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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 3 May 1944

Vol. 93 No. 13

Financial Resolutions. - Resolution No. 1—Income-Tax and Surtax.

I move:—

(1) That income-tax shall be charged for the year beginning on the 6th day of April, 1944, at the rate of 7/6 in the pound.

(2) That surtax (other than excess surtax) for the year beginning on the 6th day of April, 1944, shall be charged in respect of the income of any individual the total of which from all sources exceeds £1,500 and shall be so charged at the same rates as those at which it is charged for the year beginning on the 6th day of April, 1943.

(3) That where the total income, within the meaning of Section 5 of the Finance Act, 1941 (No. 14 of 1941), of any individual for the year beginning on the 6th day of April, 1944, exceeds £1,500 and includes any such profits as are mentioned in the said Section 5, an additional duty of surtax (in this Resolution referred to as excess surtax) shall be charged for the said year beginning on the 6th day of April, 1944, at the rate of 7/6 in the £ in respect of so much of the said income as is made chargeable therewith by sub-section (1) of the said Section 5 as modified and applied by the subsequent paragraphs of this Resolution.

(4) That the several statutory and other provisions which were in force on the 5th day of April, 1944, in relation to income-tax and surtax (including excess surtax) shall have effect in relation to the income-tax and surtax (including excess surtax) to be charged as aforesaid for the year beginning on the 6th day of April, 1944.

(5) That in the application (by virtue of the next preceding paragraph of this Resolution) of Part II of the Finance Act, 1941 (No. 14 of 1941), to the excess surtax to be charged as aforesaid for the year beginning on the 6th day of April, 1944, the said Part II shall have effect with and subject to the following modifications, that is to say:—

(a) the expression "the 6th day of April, 1944," shall be substituted for the expression "the 6th day of April, 1941," wherever that expression occurs in the said Part II;

(b) in paragraph (b) of sub-section (3) of Section 7 of the said Act, the expression "the 5th day of April, 1945," shall be substituted for the expression "the 5th day of April, 1942," and the word "eight" shall be substituted for the word "five" and the expression "the 5th day of April, 1944," shall be substituted for the expression "the 5th day of April, 1941."

(6) It is hereby declared that it is expedient in the public interest that this Resolution shall have statutory effect under the provisions of the Provisional Collection of Taxes Act, 1927 (No. 7 of 1927).

The House is aware of the procedure on these Resolutions. Debate is confined to the actual matter in them except that on the first Resolution brief remarks of a general character may, by custom, be made by Leaders of Parties.

I understand that one of the difficulties which proprietors of picture-houses all over the world experience is that they find it necessary to relate the tempo at which they show pictures to the intelligence of the audience who come into their houses. The human fabric being constructed as it is, some people understand more readily what is presented to them orally or visually than others, and owners of picture-houses have discovered some means of determining what is the proper tempo at which scenes should be flashed on the screen for different classes of audiences. As I have sat here from year to year listening to Ministers introducing their Budgets, I have wondered if we could not get hold of some of these methods or reaction tests to ascertain at what late period this Government will discover new ideas with regard to finance and national economy, that Budget days are no longer, as they used to be, days on which the Chancellor or the Minister for Finance presented humdrum calculations as to the manner in which he can raise certain taxation from the public and how he can spread the money raised in that way, in his efforts towards pauperisation as it is developing here, miscalled social services. Elsewhere there is an appreciation of the fact that Budget day means some sort of inquiry into the whole national economy and national income, some examination as to what proportion of the national income should be put at the disposal of the State for spending, the use of that spending being to ensure the full development of the resources of the country.

Taking the Budget here to-day, is there anything approximating to even a very remote approach to that idea? When one has got through all the platitudes in which the Ministerial statement is couched, one comes to this: that agricultural output in these days, which should be ideal for the maintenance of self-sufficiency, is in-volume down by 10 per cent., industrial production is in volume down by 20 per cent., and taxation has got to the point when the Minister thinks it impossible any longer, without cracking the whole economic system, to make further impositions. We have a situation in which emigration is increasing and increasing, our adult population is being dissipated elsewhere, marriages are becoming fewer and later, a smaller number of children is being born into the country, disease, particularly tuberculosis, rates are rising, and crime is stabilised, according to the statement of the Minister for Justice, at double what it used to be. If we take the Minister's statement as indicating any attempt to state what the resources of the country are, we find that the liabilities of the State and of local authorities now exceed the assets by some £93,000,000 and we propose to continue the system that has brought that about. I know one place where the tempo of certain people might easily be tested by this Budget. If the Minister would betake himself to whatever hide-outs profiteers huddle in, in order to finger in a furtive way their gains, or go to those places where speculators generally boast of what they have been able to make, and attempt to read the Budget to them, he would be told in a few choice phrases to cut the cackle and come to the horses, the horses in this case being excess profits. Then when they realised that this Budget brought no change in their case the first order would be to dispense the drinks so that these profiteers might drink to many happy returns of the day on which the Minister had treated them so well.

The Minister has referred to England with regard to corporation profits tax, but let people understand the situation there as opposed to here. In England from the start of the war the Chancellor's idea was to ensure, as was promised here, that there would be no profit-making out of the exigencies of the situation and they collect there 100 per cent. excess profits tax. If concerns were not able over certain trading years to establish a standard profit for themselves, the Government stabilised the trade profit at £1,000 per annum. Here in such cases we stabilised it at £2,500. In England the Chancellor has raised the floor of that £1,000 to £2,000 but the standard is still £500 under what we allow here in our generosity. In England there is also 100 per cent. excess profits tax. A certain amount of that it is true is assumed to be repaid to industry for re-stocking and other purposes after the war. We are allowing 25 per cent. over the standard profit, if there is anyone who brings out trading results over the standard we have established at £2,500.

According to the Minister's statement here to-day, the yield from the corporation profits tax as opposed to the yield before this tax was established in any sort of intensity, has risen by almost £4,000,000, while you have a ceiling put upon the earnings of the small man, the civil servant, the small wage-earner, the man earning insufficient wages in the Guards, the Army, the small business man, the small clerk. The ceiling is clapped down upon these people, while the living space underneath it has become somewhat narrow because the means at least for living in that living space have become more difficult to obtain. On the other hand, the roof is off for the man getting excess profits. The only thing is that after the Minister has imposed his exactions on the community, the excess profiteer is stimulated to take still further exactions from these people by the fact that the Minister says to him, "You collect what you can; pay me 75 per cent. of it and I will give you a handsome tip of 25 per cent." That is to be continued and we throw that money to these people although three years ago the Minister came into this House and told us that the books and the returns of the Revenue Commissioners had shown him that people were making profits out of the international exigency. And he still throws that money to them. This undoubtedly will be a delightful day for them. This is the best ever Budget from the point of view of these people. They might at least have thought that after the public comment there was on it that even in this year the Minister would attempt to take the full 100 per cent., leaving them to get away with and hoping that they will be able to develop in the future what they have illegally, unlawfully, rather unethically earned over the last three years.

On the other hand, the Minister may also try out the reaction test on certain other people. The Minister's Budget contained one joke about smoking or snuffing or chewing our way towards certain objectives and one tear, which was manfully repressed and indeed barely dropped at all, when he referred to the intolerable cost of living. He said: "...there are large professional and other groups of various kinds, representing a substantial part of the population, whose income has either remained stationary or contracted." The Minister knows well that their income has remained either stationary or contracted; the Minister and his colleagues are responsible.

The standstill Order still operates. The last number of the Trade Journal which had relevance to this matter, I think, showed that amongst certain classes, industrial workers, the increase in wages over those who had remained in industry amounted to something in the neighbourhood of 19 points in 100, 1/6 in the £5. The cost of living has risen 70 per cent., and the £ purchasing value is somewhere between half a guinea and 11/-. And that is being continued.

The Minister makes a comparison with the other side which I consider to be misleading. I think one of the remarkable matters discussed in the Budget on the other side, and which might at least have directed the Minister's attention to the situation that had developed here, was that the Chancellor in England recently said that he did not consider that it was a sacrosanct point at which to keep the cost of living, somewhere between 25 and 30 per cent. above the cost of living, that is, the point at which they would keep it through subsidies. Then he remarked that wages have risen by 40 per cent. I quote from the speech: "To-day the rise amounted to 40 per cent."

That was the increase in wage rates. Earnings, of course, had increased considerably more but wage rates in England have gone up by 40 per cent., while the cost of living is stabilised somewhere between 25 and 30 per cent. over the pre-war figure. We have "stood still" our workers. The small man, the small housekeeper, the civil servant, the Guard and the man in the Army, the small clerks, are stabilised at a point which allows them something in the neighbourhood of, say, a 20 per cent. rise on the 1939 point, and the cost of living bears down on them with the heavy weight of 70 per cent. above the pre-war level. I thought that the iniquity of the comparison as between allowing the profiteers to get away with 25 per cent. on whatever they can make over and above what was regarded as their standard profits, and the attempt to stabilise the unfortunate underdogs in the community, representing, as the Minister says, a substantial part of the population, would at last have aroused the Minister's conscience and made him say that he would take, even this year, the full 100 per cent. and apply whatever he got—and there is £1,000,000 to be got easily in that way—in some attempt to relieve the almost impossible burdens on the other people.

The main thing about this Budget is that there is a great deal in it about the future although Deputies will have noticed with interest that arterial drainage is off as far as this year is concerned, family allowances, I gather, are postponed, and the pace with regard to afforestation is obviously not going to be speeded up. I know of nothing that is promised in the immediate future except, if you please, tourist development. What we propose to invite tourists to come to see in this decaying country, I do not know. We are going to have great tourist development, to get in people from outside or maybe it is to enable us to spend more pleasantly the great leisure we presumably will all have without the money to spend that leisure in any sort of comfortable way.

The Budget aids in no way towards production. The Minister attempts to cast his eye objectively on the situation and he sees agricultural output down, industrial output down, taxation at the cracking point, and still we propose to go along in that way. Everywhere else people are being invited, through the use of finance as an instrument of production, to engage in what are called adventures in prosperity and we, with an enormous amount of resources outside the country, are invited to continue still along what I can only describe as the downright drift to a desperate depression.

The Minister, in the course of his Budget statement, referred to quite a number of subjects, and reviewed the national position at considerable length. There was one reference in the Budget statement that I thought unfair to the Minister for Local Government, because the Minister for Finance made a complimentary reference to the development of the Shannon Scheme. He told us of the growth and utilisation of electricity from that source, and of projected electrical developments in the future, but it is not so many years since the present Minister for Local Government described the Shannon scheme as a white elephant, and regarded that animal as Public Enemy No. 1 in this country. It is refreshing, therefore, to know that his colleague, the present Minister for Finance, is not at all concerned with the possible depredations of the white elephant of the Shannon, but, on the contrary, takes the view that it was a fair measure of our real electrical development and in fact is a scheme which has provided the impetus for future electrification here. My complaint about the Min- ister's statement is that he took up a number of national problems, looked at them, examined them perfunctorily, and placed them back in the Budget statement in exactly the same position in which he got them. It is true that the Minister theorised a good deal about future development, but not even in respect of the tourist development did he indicate any plans for the future or the Government's intentions. We were told at one stage, in a rather passing reference, that a Cabinet Subcommittee had examined the position of post-war development, but in the fifth year of the war one would expect that the Government would indicate what its post-war development policy was. Beyond expressing the view that certain matters would have to be dealt with in the post-war period, the Minister left us all guessing as to the lines upon which a solution of these problems would be attempted, and gave no indication of the Government's precise intentions.

One thing the Minister did rather emphasise, and that was the productivity of this country, but it is rather a disquieting discovery in the fifth year of the war, with all kinds of artificial aids in certain spheres of activity, that the volume of industrial production as distinct from agricultural production has fallen compared with pre-war. Obviously that is a very unhealthy position, and it is one on which the State must concentrate its energies if an effective remedy is to be applied, and if the country is to avoid irreparable damage which necessarily goes hand in hand with a fall in the volume of industrial and agricultural production. The outstanding feature of our national life is the low productivity of our people. If we are to curb that position our national policy and budgetary direction must aim at increased productivity, because it is on the productivity of the land that the standard of life of our people will depend. If we are to have increased productivity then we ought to have a plan for the development of our economic and national life. The Minister might be expected to discuss that, but he did not give any conception of the Government's plans for our national or economic life and left us with the impression that our activities are marked by a complete absence of planned economy.

The Minister referred to the post-war period and stated that it might be a critical one so far as this nation is concerned. Beyond doubt it will be a critical period for a neutral nation like this, but in that respect the Minister will find abundant goodwill amongst all Parties in the endeavour to brace the nation for whatever difficulties it may have to meet. Our best mode of facing the post-war period lies in intensive production, in the gearing up of economic organisation and national productivity to such a state that we can face the future with some confidence in ourselves, and with that self-reliance, the absence of which the Minister deplored in his statement. We may well be up against other nations as far as free trade in the post-war period is concerned.

We will also have other problems, as men and women in thousands will be drifting back here from Britain, where they have become used to receiving good wages, a tolerably good standard of living, and with full employment guaranteed to each and every one of them. When they come back here they may not be willing to go to the employment exchanges, they may not be willing to go to the home assistance officers, but may insist on that standard of life to which they have been accustomed for four or five years, by a demand for the restoration of their national heritage, which would compel the Government to take steps to deal with the situation. And that applies not merely to returning emigrants; the population at home may see no reason to continue to exist in impoverished conditions in a land which if properly organised would be capable of providing a decent standard of living for all its citizens. One would imagine that the Minister for Finance, on the occasion of a Budget statement, would have endeavoured to have unfolded what the Government's precise plans were for dealing with these emigrants. Some of them may be sent back whether we like it or not, and if we are to deal with them on their return, perhaps in thousands from Britain as well as with the people at home, now is the time for the Government to plan and to take the nation into its confidence. The Budget is silent as to the Government's programme in that regard. The Minister rightly made reference to the post-war competition that we may have to meet from countries where, because of the impact of war years, production in the industrial as well as in the agricultural field will be highly mechanised. That is a situation that would press with considerable rigour on our people, if maximum industrial and maximum agricultural production here did not reach the measure of production of other countries, even in pre-war years.

If we are to take steps to ensure that this nation is capable of withstanding the worst shocks of the post-war period, then the best way to do so is to strive by every means in our power to intensify both agricultural and industrial production. That would have to be done, not by telling the farmer what he should do, but by the Government taking the lead, blazing the trail, and using every factor at its command, to insist on the farmer being encouraged to increase production, because that is the nation's best safeguard in the post-war period.

With Deputy McGilligan, I think that the Minister, whether or not the problem was ghost-like to him, passed very lightly over the Government's wage policy during the emergency. We were told with a great blare of trumpets in November, 1940, that the Government was going to set its face against any attempt by any section of the community to make a profit out of the war situation. The Minister has long since abandoned one aspect of that promise. The Minister has certainly seen to it not only that the workers should not make any profit but he has in fact prevented them from maintaining their pre-war standard of living. The best evidence for that is found in the Government's own figures of the cost of living. The Minister says that the cost of living has increased by 71 per cent. since 1939 and the closest possible scrutiny of the emergency bonuses granted since the Emergency Powers Order was introduced and subsequently amended will show that the average increase in wages does not exceed 15 per cent. On the one hand you have an increased cost of living of 71 per cent. and on the other hand you have wage increases of not more than 15 per cent. to meet that increased cost of living. Quite clearly, therefore, the Government has been very efficient not only from the standpoint of preventing the workers making any profit but even of preventing them maintaining their pre-war standard of living. Every grade of worker whether he works with his brain or with a shovel, in an office or in a factory, has been caught by the net of low wages which the Government cast with considerable skill. What is the position on the other hand? The Minister has given us a new insight into the methods of industrialists in this country by his reference to the devices employed by them to escape even the taxation imposed by the Government. A number of devices of a character which obviously offend against any sense of public morality have been resorted to by certain people in order to evade their responsibility to the nation in this time of crisis. These are ascertained cases. How many have not yet been discovered? The Minister, however, cannot gainsay the fact that whilst he has succeeded in depressing the standard of living of the workers by restricting the wage increases which they are entitled to, by his failure to control prices he has permitted large industrialists to make substantial profits. For example, every worker associated with the drapery industry knows that the drapery traders are making fabulous profits. Shops and firms which could not pay or barely managed to pay dividends are making such profits that the poor people cannot buy shoes and clothing because the wherewithal is not there to pay the prices charged for these goods. Every substantial firm is doing well and every worker's family is the poorer to-day. That is the manner in which the promise made when the Supplementary Budget of 1940 was introduced has been honoured by the Government.

Before this Budget is passed I think the Minister should consult with the Government and indicate here that they realise that the workers have suffered severely by the wage policy pursued by the Government since 1941 and that the Government intends during the present year in appreciation of the workers contribution to the safety of the country to ease the low wage policy which has been pressing with such vigour upon the plain people of the country for the past few years.

In finishing his Budget speech the Minister said the Government had been acting as well as planning. Undoubtedly it would take a lot of acting and planning to make the agricultural community believe that their prosperity is anything like what portion of his statement makes it out. Whatever Deputies may say of money reform I want to put it before the Minister for Finance as the Minister responsible for money, that there is one source and one source of revenue alone in this country that counts and that is the income that is got from the land. You may talk about income-tax payers and the people who have to pay surtax, but let me point out that it all comes directly from the men who produce the new money in this country, and the men who produce new money are the people who work, toil and sweat upon the land.

If there is certain lamenting going on by other sections these are the sections that get the money easily. They get it from those that make the new money. Consequently when you read that agricultural output is down certainly that is a step in the wrong direction. It is no wonder that agricultural production is down when you consider that the Emergency Powers Orders are being used, so to speak, against the producers on the land. This is the first time since our group came into the House that a Budget was introduced and one thing has been left out of that Budget, and that is arterial drainage. There again we had high hopes that the matter was to be dealt with. The fact is that thousands of acres of land are under water and how can you expect production to be increased until that is remedied? However, I welcome something in the Budget speech—the statement that the Government were going to develop agricultural education. Our group welcomes that because it is one thing that will help agriculture and prevent the flight from the land. No doubt this Budget of £50,000,000 is something that has never been introduced before in our 28 years of native Government. I will finish in the strain I started and ask the Minister for Finance to turn to the people who make the new money and help them in production. If the Government does that you will have plenty of money.

Deputy Flanagan rose.

On the question of income-tax. The Deputy possibly does not understand the procedure.

Would it be possible for the Chair to make it clear to me?

Yes. Information was circulated last year but the Deputy may have forgotten. On the Financial Resolutions the debate is confined strictly to the terms of each Resolution. The first Resolution is on income-tax, but in accordance with precedent, the Leaders of the principal Parties, two in former years, and three this year, are allowed to speak briefly on general lines. The general debate on the Budget will take place on the last Resolution, No. 8, which will, I presume, be discussed on Tuesday. The Deputy will then have an opportunity of giving his views on the Budget.

But is not Deputy Flanagan the Leader of a new Party?

On a point of order, I represent an organisation in this House that put up candidates in the election but was unfortunate enough only to return one.

The Chair is not prepared to hear any more on No. I except on income-tax.

I bow to your ruling.

Question put and agreed to.
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