, the maintenance of overhead wires, the maintenance of the trams themselves, would all have involved the importation of steel rails or copper wire or replacement parts which would have been unprocurable. The existing tram services have been kept going here only by the simple process of breaking down trams that were taken off service and using the spare parts as replacements on the trams still in service. Those trams still in service are at the present time consuming a quantity of electricity which is causing us great concern, so much concern that restrictions upon the hours of operation of those trams will almost inevitably have to be imposed in the very near future.

There is one other matter to which I want to refer, and that is Deputy Norton's reference to a statement I made earlier concerning bargaining with Britain. I am not at all sure that it is in the national interest that we should have discussions of this kind going on here. No doubt it would be a clear gain if we could get Deputies to deal with facts and stop fooling themselves, and it was for that purpose that I referred to this matter at all. When Deputy Norton says that we could produce more and more cattle, and that the British want those cattle so much that they will give us almost anything we ask in return, he is ignoring the known facts. Surely he saw, as we all saw, a statement made by the British Minister of Agriculture that their internal circumstances would involve the imposition of restrictions upon the exportation of store cattle from this country. In point of numbers and in point of value, our main cattle trade is in store cattle, that is in exporting what is in fact a raw material of the British agricultural industry, store cattle which go on to British farms, there to be fattened. Because of the scarcity of feeding stuffs in Great Britain, they announced that they would have to restrict the importation of store cattle from us. It is not that the British are so anxious to get them, the position is the reverse; their circumstances require a restriction upon their movement. If we keep those cattle here, and engage in a policy of fattening live stock here, it is going to involve a drain upon our resources of foodstuffs, which are altogether inadequate for the purpose.

Those are facts, but the more important fact is this, that there is not in Great Britain a surplus of the materials of which we are short. Coal and steel and the other goods that we need are short in Great Britain. They are urgently required there for the purpose of their war effort, and they will not give them to us merely for the sake of getting additional supplies of food. They have told us that their inability to give us those goods is due to the fact that they have not enough for themselves, and I think it is unwise in the national interest to attempt to make members of this House or members of the public believe that there is some course of action open to us to secure for us adequate supplies or even increased supplies of those goods from Great Britain. If there is any opportunity of making an arrangement that will secure an improvement in our supply position, that opportunity will be availed of, but the general impression some Deputies have tried to create—that it is merely some peculiar reluctance on the part of the Government that prevents us from issuing an ultimatum to the British Government in order to get more coal or more timber—is complete nonsense. Even Deputy Belton, by his reference-to pit-props, indicated that he does not know the facts of the situation at all. The British have never asked——

Have you asked the British?

At no time have the British suggested to us that they were in need of pit-props, or that they were willing to barter coal for pit-props. That statement has been made here by people who did not know what they were talking about. The suggestion has never come from the British side.

Has it come from us? Have we made it to the British?

Deputy Belton asked me if I ever negotiated with the British about coal. It is probably true to say that we do it twice a week. We certainly do it eight times a month, and we know down to a ton the quantity of coal which the British Government are prepared to give us, and the quality of coal they are prepared to give us. The British Government have sent their officers over here to discuss the matter. There is no lack of contact. On all occasions they have told us, officially and unofficially, that their inability to give us more coal was due to the fact that they had not got the coal to give us. Deputies will try to "cod" themselves, and Deputy Belton is an adept at it, but it is not going to get the country anywhere. As I said at the beginning, the only safe course open to us is to plan upon the basis of known facts, and not upon the basis of the fancies and theories which some Deputies think it might be popular to expound. I am telling the House the facts and asking the House to make whatever suggestions they wish to make as to the policy of the Government on those facts.

Would the Minister say, is it not a fact that the British Government expect to get in the future a very great increase in their production of coal?

I am not a representative of the British Government. I do not know what the British Government expects. I am dealing with the facts here, and I think it is extremely unlikely that the position is going to improve to an extent that would entail an increased import of coal here.

They are asking their own people to reduce consumption.

I do not know if Deputies read the statements of British Ministers. I read a statement by the British Minister of Mines in the House of Commons to the effect that they were 500,000 tons of coal below their minimum requirements for a period of months; that the quantity of coal produced in those months was 500,000 tons less than their minimum requirements. I assume he was telling the truth in the House of Commons, and that Deputies opposite have not secret information which was not available to him.

No, but we should like some information as to how the country is to carry on during a shortage of coal.

Deputy Belton thinks that, by merely demanding that something will be done, our problems are solved. I never heard such a foolish speech in my life as the one I heard from Deputy Belton to-day. He asked how we are to carry on without coal, without electricity, without petrol, without this, that and the other.

Well, how?

We have got to do the best we can with what we have. Merely asking us how we are to carry on does not increase the supply. The Deputy had no suggestion to make except in relation to his own personal business. In matters affecting the problems of the nation he was singularly unproductive of ideas. I have endeavoured to tell the House not merely what the facts are but to give in relation to the matters that were the subject of debate the general outlines of the policy which the Government has followed. There were some matters of lesser importance that were raised which I am not in a position to refer to because I would have to get the facts of the cases from the Departmental files, and there was not time to do that. I recommend the Vote to the House, feeling satisfied that, in so far as it was humanly possible to do so, the Department of Industry and Commerce during the course of the past 12 months have husbanded our resources and made the best of very difficult circumstances.

Question—"That the Estimate be referred back for reconsideration"— put and declared lost.

I take it that No. 2 is not moved. Does the Deputy desire a decision on No. 3, that is, "That the Estimate be reduced by £10 in respect of sub-head J"?

Oh, no. The Minister did not give us very much information.

I forgot to refer to that. I intended to say this to the Deputy, that we arranged for two representatives to be present at the International Labour Conference which was held recently in New York, merely for the purpose of maintaining formal contact with the organisation. Those representatives had a watching brief. The conference, as the Deputy knows, was not called for the purpose of doing business. It was an exceptional and unusual type of conference and was mainly coneerned with political activities. That the conference would be so concerned was obvious from the fact that it was, in practice, confined to representatives of non-Axis countries. The normal practice is to have a factual report of the proceedings prepared by the Irish delegates, setting out what was done, with particular emphasis on the part played by the Irish delegation. No such report was possible on this occasion because nothing was done in the matter of drawing up conventions for acceptance, as is usually done at these conferences, nor was any other work of that kind carried out. As the Irish delegates had nothing to do but watch the proceedings, there was no purpose in having a report on their activities, either.

Surely, the Minister will agree that one of the real functions of the conference was to discuss the acting-director's report. The discussion on that report lasted for a couple of days. That report by the acting-director of the International Labour Office covered a review, to a limited extent, of the political background of the present situation and, to a large extent, of the economic and social background of the present situation. There was a special chapter on future policy, particularly in light of the fact that what they called "social activity" was being striven for and worked for in practically every country in the world. Emphasis was laid on the fact that you cannot have social activity where you have not a sound, economic foundation. One would imagine that, during a discussion like that, Irish representatives would not have to sit with their mouths shut, without having uttered a single word during the whole of a week's or ten days' discussion.

If the Deputy road the newspapers at the time, he would have found that the discussions were not quite like that.

Deputies have an opportunity of seeing a verbatim report of the discussion in the Library, and Deputies can judge whether or not the Minister is reasonable in his suggestion. If our delegates kept their mouths so closely shut, they had every opportunity of hearing quite a lot. We should, therefore, have expected that the Government would have some kind of report from them and some kind of information to convey to the House. Are we to spend £3,662 during the coming year in order that we may send two more dummies to sit with their ears very wide open during the conference of the International Labour Office, if it is held this year, as I expect it will? Is that the purpose for which the Minister asks us to vote this money?

No. For all practical purposes, the International Labour Organisation is quiescent for the duration of the war. The principles on which it was founded are no applicable to present circumstances. The mere fact that the world is at war renders it inoperative. It was established to secure uniformity of social conditions and combined progress by all nations. Obviously, it cannot function on the lines intended in present circumstances. If we vote a contribution to the expenses of the organisation, we shall do so to maintain contact, knowing that we cannot get any return in present circumstances. I want the House to appreciate that in approving of the Estimate. If the organisations set up under the Treaty of Versailles remain and if there is an International Labour Organisation in existence when the war is over, I hope Ireland will be able to resume the not undistinguished part it had in that organisation in the past.

Surely, the Minister does not suggest that we should vote £3,662 to a body that is doing nothing. Is not the Minister exaggerating?

I did not say the body was doing nothing. I said that we could not expect a return from it in present circumstances.

I do not understand how a body can be described as quiescent if it is doing something. I would not describe as quiescent a body that was instrumental in bringing out the report which was placed before the New York Conference and in getting so many representatives of so many different Governments to discuss it, even if the shadow of war did hang over the debate. Even if some of the delegates were particularly interested in the effect of war conditions on their countries, I would not call the body that succeeded in doing that and which promises to continue consideration of the suggestions contained in the report as quiescent. I think that it is worth while paying a certain amount of money to keep the organisation going. The Minister is, I think, simply getting out of the responsibility of giving us any kind of report from our delegates when he suggests that not much is going forward and that the delegates were only, listening and watching.

Motion (3) not moved.
Vote put and declared carried.
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