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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 15 Dec 1943

Vol. 92 No. 7

Private Deputies' Business. - Oireachtas Allowances—Deduction of Income-Tax (Motion).

The following motion and amendment were on the Order Paper:—
That Dáil Eireann is of opinion that the allowances payable to members of the Oireachtas should cease to be exempt from income-tax.— (Deputies Donnellan and Cafferky).
Amendment.—To add at the end after the word "tax" the following words: "and that for the purpose of arriving at the amount of assessable income in respect of members of Dáil Eireann a sum of at least £250, and in respect of members of Seanad Eireann a sum of at least £150, be deducted as legitimate expenses from their respective allowances".— (Deputy Esmonde).

Up to to-night, I thought that the motion which I now propose would be much criticised. On account of the fact that it is one of the few motions which does not provide for expenditure but rather tends to help the Department of Finance, I expect that it will have the support of the Government Party. Moreover, I was much struck by the statement made by Deputy Linehan and I expect it will have his support also. I shall not detain the House very long in moving the motion as I shall have an opportunity of replying to the debate. I have a few reasons for moving the motion. I think that the one thing which we, in this House, should never do is set ourselves up as a privileged class. When we, as legislators, decide that certain sections of the community outside should contribute in income-tax and leave ourselves exempt, we lower the dignity of the House and, to a certain extent, we put ourselves in a position in which the respect that should exist for us does not exist. Of course, the case will be made that this is an allowance, not a salary, but my opinion is that it is a salary and a good salary. It is a salary of £480 a year to people who come in here to work for their constituents. No man can deny that it is anything else.

I do not believe that there is anything in the contention that it is an allowance and that allowances are not subject to income-tax. Let us look at the matter without prejudice. Take the case of the medical officer. To a certain extent, you can say that his pay is also an allowance. Take the case of the clergyman. To a certain extent, you can say that his income is also an allowance. Therefore, I think that there is no reason whatever why Deputies' allowances should be exempt from tax. I believe that this proposal will be unpopular and I believe that quite a few Deputies have been all day waiting for me to move this motion so as to be able to tell me that it is propaganda. Such is not the case. It is not moved for propagandist or any such purposes. So I hope that I am forestalling those Deputies in what I am now saying. I bring forward this motion because, to a certain extent, when that measure was passed, it amounted to this: We said to the country: "Do as we say, but do not do as we do." That is class legislation. As I have said already, I shall have an opportunity of replying to the debate, and I shall conclude now by formally moving the motion.

I formally second the motion.

There is an amendment on the Order Paper in the name of Deputy Esmonde. Is it not being moved?

Before the amendment is moved, I would like to say that I am afraid that Deputy Donnellan is not a good prophet. He says he expected support for this motion from the Government Benches, and, in view of Deputy Linehan's speech, from the Fine Gael Benches also. I have no hesitation in supporting his proposal from the Labour Benches, though apparently he did not expect that he would get any support from this quarter. When the allowances, as they are called, were passed for Deputies, I expressed in the other House how unjust it was that they should have got this increased allowance, and that it should be free of income-tax. I have no hesitation in repeating the same to-night.

When I see the small miserable amount on which we ask the farm labourers in this nation to go out and toil in the production of food for ourselves, the men on whom we are dependent to produce our breakfasts, dinners and suppers, and when I see Dáil Deputies, who can go on holidays tomorrow and return in February, getting £480 compared with £100 to the farm labourers, I think it is wrong, and I have no hesitation at all in saying that the Deputy's allowance should not be free of income-tax. After all, the ordinary man in the street must be taken into consideration, because income-tax in this country is reasonably high. As far as I am concerned, I would like to see everybody with such a high salary that he would be forced to pay income-tax. But everyone of those people who are now liable for income-tax feels very keenly the fact that the people who pass the law forcing them to pay are exempt from it themselves. I would like to appeal to the House to have this motion passed unanimously. The previous motion was criticised because it involved extra taxation. Nobody can criticise this motion for that reason because it means a reduction in taxation. The case was put up during the debate on the previous motion that the State could not afford to give more than 10/- per week to an unfortunate blind person, unfit and incapable of providing for himself in any shape or form; but the same State can give £480 free of income-tax to Dáil Deputies who can spend almost half the year on holidays if their consciences do not compel them to do otherwise.

Or his constituents.

So far as the constituents are concerned they will deal with him in their own time, but once he is elected and until the next Dáil election——

That might not be so far away.

I would like Deputy Dillon to understand that I am not dealing with the motion as it affects the nation to-day but as it affects the nation for all time. I am one of those who realise that the allowance the Dáil Deputy gets is not all his own. There are certain costs and demands which a Deputy must meet whether he likes it or not. The majority of Deputies like to subscribe to different charities and other things, both in their constituency and in other parts of the country. Nevertheless, it would be far better-if they were forced to increase that amount, and at the same time be left subject to income-tax.

It is a very bad principle and a bad headline to the State. In expressing this I am expressing not alone my own personal view, but I hope it is the view of every member of the Labour Party, because I feel that one section of the community should not be so privileged as Deputies and Senators are. I think, as Deputy Linehan has said, that the time has come when there should be a review of the whole position. Is it not ridiculous that in a nation where we starve the most important section of the community—the farm labourer—that we have such a lavish allowance for people in other directions? I do not believe that there is one Deputy in this House who will get up here and say it is just that the members who make the laws compelling other people to pay income-tax should vote to exempt themselves from it. It is not a matter of the amount involved. It is the principle that is involved, and for the sake of keeping up the dignity of the House I hope that, on principle alone, the motion will be accepted unanimously, and in supporting it nobody can say that I am supporting increased taxation.

I am inclined to agree with the principle that members of this House should pay income-tax, but at the same time, if I might express my own personal opinion, I may say that before I came into this House I was very independent and I owed nothing. But since I came here I lost that independence as I owe money. I must admit that there are certain Deputies who do not travel throughout their constituencies, and there may be Deputies who may not be very active as far as correspondence goes. In my case I receive a cheque of £40 a month. My postage bill for the month is £8 and sometimes £9 for 2½d. stamps alone. In a hotel here I have to pay £6 a month, and every time I go down to the restaurant here to get my dinner, it is 3/6 or 4/2. It is in the restaurant that we pay our income-tax. It is wholesale robbery. If you stay here for three days it is 15/- for dinners alone, and if you stay for your tea, it is three times 7/6. A Deputy who smokes will sometimes spend a shilling or two in cigarettes every day, and by the time he has his meals and his smokes paid for, and by the time that a new Deputy, like myself, has his election debts paid, it is very easy to talk about a cheque at the end of a month. There may be Deputies in this House that could live if they were never elected, but we must talk plain facts. I am a Deputy with no other job, and if I were a married man I could safely say that I could not discharge my obligations to the satisfaction of my constituents, judged by the way I am going on at the present time.

Deputies are expected from time to time to attend social functions. By every post that comes in, there are letters coming to Deputies appealing for subscriptions for this, that and the other. We have to acknowledge them, especially if they come from our own constituents. If we do not acknowledge them, I can safely say that when we next appear before our constituents for election we shall be told: "We sent you an appeal for a subscription and you did not think it worth while to reply to it. We are responsible for paying you £480 a year and you would not think it worth your while to give us a contribution of 5/-, 10/- or £1 towards that particular fund." It is all very fine for some independent Deputy, like Deputy Dillon, to say that he is agreeable to pay income-tax on his allowances but he is getting his share out of the people by other means, as well as by the fact of this being a member of this House. At the same time, I am inclined to agree with the principle of the proposal but when we look at it from the point of view of our pockets it is different. We are the very men who make our constituents pay income-tax but we do not pay it ourselves on our allowances. There is something very wrong with that arrangement and I shall, therefore, support the principle of Deputy Donnellan's motion.

There is, however, another point I want to make in that connection. While it may be all very well to make Deputies pay income-tax on their allowances, I think it is time that they should be allowed free postage. The question of free postage for Deputies has I think been brought up time and again in this House. It should be free because a Deputy is dealing with somethings like 400 or 500 letters a week. I have often received as many as 70 letters a day. The reply to each of them must have a 2½d. stamp and, in order to forward the reply you get from a Minister, you must purchase another 2½d. stamp.

This motion deals with income-tax on Deputies' allowances and not with getting facilities for free postage.

He wants a quid pro quo.

I did not hear your ruling, Sir. How could I hear it with Deputy Dillon's ignorant interruptions?

The purpose of the motion is to make Deputies' allowances subject to income-tax, not to obtain such facilities as free postage.

I am quite well aware of that.

The Deputy did not seem to be.

Before you arrived, Sir, I made myself very clear on it. There is no use, however, in keeping the House further as I believe there are a number of other Deputies who wish to express their views on the motion. I agree with the principle of the motion and in case of a division I shall vote for it. At the same time I want to point out that you cannot call a T.D.'s allowance a salary. It is just the clearing of his expenses.

There is much to be said on both sides.

Another weakling.

It is a rather difficult matter for Deputies to make up their mind on this question, but I support Deputy Donnellan 100 per cent. on the principle that we should pay income-tax when we make others pay income-tax.

Deputy Sir John Esmonde rose.

The Deputy may move his amendment, though rather late in doing so.

I move the amendment in my name. The amendment was put down by me because I was aware that outside the House a campaign had been carried on against members of this House. That campaign has now been carried into this House by some members of the House. It was in order to expose what I consider a dishonest motion—though I do not think it is really dishonest in intention, but rather a motion that was put down without any realisation of the facts—that I carefully framed, in language which I think meets the income-tax code, the amendment before the House. The motion which we are discussing says:—

"That Dáil Eireann is of opinion that the allowances paid to members of the Oireachtas should cease to be exempt from income-tax."

The mover of that motion is the head of a new Party. I think I can fairly say that when the members of that Party made their first Speeches in this House last summer, after the general election, I welcomed them here.

If there is one thing calculated to secure the continuance of democracy in this country it is that politicians should not be put up, to be made cockshots of, by the public because they are politicians. The country must have a Dáil and it must have the number of Deputies provided for by legislation attending here. If we were not here, an equal number of other people would be here.

It may be a very popular thing to decry the members of this House. One paper, in particular, has carried on a campaign against us for the purpose of suggesting that in some way we are placing ourselves above the members of the public, that we want to be something better than other members of the community because this House, or a previous House, voted a certain small allowance free of income-tax for Deputies. If Deputies will be kind enough to examine the amendment standing in my name they will see that there are two very important words in it. It reads:—

"To add at the end, after the word "tax" the following words: "and that for the purpose of arriving at the amount of assessable income in respect of members of Dáil Eireann a sum of at least £250", etc.

I would ask members of the House to consider these words "at least £250", so that members of the Farmers' Party will understand that we are dealing with realities here. Do they suggest that what we are getting, £480 a year, is earned income? Do they suggest it is something for which we are paid for work? In their own motion the word "allowances" is used—"allowances paid to members". Let me disillusion the mover of this motion on one important point. I am not here speaking individually as a person who is averse to the idea of income-tax. For years past I earned my living night and day outside this House and paid income-tax on what I earned. Do the members of the Farmers' Party realise this—I assume that, as they are a Farmers' Party, they have farms— do they realise that if they succeed in carrying this motion through the House, their local income-tax inspector will be around with them the next morning to ask them to make out an income-tax return—not on the allowances that they get here or anywhere else, but according to the valuation of their farms? Do they realise that? Do they realise also that when they presume to speak on behalf of the farming community in this matter, they are going to bring into the income-tax arena every farmer whose poor-law valuation is over £100? Of course, there might be a case of a farmer who has money in the bank, or invested in Guinness's or something of that kind.

This, Sir, in my opinion, is the most dishonest motion that has ever been put down in this House. I seldom speak so strongly, but that is my opinion, and my amendment was put down solely for the purpose of directing attention to the dishonesty of the motion. Let us take another example. Let us assume that some members of the Farmers' Party have no farms themselves—that they are people who have come to be known by the public, generally, as professional politicians. I say that, because to most of the people in this country the most unpopular person, next to a lawyer, is a politician. However let us assume that some of these people have no farms and come in here and get an allowance of £480 per year. Where do they get off in that case? Assuming that they succeed in carrying this motion, I presume that when the local income-tax inspector comes around to see them, they will say: "Certainly; assess me for income-tax on £480 a year"; but then, of course, they will get advice from their friends who will say: "Do not you have to send many letters and telegrams, and do not you have to pay your hotel expenses in Dublin; do not you also have to pay your costs in the last election and make provision for your costs in the next election?" I suggest that you will not be able to arrive at a figure of less than £250 a year by way of legitimate expenses in the case of members of the Dáil, or £150 in the case of members of the Seanad. I think I can vouch for the fact that a sum of £250 per annum could be reckoned as legitimate expenses, and if you deduct that from £480, you get £230 as assessable income. Does the mover of the motion realise that the result of that would be, with the allowance of one-sixth on earned income, amounting to £40, there would be left only £190 on which income-tax would be payable? It is for that reason that I say that this is a dishonest motion. If the person concerned is a married man without children, he is also entitled to further relief, amounting to £225, and so he does not have to pay income-tax at all, and if he is a single man he would only have to pay a tax on £65. As I have said, this is the most dishonest motion that was ever brought into this House, and it was brought in merely for the purpose of currying favour with the public.

The Deputy is speaking like an income-tax inspector.

I say that the motion was brought in here for the purpose of currying favour with the public, and if the Leader of the Farmers' Party does not like my remarks, at least everyone in the country will know that what I am saying is the truth. These are the holy people who came in with a mission from on High, so to speak, to tell us, wretched politicians, what we should do. The Leader of the Farmers' Party has interrupted me just now, and I should like to ask him: is he prepared to pay income-tax on £480 a year?

If the Deputy had read the motion, he would know what is meant by it.

Is the Deputy prepared to pay income-tax on £480 a year? There is no answer. I am not an income-tax inspector, and I do not want any information, but I repeat that this is a dishonest motion and that my only reason for putting down this amendment—and I did so without consultation with my own Party or anybody else—was to vindicate our position, and to point out that we here in this House are elected by the people of this country and that, if you want to keep democracy here, and to keep it clean, you should not go out looking for cheap votes on a rotten case.

For something like 20 years I have had occasion to listen to various proposals put before the public, either through the Press or otherwise regarding the allowances that are paid to members of the Dáil. This is a sort of hardy annual that comes up every year. I should think that if people are honestly convinced that a case can be made for this motion, then they should admit, according to their own consciences, that they will have to pay 7/6 in the £ on the £480 a year, when making their returns to the Revenue Commissioners. Some Deputies may not agree with that, but, at least, I think, they would be impressed by the sincerity of such a gesture, if it were made.

Hear, hear!

The object of this motion, in my opinion, is to show the difference between the action of this Dáil and the previous one; but the point is that, if these allowances were to be subject to income-tax, a number of people would get away without having to pay any income-tax. Reference has been made here to the principle of the matter. I do not think that there is any question of principle here at all, however it may be claimed by certain people that there is a question of principle involved. We hear the phrase used that the principle of income-tax should be applied to members of the Dáil "in the same way as to everybody else". I do not think that there is any question of principle involved here at all. We have got very little information from the mover or seconder of this motion with regard to that matter. What is meant by the phrase "the same as everybody else"? Why, even in this Dáil, there are marked differences between the allowances that certain people are in receipt of.

Take the case of a Minister with £1,500 a year of earned income; does he pay tax on that whole amount? Of course, he does not. First of all, on the £480 a year, which is an allowance from this Dáil, no income-tax has to be paid. Why is that? That is an allowance made by the Dáil; but in the case of a person, who is not a member of the Dáil, and who is also in receipt of £1,500, there is no such deduction. What, then, is the meaning of this phrase, "the same as everybody else?" Even in business, there are allowances in respect of depreciation, or things of that kind—sometimes not sufficient, but more often in excess of the amount claimed. Therefore, I think that there is very little in the use of this phrase, "the same as everybody else." The real question at issue here is: what is a fair sum to be paid in connection with either salaries or allowances—whichever you like to call it—compared with what is paid in other countries, and I think that what is paid here compares favourably with what is paid in other countries. Take, for instance, the British Commonwealth of Nations, with which, perhaps, we have had more contacts than with other countries. There is only one member of the British Commonwealth of Nations which pays less, in cash, than we do, to their representatives. New Zealand pays £480 per annum, but it gives other allowances and privileges which the members of this Oireachtas are not in receipt of. In South Africa, the members of the Legislative Assembly are paid £700 a year. In Canada, representatives of the Legislative Assembly are paid £4,000 dollars a year, which is the equivalent of £800 a year; and in Australia, the allowance is £1,000. Now, some people regard these payments as salaries, while other people regard them as allowances. What exactly is meant by the word "allowance"? Let us take this motion at its face value. It says that the allowances payable to members of the Oireachtas should cease to be exempt from income-tax. Well, in that connection, let us take the case that was made a moment ago by Deputy Flanagan—perhaps I should say Deputy O'Flanagan.

It does not matter. It is all the same.

He is under certain expenses arising out of his office. Is he to get an allowance in respect of these expenses? He told us he was not a man of means. We will assume that he subscribes certain sums to any number of organisations or bodies. Let us assume for a moment that there is a richer man than he representing that constituency, who is in a position to give much larger subscriptions than the Deputy. When the question of being allowed for these subscriptions arises, can it be conceived that an income-tax inspector, seeing in the one case a subscription of £5 and in the other a subscription of 5/-, will allow the man who gives the £5 subscription the amount of his subscription, whereas he will allow Deputy Flanagan only 5/-? There is discrimination there. If he does not allow the £5, obviously the Deputy who gives that subscription is being charged in respect of a sum in excess of what he has in income.

I thought we would have heard some case made when the motion was being introduced. No case was made for it. We are prepared to listen to a case. I would have much greater respect for the motion if it ran: "... shall cease to be exempt from income-tax, and that the assessment shall be at the rate of 7/6 in the £ in respect of every £1." We would know where we were then. We do not know where we are now, or what it means. For something like 20 years there has been criticism of the amounts paid as allowances to members of the Dáil. We had the Fianna Fáil Party, when it was in the wilderness, attacking it. After a while they dropped it, and a change was made some years ago. I took no part in the discussion of that change. I think that such a case as was made here by Deputy Flanagan is a case which would appeal to me. I should rather see somebody else getting off with perhaps a few pounds extra than to do an injustice to him.

The sum involved is not very considerable, because if we take the whole value of 7/6 in the £ on every £1 of the £480 paid here and every £1 of the £360 paid in the Seanad, it would not amount to 33,000. The best effort which can be made in respect of the rehabilitation and reinvigoration of this country by the Party responsible for this motion is to put down a motion to take up time talking about a possible saving, an exaggerated saving, a saving that would never be achieved. of £33,000.

Is it not nonsensical that, at a time when the world is rocking round about us, when we have problems to discuss here, when we have post-war conditions to envisage and present conditions to consider, the best gesture that can be made by the Party which has just come into existence is to save £33,000, on the assumption that there was added to their proposal the sentence I have suggested: "That income-tax shall be charged on every £1 of that allowances at the rate of 7/6 in the £1"? That is not there.

Some people want to get out of this without paying 1d., merely on the basis of indicating to the people outside that we are going to impose income-tax here "the same as every body else", when, as I have said, there are probably not two persons in the country assessed on the same basis of assessment. What is the matter with regard to this motion is that people outside, this being a poor country in certain respects, consider that whatever is paid here as an allowance or salary—whichever way you wish to regard it—is a large amount. It is a large amount to a person down the country who does not leave his neighbourhood, except for the purpose-of whatever business he is engaged in, going to the parish church on occasion and so on. A sum of £480 appears to him to be a sum which can be put in the bank. We have heard from one Deputy this evening that that is not the case. Will he be allowed any sums in excess of what he would spend if he were at home?

This whole matter would tax the ingenuity of income-tax inspectors all over the country, if it were to be interpreted as it is phrased at present. Its meaning is not perfectly clear to me. It says that these allowances "should cease to be exempt from income-tax". Is there to be any allowance in respect of one-fifth of earned income? Is it to be regarded as earned income? We are not told that by the mover. I wonder does he know. Surely when a proposal of this sort comes up, we are at least entitled to hear a clear and lucid explanation of it. Is the mover prepared to add to his motion that these allowances should be liable for income-tax at the full rate of 7/6 in the £1? He will get a very different reception in the House if he does. I suggest that, in the interests of public decency, a matter of this sort should be dealt with finally, and if there is no better way of dealing with it, a select committee should consider it. If the £480 now paid as an allowance is considered by a select committee to be excessive, then fix a figure, and let those who are best qualified to inform the committee as to what the expenses are set them out.

We had that procedure before. We had this matter subjected to examination by a commission. It was examined by a commission of mixed people, representing, I might almost say, a cross-section of the people. It is quite true that that committee did not make any recommendation for a change in the sum of £360 then being paid, and, no recommendation having been made, the Government, in its wisdom or unwisdom, brought in a proposal to increase the amount to £480, submitted it to the House, and carried it. There has been a general election since. It is quite true that a great deal of criticism was passed upon the increase then made, but if we take the change which has taken place in the representation as an indication of support of that criticism, there is no evidence whatever of it. As I said before, this matter has been dealt with very largely on the platform and in the Press, and, assuming that the motion means more than it says, the full and entire saving which would ensue amounts to £30,000. Is it worth it?

We are told that there is a question of principle involved. What principle is there in it? Does anybody know that, under the income-tax laws, allowances pass as free from tax? The only question that remains is: is it an excessive amount? I am prepared to have that discussed and settled by a committee which will take counsel with persons who have experience, and, in that case, those who live farthest away from Dublin and who have consequently to meet greater expenses than those who live in or around Dublin should get the opportunity of putting a case before the committee

I hope we are not going to be told, so far as our richer neighbours across the water are concerned, that there they pay only £600, of which £100 is non-taxable, being regarded as an allowance. Representation in the Parliament across the water is drawn from a section of people who are far better off than will be got for representation in this House. More than half of them would not require any allowance while the other half, if the necessity arose, would have institutions or other organisations which would enable them to take part in public life, regardless of whatever expense they might be put to. A very good case could be made for paying nothing whatever, but that was not considered advisable in any of the Dála elected since the inception of this House. That was the view taken by them. The only question to be solved is whether or not the amount allowed is excessive. I think whatever amount is paid, it should be the same to every person and that there should be no distinction made between one Deputy and another.

I wish to support this motion for two reasons, the first being that in the present emergency members of this House should set a good example. They should show a cheerful willingness to shoulder the added burdens which the war has brought about. Members of the Dáil are not the highest paid or the best-off people in the community. Everybody admits that. Every Deputy realises that there is no need to be told that by any side. As co-equal citizens we realise that there are others whose wallets or purses would weigh down ours. For example, the average industrialist or big landlord would scoff at £480 yearly free of income-tax. I realise that to suggest to such people that £480 free of income-tax was an excessive allowance would be like Deputy Cosgrave or his colleagues suggesting that we have barely sufficient or not enough. Time and time again the Deputy demanded to know the reason why this motion was put down. Indirectly he suggested that it was put down for political reasons, in order that we might be able to secure some political advantage when we go before the people in the near future. I shall explain to the House why the motion was put down. There are sound reasons for doing so. It is no wonder that Deputies opposite, who voted for the increase in 1939, combine when the motion touches them.

On October 13th the Irish Press in a leading article stated: “There is not a prominent company director whose income is not treble what a member of the Cabinet receives”. That is probably true. In 1940-41, the second year of this war, 65 people in this State had incomes well over £10,000 per annum. It is doubtful if any of the 65 are members of this House. Why? They would be losing money by becoming members of this House in view of the fact that they have a better means of making money and of saving it. They would look upon it as a disadvantage to be here. Deputy Cosgrave, the mover of the amendment, and other Deputies may try to make the case that the Farmers' Party put down this motion for the purpose of showing what patriots they were, what they were doing for the working classes, or that they came here to denounce honourable colleagues for failing to pay income-tax. That was not the object of the motion.

We had a different conception of our duty. The fact remains that, although we are not the richest people, we think it is absolutely necessary that we in this Assembly, which is the cornerstone of our democracy, should set an example. It should be a guiding lights for all minor institutions. It is to this House other bodies should look for example. There in lies the principle at stake. If this institution is not prepared to set a headline, what do we expect minor democratic institutions to model themselves on? This Parliament, of which we are part, has passed laws compelling people to pay income-tax when their incomes are above a certain amount. It is only reasonable that Deputies should also pay income-tax. Deputies should not be above the laws they make. We know why Deputies walk out when they are not going to receive the reply they demand. We are the law makers here, we are the supreme court. If we make laws for this country, and then decide that members of this House are above the position of the ordinary citizen, and are untouchable, then we are not prepared to shoulder the burden of these laws. Why should we ask other citizens to shoulder that burden? Deputy Cosgrave wants to know exactly what we mean. We mean that income-tax should be applied to our allowances in the same way as it is applied to the salaries of people outside. Suppose I was in the position outside that I earned £480 a year. I would be allowed so much as a personal allowance, say £120, and I would be allowed £60 for a wife and £20 for a child.

Those figures are entirely wrong.

I am merely quoting certain figures; I am not giving the exact figures; I am not saying they are right and I am not saying I am infallible. What we want is that the income-tax code applicable to people outside this Chamber should be equally applicable to us. We are the law makers. Whatever might have been said before the war, I think it is now really necessary that this House should set a good example. I want Deputy Cosgrave and, in particular, Deputy Esmonde, to listen and I will give them reasons why we are demanding this. As I have said, the House should set a good example. The burdens the war has brought should be shared equally— I think that will be admitted by everyone. None of us wants somebody else to do all the work and bear all the burdens. We are all men—at least we hope we are—and why should we expect one section of the community to shoulder the burdens if we are not prepared to assist in lightening those burdens—the trials, worries, difficulties and shortages brought about by the war?

The members of the Government have talked about the need for equality of sacrifice. The Taoiseach is a very able man when he gets behind the "mike" or on the platform, and he tells us a lot about equality of sacrifice. I have no doubt that in days gone by, when sacrifices had to be made, he made them. But we must remember that we are living through a war which has brought heavy burdens upon us and I could not imagine the Taoiseach or his Party, or any Party in the House, demanding of the people that they must equally share the burdens that the war has brought, if they themselves were not prepared to do so, and if they were to put themselves in the position that they could easily evade those burdens. If the members of the House do not show a willingness to make some sacrifice, how can they expect the agricultural labourer or the small farmers cheerfully to bear the burdens the war has placed on their shoulders?

I listened to the Taoiseach when he was replying to the debate on the motion dealing with Government policy and, looking at me sitting here, he appealed to the farmers to be prepared, in the name of God, to shoulder the burdens which this war had brought upon them, not to be discontented or narrow-minded about it, but to be prepared to accept their share of the burden. The war has meant a shortage of bread, butter, tea; it has meant less clothing; it has meant a huge emigration and a breaking-up of family life. The family is the foundation of this State, but family life is being broken up all over the country. Young men and women are leaving their fathers and their mothers, they are leaving the land they love and are going across to face the trials, the worries, the burdens and the difficulties which a nation engaged in war has to face. They have left this country in tens of thousands.

The Government which is now in office is not as dictatorial as it was in 1939. They should have had more foresight in the earlier stages of the war. Instead of laying-in stores of essential commodities, raw materials such as coal and wheat and petrol, they were thinking of other things. What were they talking about in this House at that time? On what subject did they spend days of debate? They were discussing an increase in their allowances —that is what they were engaged at, at a time when even the smallest child in the country could have informed them that war was inevitable. Instead of making preparations for that war, they were discussing how best they could fill their purses, make their purses heavier at the expense of the public.

By accepting this motion the Government will remove a bad impression. Their action in 1939 undoubtedly created a bad impression throughout the country. I know the Taoiseach could tell me that that particular matter was talked of prior to the election, that after the people were aware of these increases there was an election and the Government Party were returned to power. But I say that the people were ignorant of the facts; not ignorant in the sense that you and I understand it, but they were what I would term suffering from an ignorance not due to any fault of their own, but due to the fact that you as their tutors, or as their representatives, failed to tell them what you really intended to do if you got back here again. That is what I mean by ignorance on the part of the people at the time you went to the country.

Deputies should realise that by exempting themselves from their own laws they are setting themselves up as a privileged section of the community. If there is one Deputy in this House —I do not care what his profession may be or what Party he may belong to—who thinks that he can, by making laws which he expects to be applied to the people in general while refusing himself to accept these laws —by elevating himself in some little way by calling his salary an allowance and saying this allowance is not to be subject to income-tax—hoodwink and fool the people, I want to tell him that he is mistaken. By such action. Deputies may help to bring democracy and Parliamentary government into disrepute. I want to ask Deputies: can they, during a general election campaign, blame any new Party for pointing the finger of scorn at every one of us if we fail to put this motion into effect? They cannot and they know it if they have got any shame at all in their hearts. People who are opposed to democracy and to democratic institutions, and mind you there are a few of them, will be prepared to utilise this particular case to score an advantage, in order to destroy democratic institutions and to paint a picture for the people that we, their representatives, are corrupt, if the use of that word is permissible: that we are merely here making laws for one group of people representing about 99.9 per cent., while we elevate the other little group, which is composed of ourselves, by saying that we cannot shoulder the burden that we put on others. I want the Taoiseach and the Chair to see this principle, but perhaps it would be better if I said I want the House to understand my point.

Is the Deputy any richer now than he was before the last election? Is he anything better off himself? That is a straight question, and he should tell the House the truth.

I have been working on an overdraft myself for the last fortnight. There is a limit to all sorts of nonsense, but this is nonsense. I could not sit here any longer. I have to go.

I had some respect for the Farmers' Party——

The Deputy, being outside the barrier, should not intervene in debate.

——until I heard the Deputy.

The Deputy must observe order.

There is no sense in this motion. This is nonsense.

I trust the Deputy does not want to be named.

As I have said, the people who are opposed to democracy and to democratic institutions, and there are such people in this country will gladly seize on such things as this and grapple them to their heart. I hope that every Deputy will see that those people, even though small in numbers, will not be able to use whatever little point they can get hold of, to enlarge upon it and try to blacken Parliament. Now it is for that purpose and for that purpose alone, in order to vindicate this House, to put it above suspicion, to put it in the position in which nobody, no matter how hostile or what venom or hate he may have for this institution which is the foundation and cornerstone of democracy in this country, that we are moving this motion to apply the payment of income-tax to members of this House. If the motion is accepted, then such people as I refer to will not be able to make scapegoats of us or of the House, but if the House refuses to accept the motion then members will only have themselves to blame when they find themselves denounced as self-seeking, corrupt and unprincipled.

The Government may say that Deputies' allowances are not excessive, and that members need all they get to enable them to carry out their duties properly. I quite understand that. I am not standing up here as a fanatic or as an unreasonable individual. I am standing here on the basis of a principle, and not on what can be saved out of this, not because Fianna Fáil brought this allowance into being or because it was supported by Fine Gael. The sole reason why we are moving this is because of the principle that is behind it. I want to say to the Fine Gael Deputies who seem to have been hurt so much by the introduction of this motion—I may be wrong in this, and I am open to correction—that in my opinion it would be preferable to have increased allowances for Deputies on which income-tax would be payable.

Now the cat is out of the bag.

I would prefer that, if members suggest that the present allowance, if income-tax is applied to it, is not sufficient for them to do their duties properly. It would be far better, it would be far more manly, to have increased allowances and apply the income-tax to them. By doing that you would be adopting a principle which nobody could lift a finger at. Some Deputies seem to think that, because we came into the House, we are out purposely to show what great fellows we are, and that we are the only persons who are going to do something for the people. We are not politicians.

Has the Deputy too much money?

The Deputy might move the adjournment.

I move the adjournment of the debate.

Debate adjourned.
The Dáil adjourned at 9 p.m. until Thursday, 16th December, 1943, at 3 p.m.
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