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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 20 Jun 1944

Vol. 94 No. 5

Committee on Finance. - Vote 41—Department of Local Government and Public Health (Resumed).

There are only one or two other matters that I would like to ask the Minister to say something about in his reply. One is in connection with the administration of the sum of £230,000 provided for grants towards the provision of supplementary allowances to old age pensioners and blind pensioners. I would like the Minister or his Parliamentary Secretary, whoever is responsible personally for supervising the expenditure of this money, to state the number of applications for these allowances to date, the average time taken to deal with these applications before a decision is come to and whether he is satisfied that the payment of the sum should be continued through the agency of the local authority. When an application of that kind is made I would like to know whether the old age pension file is in the possession of the Department of Local Government or of the Revenue Commissioners and whether the files dealing with the payment of an old age pension or a blind pension are passed on automatically to the local authority whenever an application is made for a supplementary allowance.

I am of the opinion that this scheme should be administered by a central authority, because there must be some unnecessary delay between the date when the application is made to the local home assistance officer and the date when the claim is finally disposed of. The allowance is certainly necessary, but I think it should be provided as an addition in view of the increased cost of living which is not likely to fall for a long period of years. The allowance should be given as a right to the persons concerned and they should not be asked to go through the machinery of the local authority to prove that they are in a destitute state before they receive a supplementary allowance to meet the increase in the cost of living. The Government has given that allowance to meet the increase in the cost of living and if 12/6 is considered a right and proper figure for certain sections of the old age pensioners and blind pensioners instead of 10/- in pre-emergency days then that increased figure should be given as a right without a condition that the persons concerned must prove they are destitute. I would like to have the figure of the cost of the allowances.

If the Deputy wants information of that sort he can put down a Parliamentary Question.

I would certainly say that if the Minister has any figures he should give them to the House and indicate whether he is satisfied that the local authority is the proper machinery to administer the amount provided for in the Estimates.

Of course I am satisfied. I would not have got the grant for them if I was not satisfied.

I am not asking the Minister whether he is satisfied that £200,000 is a sufficient sum because if he doubled the figure he would say the very same thing.

Of course.

But I want to know if he is satisfied that the machinery provided for the allocation of this grant, the spending of this money, is working in a satisfactory manner. Will he say that?

Does the Deputy say it is not? Does the Deputy know anything about it?

Since when?

That is why I am raising the question.

Since when?

The Minister will have time to reply to the queries that are raised. Shortly after the emergency arose in this country the Minister's predecessor issued a circular to local authorities in certain counties—I presume to county officials in every county —urging that, if they were unable to build cottages on plots that were made available at that time for the purpose, these plots should be acquired, fenced and given to temporary tenants for the purpose of helping to increase food production. I know of a number of cases in the two counties in my constituency where land was freely offered and taken over by the local authority for the purpose of providing suitable housing accommodation for deserving applicants, which land is still available and which the local authority could have given to temporary tenants for the purpose of providing food for themselves and their families. I ask the Minister to indicate if he holds the view held by his predecessor on this matter, and to say what progress if any has been made, taking the country as a whole, in getting local authorities to acquire and fence these cottage plots and hand them over to tenants who would be willing to use them for the purpose of producing food for themselves and their families.

I wish to say on behalf of the members of this Party that we regard the position in connection with tuberculosis as unsatisfactory. In the period from 1927 to 1937 there was a very definite decline in the death rate from tuberculosis in practically every country in Europe, with the exception of Éire. In Italy there was a decline of 2.3 per cent.; in Sweden, a decline of 4 per cent.; in England and Wales a decline of practically 4 per cent. There was an increase in the incidence of the disease in Éire. That is a very serious matter, and while very laudable private efforts have been made to stamp out the disease, the Minister should embark on a very comprehensive scheme with a very definite programme to stamp out the disease, or, at least, to prevent its further spread. We know very well that the problems of malnutrition, poor clothing, bad housing and all the other contributory factors in tuberculosis are not adequately tackled. There is another aspect of this problem that has come to my notice. It is that persons suffering from this disease will not subject themselves to medical treatment because of the fear that they may be obliged to go to a sanatorium, or to rest for a period during which very little if any efforts will be made to help their dependents. That is a matter that should be inquired into also.

With regard to rates, it is our opinion that the present system of levying rates is inequitable. The poorer counties are obliged to pay for all their services in the same way as the rich counties. In the poorer counties there are, naturally, more demands on the rates, more poor people looking for outdoor relief or public assistance, more people seeking hospital treatment and other amenities. All these charges must be met by the local rates, with the result that it is in the counties that can least afford it that the rates may be the highest. I think a more equitable system should be devised and an effort made to meet that situation by paying more of the rates from revenue.

There is the question of roads. Now that the roads are being extensively used by Great Southern Railways lorries and buses we believe that roads as well as hospitals should be made a national charge, and that arrangement would be far more equitable in the long run.

There is a great shortage of housing in the rural areas. I notice with great satisfaction that in one particular district, North Cork, a very extensive scheme of housing has been started, but unfortunately there is not a sufficient number of these houses being built in the rural areas; they are more or less confined to the towns. That is a pity because I feel that this has the effect of taking more of the people away from the land and bringing them into the vicinity of towns where they hope to get work but find themselves after a very short time on the unemployed roll.

I think it is a pity that many relief schemes in the rural area have been rejected on the ground that there are not sufficient people available at the employment exchange to carry on the work. There are a great many districts where the sons of small farmers would be very pleased to carry out that work. Of course, they are not eligible to be entered on the unemployment register. I think no relief scheme should be turned down until it is properly investigated. It should not be turned down on the plea that there are not sufficient men on the unemployment register. It has come to my knowledge that at least three or four relief schemes have been rejected in districts where the sons of small farmers would be very glad to get to work and have the necessary works done.

I may tell the Minister that old age pensioners are very disappointed by the way in which the old age pension is being administered. The additional half-crown was viewed with great satisfaction but the conditions governing the payment of that half-crown have caused despair. It is a pity that such regulations should be imposed in the matter of giving these people that small addition to their paltry pensions.

I was rather amazed that the Minister, when introducing his Estimate, should issue a threat to county councils. I think that is very unfortunate. I have very long experience of the work of county councils and of the unselfish services they have rendered to the country, year in year out, without reward of any kind. When the Minister says that county councils may be abolished now without any inquiry whatever, it is in my view a very ungrateful and very unwise pronouncement. I hope the Minister will withdraw that statement because it has created a good deal of consternation throughout the country. Other matters have been touched upon but I do not wish to go into them beyond saying that I would like that the few points that I have raised would receive the Minister's very careful and sympathetic consideration.

I join with other Deputies in the appeal made for increased hospital accommodation. I would like to give some of the Deputies a little information about the arrangements that we have made in County Wicklow for the treatment of patients on the waiting list for institutional attention. Having had considerable experience of the treatment of tubercular cases, from the working of the committees in the county, but for the past two years deprived by the County Managerial Act of direct contact with the patients in the hospitals and institutions, we made a recommendation to the county manager that pending admission of early cases into a sanatorium the county manager would arrange to send these patients to Newcastle Sanatorium for special treatment by the experts there. I am glad to say that as a result of this two cases that I know personally were treated in the early stages and one returned to his work after 13 weeks' treatment, while the second had only to spend 13 weeks after the time came for his admission and he was advised by the doctor to take a rest in his home for a month. That was a direct result of treatment being given in the early stages. I believe that if this system was extended to other counties so that experts could give dispensary treatment or otherwise in the patient's home pending institutional treatment we might not be long in arresting this terrible disease. I believe that with co-operation between the Red Cross and other public men on these lines we would be able to get a solution of the problem.

I would like to draw the Minister's attention to a very serious position in regard to old age pensions in rural areas. I understand there is only £4,050 given in County Wicklow which is one-third of the amount required to give the extra 2/6 to old people in rural areas. The county manager estimated that he would want at least £15,000 to give all persons in receipt of old age pensions the extra 2/6. The relieving officers made their inquiries and their reports but they were bound to interpret a necessitous case only as a person with no other means. If an old age pensioner happens to have a son working or drawing unemployment assistance he is deprived of receiving that extra payment. That is a cause of great confusion in the rural areas. I say you should give the extra 2/6 to every person in receipt of 10/- in the rural areas.

I would like to draw the Minister's attention especially to the fact that there are 124 houses idle in Arklow for the past 12 months. The Arklow Urban Council, not Fianna Fáil or Labour members, but members representing the ratepayers, recommended to the Department of Local Government that they should be permitted to reduce the rent to a figure which they considered the incoming tenants would be able to pay. The rent suggested, I think, was 5/- a week, including rates, as the majority of the persons who would occupy these houses would be in receipt of national health or home assistance only. They would not be in a position to pay any more. There is a conflict about the position; the Department want the rent to be fixed at 5/- plus 2/6 for rates, and while that is going on the houses are idle, and have been idle for the past six months. A standstill Order has been made preventing the tenants from occupying the houses, and the result is, according to the report of the county manager, the rates have so far lost about £600 owing to the Government not coming to agreement with the urban council. The Government says that in the interests of the ratepayers these tenants should pay 7/6 a week, and the council is opposed to that step because they believe the people are not able to pay that. Notwithstanding this, the Government has done nothing but allow the houses to remain idle. I ask the Minister to allow the council to set these houses at a rent which the tenants can afford to pay.

Another point I would like to put before the Minister is the question of bonuses. He grants a certain amount of bonus to married men, and a certain amount to single men. In many cases it has come to my knowledge that some single men have an aged mother or father dependent upon them. They are prevented from receiving the bonus although they have the degree of responsibility which entitled the married person to it. I think that the Minister should waive the Order, and permit county managers to give bonuses to single men with dependents. Another matter I want to raise concerns employees of local boards and councils. We have been promised pensions for a long time. I think the Minister should give pensions to all employees of local authorities. I know one case of a man who has given 31 years' local service to a public body, but now he has nothing except 15/- a week insurance. In a case like that, where a labourer has given 31 years' service, I cannot see why there should not be a pension, the same as for a salaried member of the staff who has a gratuity or pension.

In connection with the allocation of milk, the Minister is only granting the same amounts of money to public bodies now as he did in former years, although the price of milk has increased. Therefore, there are smaller quantities of milk being allocated. I think consideration should be taken of the price of milk and that that factor should govern the amount of the grant.

I am glad to say that we produced a considerable quantity of turf in Wicklow and that a lot of it was done, as I advocated for years, by piece work. Some of the Deputies mentioned £3 per week. They might be surprised to learn that men working at Sally Gap are receiving much higher wages than that and there have been no strikes there. We instructed our county manager to make an arrangement with the employees when he was in a position to give a bonus. The result is that we got a very good return. With fine weather, therefore, we should be able to put out much more turf than last year, and I hope there will be no complaints from the various districts in the country and that we will be able to supply the people with the turf required. I hope that, with the co-operation of all sections of public-minded men, together with the Red Cross Society, we shall try to do what we can, pending the provision of sufficient accommodation, to alleviate the distress amongst those suffering from tuberculosis.

I should like to pay a tribute to the Minister for Local Government and his predecessor for what they did for housing in my area. We succeeded in getting a large number of houses built there and in eliminating a very ugly condition of affairs in regard to housing. Now, however, a second problem has arisen with which I should like to deal. Under a non-municipal scheme of housing in the south-east Cork area some 200 houses were built which have taken the place of slum dwellings, stables converted into houses, and other houses of that description. The occupants of these houses were paying 3/-, 4/- and 5/- per week for them. In a number of cases they were people who were in very bad circumstances and were depending on home assistance. Others of them had been evicted out of rooms in the city because they were unable to pay the rent of them. When this scheme went through and the building started I had occasion to go to the then Minister for Local Government, the present Minister's predecessor, in connection with an increase of subsidy. In a letter which the Minister sent me he stated that the proposed rent of the houses was 3/- per week. The building of the houses met with a lot of opposition from a section of the board of health and when the rents were being fixed afterwards they fixed a rent of 8/- a week, plus rates. That matter was referred on appeal to the then Minister for Local Government, who fixed the rent at 7/9, plus rates. We have a situation, therefore, in which men who were evicted because they could not pay 5/- per week, were taken out of hovels and put in decent houses and now have to pay a rent of 7/9, plus rates.

These men find it absolutely impossible to pay that rent. That has been going on for the last three or four years. I have before me a return from the county manager for May, 1944, showing that the arrears of rent on the 1st April, 1943, amounted to £2,614 8s. 5d. and on the 31st March, 1944, to £4,071 3s. 4d., an increase of £1,456 in arrears of rent on something like 200 houses. That matter has been brought from the District Court to the Circuit Court; from the Circuit Court to the High Court, and from the High Court to the Supreme Court and back again for a number of years. Portion of the rents, I understand, is being paid to local solicitors to fight the cases.

I endeavoured later on to introduce a purchase scheme for these people and then the same gentlemen who had insisted on the paying of this exorbitant rent came along and, although under the labourer's cottage purchase scheme people get a 25 per cent. reduction, they fixed the reduction under this scheme at 10 per cent., thus closing the last loophole which these people had of getting justice. The ratepayers of the county may now throw their hats at getting that £4,000 arrears of rent. That money is gone for good. The rates are not being paid on the houses and that condition of affairs will continue to exist until the appeals which have been made from time to time to the Minister to have some definite inquiry into the position are acceded to, with a view to having rents fixed which will be within the capacity of the people to pay. I have no sympathy for a man earning £6 or £7 per week who happens to be in one of these houses. I say that he should not be in it. The houses were built for a specific purpose. They were not built for men with £6 or £7 per week. But I have sympathy for the unfortunate people with 30/- per week or, in some cases, 15/- or 16/- per week home assistance who have to endeavour to pay a rent of 7/9, plus rates for these houses. I should like the Minister to take the matter in hand because it is very unjust.

The next matter I want to deal with is the position of the people living in houses in Gurranebraher, Spangle Hill, and Horgan's Buildings. These people were removed to these areas as a result of a slum clearance in the city by the corporation authorities. The people living in these houses, which are owned by the Cork Corporation, are deprived of the ordinary rights of citizens.

Owing to the gerrymandering of the Fianna Fáil Government which placed them outside Cork borough.

Acting-Chairman (Mr. Lynch)

The Deputy should be allowed to make his speech.

The Fianna Fáil Government provided the houses anyway.

You were not here at all at the time.

Deputy Anthony can make his speech when his turn comes.

I am only answering Deputy Walsh, who knows nothing about it.

Deputy Anthony should conduct himself.

Acting-Chairman (Mr. Lynch)

Deputy Anthony will have to allow the Deputy to make his speech.

One of his own Ministers called him a buffoon.

You are as crooked as a corkscrew. The unfortunate people living in these houses are deprived of the rights they enjoyed previously as citizens in the city and of the rights that they are entitled to under the Constitution set up by this State which provided for equal rights for all citizens. If a man in Cork City, because he is poverty-stricken and is living in a slum, is taken out of that slum with his four, five or six children and removed to one of the new houses built by the city manager outside the borough boundary, he immediately loses the unemployment assistance to which he is entitled, because of the boundary.

The answer is: vote against the Government. Put down an amendment.

Deputy Anthony must restrain himself.

Vote against the Government. That is all you have to do.

That is the situation that exists down there. Last year, I brought this matter before the Department of Local Government, and then we had suggestions as to the extending of the boundaries. Within the last month, however, I have seen where the Minister has abolished a county council because they did not do certain things which, certainly, they have a right to do. Surely to heavens, if it is sauce for a county council to be abolished, it ought to be sauce for the city manager. If it is sauce for a county council to be punished for alleged delinquency, it ought to be sauce to deal with the city manager in the same way. We have a situation, in the area to which I am referring, in which something like 3,000 families are affected. Now, that is a very big item, and, surely, instead of raising an argument, as between a county council or the Corporation of Cork and the city manager—or the two city managers, as there are at present—a five years' argument, as it happens, there should be no difficulty in introducing an Emergency Powers Order to make all corporation property and all tenants of corporation property entitled to their rights as citizens within the borough.

Hear, hear!

Yes. There should be no trouble in doing that, and I think we should eliminate this age-long difficulty. It is all very well for the Minister to tell me that this matter of the borough boundaries is a question for the corporation or the county council. There is no use in telling me that, when it comes to a question of where bread is to be provided for children. That, in my opinion, is a matter that will have to be settled, because those unfortunate families cannot live in the terrible conditions under which they have to exist at the moment. I say that it is a nullification of the Constitution of this State. If the Constitution of this State sets out that there should be equal rights for all citizens of this State, and if you have a number of people in, say, a terrace of houses—let us say, one man in No. 11 of the terrace, and another man in No. 14 of the same terrace— both paying the same rent, but each with different commitments in regard to their income and the number of children they have, where does the equality come in in that case? Again, there is the question of city management. Last year, under an Emergency Powers Order, tenants of those houses —workingmen—were entitled to go before a tribunal to seek for a bonus on their wages. Some of these men went before that tribunal and got an increase, but owing to the increased cost of living, owing to the increase in the price of bread and other necessaries of life, which were essential for the upbringing of their little children, the increased bonus that they got meant nothing. They got an increase in their wages of 4/-, 5/-, or even 6/- a week, but as soon as they got that increase the city manager immediately pounced upon the money that was given to these people, which they hoped to use in order to buy bread and other necessaries for their children, and extracted 2/- or 2/6 a week in increased rent as a result of their increased income. If it is thought fit to deal with a county council in a certain manner because of alleged extravagance, or, on the other hand, parsimony, is it not also fit to deal with a city manager if he takes what, in the opinion of many people, is an unjust action?

We have another problem facing us in my constituency, which has a bearing on the very same problem, and that is that on the 1st August next, owing to the manner in which the Minister has carried out the duties of his Department and the manner in which this Dáil has sanctioned it, we shall have the Children's Allowance Act coming into force. Now, that is the first Act that will do justice to these outlaws, as one might call them, in the hinterland to which I have referred—outlaws in the sense that they are outside the city limits. Now, for the first time, they will gain something. I remember that, up to recently, in connection with many of these houses in the outlying districts, you would have to move almost a few tons of stuff from before the door of the house before you could get into it, but now, when these unfortunate people will be given a few shillings a week for their children, the city manager will move in again and extract, from these half-crowns which are allocated by the State for the support of the little babies in these households, his pound of flesh. Again, I should like to call the attention of the House to the fact that under our Constitution equal rights are supposed to be guaranteed for all our citizens. I was called to order, Sir, a few days ago, when I attempted to deal with this matter in connection with the Finance Bill. I had pointed out that under Section 4 of that Bill, which we were discussing at the moment, children's allowances would not be taken into consideration in connection with the payment of income-tax or surtax. Surely to heavens, such things should not be taken into consideration in the case of a poor little baby whose parents have not even sufficient to provide that baby with ordinary nourishment. If there is to be a law for the rich, then surely there should be a law for the poor also. I want a very definite statement this evening from the Minister with regard to the powers of that city manager in respect of social legislation that was introduced into this House and passed by this House for the benefit of the poor. If we have it in the Constitution that there should be equal rights for all citizens, and if we have special legislation put through this House, under which a man, paying income-tax, is not liable to have children's allowances paid to him taken into consideration for the purpose of assessing income-tax or surtax, surely to heavens, if there is any question of right or equality of citizenship, we have to take into consideration the case of the unfortunate man who has no income, who is probably living on home assistance, and surely that man is entitled to get that allowance for his children free from the griping hand of the city manager.

This matter has gone too far. I may tell the Minister that the area down there is in a state of incipient rebellion. It is not a question of a "No rates" or "No rent" campaign, but throughout the whole of that district there is a state of incipient rebellion, which should not exist and would not exist, were it not for the sense of injustice under which those unfortunate people are suffering. I may say that they have my sympathy and that, so far as I can, I shall give them my help in any fight they have to make, one way or the other, in this matter.

I do not wish to prolong the discussion, but I should like to call attention to yet another aspect of the question, namely, the burden that is placed on the ratepayers of the county in having to make up for these families the difference between the city rate and the county rate of unemployment assistance. The city manager visits the houses and gets the rents.

Who gets the rates?

There are no rates paid. No rates were paid there for the last ten years. If they get justice they will pay rates, but until they get justice I hope they will not pay. We are faced with a position there in which an unfair and an unjust burden is thrown on the county ratepayers as a result of having to make up the difference between the city rate and the county rate of an unemployment assistance each week, and of having to pay 8/- to each recipient in respect of vouchers as well. That results in putting an extra burden of £150 or £200 each week on the county ratepayers in respect of that area alone. Surely, when that injustice could be wiped out by one small action on the part of the Minister, we are entitled to expect that the Minister, who has proved in this House that he has sympathy with the poor, and who has introduced legislation benefiting the poor, is not going to leave that blot on our legislation, that he will see that the poor will get the benefit of the legislation which he introduced for their benefit, and that 50 per cent. of it is not going to be grabbed by the city manager, who apparently has neither heart, soul, nor conscience. I do not wish to delay the House longer, but these are two matters that to my mind constitute a running sore and an evil in a large portion of my constituency. I do not wish to be put to the necessity of coming up here month after month in an endeavour to get justice for these people. I would appeal to the Minister to let us know definitely this evening what he intends to do in regard to these matters. If we cannot get justice here, we shall have to try to get it by some means other than through this House.

I listened with 80 per cent. satisfaction to the speech of Deputy Corry. It is said that there is more joy in heaven for the one sinner who repenteth—well, Deputies all know the Scriptural quotation. I welcome the Deputy's conversion for more than one reason. Deputy Corry however, knows that according to constitutional practice in every Parliament in the world, there is a certain alternative open to him. It is not surprising to me, by the way, but it still gives me a kind of thrill when I hear Deputy Corry making a speech against the Government, although voting with them. We know the alternative and Deputy Corry must know it. He is not so blandly innocent as he pretends to be. There is a certain method open to him although he pretends not to follow constitutional methods on all occasions. It all depends on the audience he is addressing. He had the alternative of putting down an amendment, or he could move the reference back of the Estimate, but he has not the guts to do so.

The Deputy could use only wooden guns. When it came to the other guns he stopped.

I am addressing myself to a number of gentlemen who know how to conduct themselves. The Deputy must conduct himself or leave the House. Of course we disgraced ourselves in the last couple of weeks through the conduct of people like Deputy Corry. As I say, he had an alternative but I shall not pursue that matter as the Deputy has left the House. There are, however, one or two matters in regard to which I should like to put some suggestions before the Minister. I do not want to cause the Minister too much trouble because I know that previous speakers have already covered certain matters on which I should like to speak. I would ask the Minister, however, to take into consideration a matter to which I referred some time ago. I then contrasted two types of citizens. There is on the one hand, the provident, the prudent and the good citizen, who because of his prudence and providence, paid a sum of 1/4 or 1/8 per week into a trades union organisation, a provident society or some kindred association that would enable him at the end of a certain period, usually about 40 years, to provide for his old age a superannuation of 15/- or 16/- a week. Such men were model citizens in every way, the backbone of the State and under our legislation would be entitled in the ordinary way to a State pension. Contrast them with the man who has been before the courts on numerous occasions, a charge on local and the national funds in so far as he is in and out of casual wards, and in so far as he has come under the notice of the judiciary or police and has been in jail on many occasions for beating up somebody, burglary or some other crime of that sort. That man, on attaining the age of 70 years of age, gets a full pension.

We have cases in Cork City of a number of men who are corporation employees. I know that I may not advocate legislation in a discussion on Estimates, but I do feel that I am not seriously transgressing the rules of order in asking the Minister on some future date to give some consideration to this question of corporation employees. I have been a lord mayor and I am still an alderman of Cork Corporation. From day to day we have to witness humble men being deprived of their employment under the corporation because they have attained the age of 70. They get then 10/- a week as a corporation pension and, because of that, they are entitled to only 6/- from the State as pension. The corporation, of course, could say: "We will give these men only 6/- a week and the State will then have to pay 10/-." I would ask the Minister to consider carefully the position of these men because it is causing a good deal of annoyance and quite an amount of hardship amongst a large number of these old employees, some of whom have given 40 years' faithful service. We are not legally entitled to give them a penny. The history of these cases goes back many years. I do not want to go into all the details but it appears that many years ago when the corporation made several grants, the local government auditor of that time under the British régime challenged these items. He found that he had to go back so far that it would cost the corporators many thousands of pounds if they were to be surcharged. What he did suggest was to raise the lord mayor's salary by practically the amount which would cover all these grants or gifts. That was done; it was simply a matter of accountancy. We are now in the position in Cork that we have a number of old employees, some of them with 40 or 50 years' service. We cannot grant them pensions because we are afraid that the local government auditor will come down upon us. I hope the Minister will consider these cases, because whatever differences I have had with the Minister from time to time I feel that he is just. I hope he will sympathetically consider the matter I have mentioned in regard to introducing some kind of legislation that will regularise the position as far as we are concerned in Cork City.

With regard to blind pensions, I have several cases which have arisen over the last 12 months or longer of which this case is indicative. I do not want to give names, but I have the case of a poor old lady who had a blind pension of 6/- and whose husband had a blind pension of 10/-. Her pension was stopped because her son, who had gone to England, sent her 30/- at Christmas, and three or four months previously had also sent her 30/-. Since Christmas, however, she has not received one penny, but her blind pension has been cut off. There is something wrong there. I know that the application of a means test is rather difficult, and I know it is hard to fix a limit and to decide where finality comes. One person will say it should be £1, and the late Deputy Dowdall suggested that it should be fixed at £2. I quite realise that it would cost money, but——

Acting-Chairman (Mr. Lynch)

I had not adverted to the fact that Deputy Anthony had already spoken on this Estimate, and that his speaking now was a complete departure from precedent.

I wanted to ask the Minister some questions before he replied.

Acting-Chairman

If I had adverted to the fact that he had spoken, I would not have allowed him to speak again.

I only wanted to ask some questions. May I put them to the Minister?

Acting-Chairman

The Deputy can ask questions at the conclusion of the debate.

I do not intend to delay the House with matters which might be dealt with in the local authorities but rather with matters on which the local authorities are in conflict in principle with the Ministry. One is the very vexed question of the Spangle Hill area. It has been dealt with by many speakers, and I do not intend to deal with it by way of threat, as I think threats are not at all in order here. The Minister is quite well aware of the difficulties in connection with these people in the Spangle Hill, Gurranebraher and Horgan's Buildings areas. All these people are workers in the City of Cork, and particularly those in the Spangle Hill and Gurranebraher areas, and they are living outside the city, not through any act of their own, but as a matter of the convenience of the Cork Corporation. They have been for generations workers in the City of Cork, but they are now not entitled to city benefit and are subject to Employment Period Orders as agricultural workers. That is a gross injustice. It must be remembered that they and their employers have been paying into the Unemployment Insurance Fund. Their money and the employers' contribution have gone into the fund and the City of Cork rates are made liable for a sum of 1/6 in the £.

The Deputy is under a misapprehension. I have no responsibility for the administration of unemployment insurance or unemployment assistance. The Minister for Industry and Commerce is responsible for both these services.

On raising this question with the Minister for Industry and Commerce the other night, he said the area in which they live was a matter for Local Government. Permit me, however, to make my point. My point is that they, their employers and the City of Cork have been contributing to the Unemployment Fund, the benefits of which are now denied them. A simple way of settling the question, other than by way of threats or invoking these famous Orders by which anything can be done, is to alter the basis of qualification. That is a matter for the Minister. The basis of qualification is mere residence. Why should it be residence? In justice, ought it not to be the area in which the operations are performed and in which the contribution is made? That is a very simple method and it would cut both ways. Any man not working in the city would not be entitled to city unemployment insurance when idle.

The Deputy misunderstands. A person is paid a flat rate of unemployment insurance, irrespective of where he lives. He is paid it because, as the Deputy has properly said, he and his employer between them have contributed to building up the Unemployment Insurance Fund. Unemployment assistance is uncovenanted benefit to which the recipient contributes nothing. It is paid irrespective of whether he has ever been in insurable occupation or not. It is payable in respect of the place in which he lives and the fact that he is out of employment.

I am quite clear on that, but the Minister appears to fail to grasp the point I am making, that the people entitled to unemployment insurance living within the city are not subject to any Employment Period Order which denies them the right to benefit.

But the people in receipt of unemployment insurance are not covered by any Employment Period Order whatever.

Very well; I shall pass from that matter to another which is entirely within the Minister's purview. It was raised by the Lord Mayor of Dublin—the question of the capitation grant for mental hospitals. He pointed out how grossly inadequate the present contribution towards the maintenance of mentally afflicted patients was. I think that, in Cork, the cost amounts to 17/-, towards which we get a contribution from the Ministry of 3/10. Local authorities have held for a considerable period, and the Department has denied, that in respect of liability for mentally afflicted patients, the words used in the Local Government Act prescribed a 50 per cent. contribution by the national and local authorities. I readily admit that a maximum of 4/- was fixed, but that was in days when the weekly liability was not more than 7/6 or 8/-. At a later period, although the wording of the Act set out a 50 per cent. contribution, by a subsequent Act, which was passed for accountancy reasons, because there was such little variation at the time as between the various costs of maintenance, there was an agreement fixing the capitation grant at 4/-, but in our view that did not get away from the original wording of the Act of Parliament which established the liability of national and local authorities as to 50 per cent., apart altogether from the extraordinary injustice of the State now contributing only 3/10 while a local authority must contribute five times as much.

I support the plea put forward by the Lord Mayor of Dublin and hope that the Minister will review this matter and see that a more equitable allowance for the maintenance of the mentally afflicted is made. The history of the case is as I have given it. The original provision was 50 per cent. at a time when the average cost was 7/6 to 8/-. Undoubtedly, 4/- was fixed at the time, but the reason was that nowhere was the cost more than 8/- and the Ministry responsible, wishing to avail of any cheaper administration by the local authority than 8/-, prescribed 4/- or any lesser sum. That, however, did not take away at all from the original liability of 50 per cent., and I think the matter is entitled to consideration.

With regard to the extra half-crown a week granted to old-age pensioners of a particular class and others under the poor law system, a good deal of administrative difficulty has arisen by reason of the fact that persons have to go to the post office to draw the pension and to the home assistance officer, who may live in another area, to draw the extra half-crown. We had cases at the last meeting of the county council and board of health of the entire half-crown having to be spent in bus journeys to draw it. We have made a recommendation to the Minister which I hope he will consider very carefully—that we as a county council are prepared to accept the liability of the State for the amount of the half-crowns payable, and to let both the pensioners and the recipients of home assistance be paid in the one place, because of the difficulties which I have mentioned. Killeagh, for instance, is seven miles from Youghal. The home assistance officer lives in Youghal. The people could draw their pension in the Killeagh Post Office, but if they came into Youghal it would cost them 1/3 each way in the bus to collect the half-crown. If the Minister would accept our suggestion, we are prepared to accept liability for the half-crown. If the Minister could arrange that the pension officer would pay the increased amount it would save an enormous amount of hardship and loss to the recipients.

I should like to ask the Minister to consider very kindly some of the suggestions made by the Deputy who has just spoken. I also want to refer to some of the grievances already spoken to by the Deputy. I ask the Minister to give very kind consideration to the suggestion that the means test should not be so rigorously enforced, particularly in the case of poor people, some of whom are living in labourers' cottages in my district. I know cases where labourers, old men of 70 years of age, are granted say, 6/- or 8/- a week, and in one case the plea was put forward that a man was building a clamp of turf for a neighbour. The neighbour might be very useful to him, because in the particular case 6/- or 8/- a week was no good; it would not keep him. I ask the Minister to see that the means test is not rigorously enforced, particularly in cases like that. Also, in the case of a small farmer who is thrifty and who, say, has a son married in the place and has handed over his bit of property which might amount to 15 acres, I ask that he be allowed the 10/- per week. I could quote several instances like that.

The next matter I should like to mention is the case of poor widows who are drawing a non-contributory pension. Those people are getting 5/- a week, and when the home assistance officer comes along he tells them they are not eligible because they have no family. Some of those poor old women are in desperate straits at the moment. I know that we are trying to do the best we can, but those are the kind of people we should assist. Those old women are not able to support themselves. Some people may say that they should be able to do a bit of charing if they live near a small town. I know some of them who live at the back of the hill, miles from a town, and but for the charity of their neighbours 5/- a week would be no good to them. Their sons may be in England and have forgotten them. Their daughters may have gone away and forgotten them also. Those poor old women are coming to me not in fives or sixes but in dozens and twenties to see what I can do for them. I know that the Minister is kind, and I take this opportunity of asking him to give sympathetic consideration to this matter. With regard to blind pensions, I have received numerous complaints from applicants—I do not know whether they are all eligible or not——

As far as I can see from the Order Paper, we are not taking the Old Age Pensions Estimate at all.

It is a matter for the Minister for Finance.

Acting-Chairman

Blind pensions are included under the Old Age Pensions Estimate. We are now dealing only with Votes 41, 42, 43, 44 and 27.

Mr. Corish

We have been discussing them all day.

In the case of applicants for blind pensions in my district, the oculist comes to Athlone. A person living 50 miles away may be asked to come to Athlone. I want the Minister to consider the suggestion that the oculist should be asked to go to the post office in the district where the applicants live. The applicants have no way of travelling long distances. There are no convenient buses at the moment, and a donkey and cart would take a long time to travel 35 or 40 miles. The oculist could travel to five or six post offices in a day, and he might deal with two or three applicants in each district. It is the people I am interested in—not the oculist. He is paid, I dare say, by the Department.

With regard to the extra 2/6 which is being paid by the assistance officer, if the suggestion is made to him by the various councils concerned, I am sure he would be in a position to meet the applicants at the various post offices on a particular day. That is all I have to say, and I hope the Minister will give sympathetic consideration to the matters I have mentioned.

Mr. Corish

It is a pity that the Minister, in his opening statement, in which he reviewed the position so far as local government in this country is concerned, saw fit to include certain threats. He dealt with the attitude of the Roscommon County Council, and told the Dáil and all concerned that in future he would take advantage of the Emergency Order enabling him to abolish a council without going through what I call the farce of an inquiry. I do not think that would be much loss, because I am perfectly satisfied that, in the case of any inquiry which is held, the Minister and his Department have already made up their minds as to what they are going to do. I have never yet seen an inquiry in a case similar to that of the Roscommon County Council in which the Minister took any action other than to dissolve the council.

Various aspects of local government have been touched upon during the last couple of days, and I think the most important one is the question of dealing with tuberculosis. It is a very sad state of affairs when the Minister has to come to the House and tell us that tuberculosis is on the increase, notwithstanding the fact that a good deal of propaganda for its eradication has been carried on throughout the country over a number of years. To my mind, the principal reason for the increase of tuberculosis at the present time is the poverty of the people, due to the fact that another Minister in this Government prevented workers from securing increases in their wages during the emergency. That was done despite the fact that in many cases employers were prepared to concede increases to their workers. Because of that the people are now living in hardship.

A lot of talk has centered around the fact that numbers of people refrain from taking advantage of sanatorium treatment. I think that is largely due to the fact that bread-winners know that if they leave their families to take advantage of that treatment, their families will be in absolute hardship while they are away. A man suffering from tuberculosis works very irregularly, as we know, for the reason that he is in a delicate state of health. In consequence of that, his insurance card is not stamped up to enable him to get full benefit. When he becomes so ill that he is unable to work, and must go to a sanatorium if he wants to be cured, the amount of benefit that he is entitled to is usually only 7/6 a week. One cannot expect a man who cares anything about his wife and family to go to a sanatorium leaving them behind to depend on 7/6 a week. Therefore, if you want to stamp out tuberculosis and to get people to take advantage of sanatorium treatment, you will have to give their families the equivalent of a living wage. Everybody knows that in the case of people who are not happy and content this disease makes greater progress than it otherwise would. If a man has to go to a sanatorium knowing that in his absence his wife and family will have only a few shillings a week to live on, he cannot be content or happy, so that in his case the cure offered is worse than the disease. It is because of that that people are not taking advantage of sanatorium treatment and remain too long in their homes, infecting other members of the family. I believe that if this problem of tuberculosis is to be tackled as it should be, decent wages must be paid either by the Government or local bodies to the family of a man while he is getting treatment in a sanatorium. The family should certainly be given the equivalent of a living wage.

The Minister, in the course of his statement, dealt at length with the question of housing. He, and everybody else, knows that at the present time very little housing is being carried out in consequence of the greatly increased cost of building. That has been responsible for putting the country back four or five years. To the credit of this Government it must be said that up to the outbreak of the war they did make serious efforts to tackle the housing problem. Comparatively decent progress was made, and a good number of houses were built. Since the outbreak of war, however, very few houses have been built. Everybody, particularly the members of local authorities, knows that there does not appear to be any prospect of houses being built in the near future. Even when the war is over, one cannot see much prospect of houses being built. One thing that will militate against that is the availability of building materials. We all realise that in Britain, on the Continent of Europe, and in other parts of the world there will be big demands for building materials. One wonders whether, when the war is over, any timber, for example, will arrive in this country. It is all very well to say that we have native materials. In my opinion we have not sufficient to enable us to grapple with the housing problem that confronts the country to-day. There is no use in anybody saying, no matter what efforts we may make, that we will be able to produce enough timber to enable us to grapple with that problem. There is also the question of money. In 1932 and in 1933, under legislation which was passed through the Dáil by the present Government, a subsidy of two-thirds was paid by the Government in the case of a house costing up to £350. That applied to many towns, such, for example, as Wexford and Enniscorthy in my constituency. That subsidy enabled the local authority to rent houses at a comparatively decent figure. I should say that, of course, the local authorities also had to subsidise the cost of these houses.

The position to-day is that to build a house, such as the local authorities built in 1937 and 1938 for in or about £360, would cost at least £700. With the help of the grant of two-thirds of the cost given by the Government, the house built by the local authority in 1937 or 1938 could be let at a rent of 6/9½d. per week. If we take the same house now, and bear in mind the rate of interest at which the Local Loans Fund is prepared to advance money for house building, the rent on the £700 house would be 14/4½d. per week. I need hardly tell the Minister that there is no use in looking for a rent of 14/4½d. per week from people whom we have taken out of slums and put into these new houses. If the Minister were prepared to pay a subsidy on the full cost of that house it could be let at 9/4½d. per week, but even so that rent would represent an increase of 3/- per week compared with the rent that was charged for the same house built in 1937 or 1938, the comparative rents being 6/9½d. per week for the latter period, and 9/4½d. at present. In that situation something will have to be done by the Minister. In my opinion the Housing Board which was set up by the Department some years ago should be considering problems of this kind.

There is no use in either the Minister for Local Government and Public Health or the Minister for Finance saying in this House, as they have said on different occasions, that they have no intention of increasing the subsidy for houses built by local authorities. The position is that the housing problem in this country cannot be tackled unless the subsidy is increased. No local authority will undertake housing to any extent unless that is done. I am perfectly satisfied, from what I have learned from people engaged in building, that building costs will not come down for a number of years. Therefore, the position after the war will be as bad as it was about 20 years ago.

Some Deputies have referred to the rents charged for the houses built for slum dwellers. Everybody knows that in many large towns and cities there are people who had been living in houses rented at 2/- or 2/6 a week. When the new houses were built, those people were taken out of the old houses forcibly. I am not saying that is wrong, as sometimes one has to save the people from themselves. However, the rent which they have to pay is anything from 5/- to 6/6, according to pre-war figures. It would be infinitely more now. How can those people be expected to pay an increase in rent of that kind? It is absolutely impossible. The result is that, in the various towns and cities in Ireland, the arrears are accumulating year after year, because of the fact that these people are unable to meet their liabilities in so far as house rent is concerned.

The Minister has made a very hard and fast rule in regard to grants for housing. Before a person can be put into a new house, the house in which he or she lives must be condemned as unfit for habitation, or that person must have been living in a house where there were three families. That is all right so far as it goes, but there is no provision at all being made for people who are newly married. I am familiar with a few towns and I cannot recall any case in which a young married couple have been given a new house by a council within the last ten or 15 years. That is a very serious matter, because those who get married go into rooms to live and are rearing young families in those rooms under wretched conditions.

And high rents.

Mr. Corish

Yes, high rents. The Minister should allow local authorities to give a certain number of the houses built, on which two-thirds subsidy was paid, to young married couples, who should get some encouragement. If the Minister goes into any town or city, he will find that these young married couples are trying to rear children in an environment which is absolutely terrible. There should be a little relaxation of the position, so far as the Minister is concerned, and the matter should be carefully examined.

I hope the Minister will approach the Minister for Finance now—without waiting until after the war—with a view to getting a higher grant towards the cost of housing. I would also be prepared to advocate that the local authority pay a higher grant in proportion, but at the moment any local authority which is building houses or has built them within recent years has had to pay a grant in some cases as large as that received from the Department. That aspect of the matter should be dealt with by the Minister or by the Housing Board. The question of materials should also be considered.

Many Deputies have referred to the half-crown which is supposed to be paid—and I say "supposed" advisedly —to recipients of old age pensions. I would like the Minister to say why there should be any question at all as to the person who should get this half-crown. The means test has already been applied in the case of the 10/- when the person reached the age of 70. Exhaustive inquiries were then made by the local pensions officer, the claim was examined by the local pensions committee and, if necessary, if there were any contention about it, it was submitted to the Department for examination. The pensioner has in many cases gone through a gruelling time when seeking the 10/- pension, and I do not think it is too much to ask that that half-crown be paid automatically to pensioners. The present state of affairs is wretched. It is humiliating to these people, many of whom never had resort to the Poor Law system during their whole lives. They are decent people who, in many cases, would prefer to go half-hungry rather than seek home help. They have been given the 10/- pension and should now receive the half-crown without being put to further humiliation and without being asked to sign a form disclosing every aspect of their lives at home. The Minister must have been satisfied that there is hardship amongst many old age pensioners in the country, when he agreed to concede that half-crown a week, and it should now be paid automatically.

I would add my voice to those of Deputy Martin O'Sullivan, Lord Mayor of Dublin, and Deputy Eroderick, on the question of the grant paid to mental hospitals. As far as I know the capitation fee paid all over the country is between 3/6 and 4/- a week. Owing to the difference in the value of money now, there should be a big increase given to the mental hospitals. They are a huge drain on the ratepayers in any county and the 4/- is worth less than 2/- now. Owing to the cost of foodstuffs having increased in this war and the last war, they have found it very hard to carry on, and it would not be too much to ask the Minister to have the whole matter re-examined.

The question of blind pensions has been raised by almost every Deputy. I object to the refusal of the Department to take a certificate from any doctor but the doctor appointed by the Department. In Wexford town there is a doctor who acted as oculist for the Wexford Board of Health for a number of years. He went up for the position before the Local Appointments Commission but did not get the job, not because he was not qualified. I suppose the Commission thought the other man better qualified, though I do not agree with that. This man has repeatedly given certificates of blindness to applicants and they have been turned down, with the result that the applicants now find it impossible to get him to certify them at all. I think that is very unfair and I am surprised at that happening when we have a medical doctor as one of the Minister's Parliamentary Secretaries. He should try to safeguard the interests of his professional brethren to a greater extent than he does at present. I have never yet known an applicant for a blind pension to receive it without an inspector or an oculist being sent down from Dublin to examine him. That might not be so bad, if it did not take 12 months for the oculist to arrive in the particular district, to examine the patient. I put a case before the Department a couple of months ago, and in that case the application was made well over 12 months ago; and it was only a few weeks ago that, on my representations, an oculist examined the applicant. Surely that is very unfair. When an application is made, if the local pensions committee considers the person is blind, but the Minister's pension officer disagrees, the person should be examined at least within a month.

I want to complain also about the length of time the Department takes to give a decision on many things. It is only in recent years that there has been such delay. It has happened especially in connection with wages. Time and time again during the past two or three years, questions have been tabled here to the Minister, complaining that sanction has not been received by various county councils who have, through the medium of their county manager, agreed to concede to certain increases in wages to their workers. In some cases it has taken six months. I cannot understand why the Department cannot make up its mind to give sanction to a proposal of that kind which is unanimously recommended by a county council and with which the county manager agrees. If some of the people in this Department were dependent on a decision of that kind, we would get it much more quickly. When it is a question of an unfortunate man with 35/- a week seeking an increase of 3/- or 4/-, sanction is held up for what is, in my opinion, an unreasonable period.

Another matter to which I should like to make reference is concerned with clerical officers in the service of county and municipal councils. I understand that, for some time, the Minister's Department has had under consideration the question of standardising these positions. A decision on that matter is keenly awaited. The salaries paid to clerical officers in some of the county council offices are absolutely disgraceful. I have in mind the case of a man who would have to be 12 years clerk in the service of a county council before he would receive £3 a week. This young man is well educated, has the Leaving Certificate and is competent to fill his job. Surely a man of that type should not have to wait 12 years to receive a salary of £3 a week. If the Minister is considering the formulation of a scheme which would be suitable to all the counties, I ask him to have it introduced as quickly as possible. So far as I know, it has been under consideration for two years. Certain councils were asked to send in model schemes and the Minister and his Department have been considering these. I hope something will be done very shortly regarding this matter.

In 1940, an Act was passed which, we were told, would short-circuit the acquisition of land. I forget the title of the Act but the measure had something to do with the relief of unemployment. Prior to that, many councils had submitted schemes for the widening of roads and such works but they found it impossible to acquire the necessary land within the period which would enable them to introduce schemes for the relief of unemployment at the proper time. When the measure was going through this House, Deputy Ruttledge, then Minister for Local Government, told us that it would short-circuit the acquisition of land by many months. I cannot see that it is being applied to any extent. Wexford Corporation put up a proposal three years ago for the construction of a public park there. In the centre of the town, there are ten acres which would be very suitable for the purposes of a park. Three or four landlords are involved. The corporation has written to them on several occasions but cannot get any definite answer from them. When the Bill which is now an Act was going through in 1940, these were the types of cases which were cited to us by the then Minister as being responsible for the introduction of the measure. Yet, when we ask the Local Government Department to apply that Act to this scheme, they say it is not applicable. I cannot understand the reason for that because my recollection is that the measure was designed to deal with such cases. This scheme is necessary in the interests of the citizens, and the land is not so very valuable so far as the owners are concerned. The labour-content of the work would be about 90 per cent. It would be an admirable scheme in every way but we have been unable to induce the Minister to apply the Act to which I have referred to the scheme. I think that the Minister is interested in cases of this kind. It is probable that he knows the place I am speaking about—in the centre of the town. I ask him to have the position specially examined because, apart from the amenities provided by such a park, this would be a splendid scheme for the relief of unemployment because it would have a 90 per cent. labour-content. I cannot understand why that Act has not been applied. There is a new man at the head of that section now and, perhaps, he will bring a different mind to bear upon it. Again, I ask the Minister to get the housing action of his Department immediately to apply themselves to preparations for the resumption of housing on a large scale when the war ends.

It is many years since the question of T.B. came to my notice. There are few houses in Eire which have not had their "snowy-breasted pearls." I think that one of the causes of the incidence of this disease is impure water—that pet topic of mine. I know the conditions in the valley in which I was born and reared —between the Galtees and the Knockmealdowns and about 20 miles from Cahir to Mitchelstown. I know the streams coming from the Galtees and the Knockmealdowns and Slievenamon. Deputy Heskin would know a good deal about this, also. These streams join the Suir about three miles down along the centre of the valley. The water from most of these streams is not fit for human consumption. Yet, the people are depending on that water for drinking purposes. I know one stream and, for three miles from where it leaves the mountain and enters the Suir, about 25 families are using the water. About 30 years ago, Sir Charles Cameron, who got samples of it, would not pass it as fit for consumption in the local school. That is typical of the whole valley.

Our mountains suffer from a lack of minerals which leads to what is known as Derbyshire neck or goitre. A lady doctor who was helping the local medical officer in South Tipperary did very good work there for two or three years. She got married lately and she is not now interested in goitre. That swelling of the neck is peculiar to South Tipperary between the Galtees and Knockmealdowns and likewise Slievenamon. North of Cahir and, from that, to the centre of the valleys where the streams rise out of limestone, they do not suffer from that complaint. I should like to know if there is any report on that from the medical officer for South Tipperary. This lady doctor, who had very high credentials, was assisting him and she has been succeeded by another doctor who is carrying on the good work. It is suggested that the addition of iodine to the water has a good effect in the case of Derbyshire neck. Quite a lot of young people from 14 to 35—particularly girls —suffer from this disease and the operation necessary for removal of the swelling is very dangerous. I should like to know if good results have followed from the addition of iodine to the water in these cases.

I would say that the streams of Ireland, most of them, are little better than polluted sewers. We must be a healthy race to exist at all. We must be healthier than the niggers to survive. Something should be done as regards our water supplies. I am personally well situated so far as a water supply is concerned, but there are at least eight or ten families living near me who are not so well off. Members of one family living three miles away have to travel quite a distance to get a water supply. A girl has to take two buckets every day in the week and travel quite a long distance over the fields. It is the whitest of white slavery; it is almost as primitive as in the days when Rebecca went to the well with an earthenware jug. Half the streams of Ireland have water that is not fit for human consumption, and that is a very serious thing. We are told that there are 600,000 acres of submerged land. Of course, that is more appropriate to the Arterial Drainage Bill, but I suggest that arterial drainage and a supply of pure water to rural houses are as inseparable as Siamese twins.

The Deputy debated that on the Arterial Drainage Bill. He will have a further opportunity this week.

I am not anti-arterial drainage; I submit that if we can get 600,000 acres of submerged laud reclaimed, it will be very good indeed. According to the Minister for Agriculture, there are 15,000,000 acres in Ireland of which 10,500,000 are arable and 4,500,000 are non-arable— rough grazing, but still land on which cattle and sheep could be put. I suggest to the Minister that out of the 15,000,000 acres there are at least 6,000,000 acres with impure water. There are many people living there and we shall have to do something for them.

In the valley between Cahir and Clogheen for a distance of ten miles there are only two sources of pure water. One is two miles from Cahir, and at this time of the year it is not unusual to see ten or 12 carts loaded with milk churns or barrels, drawing water. I say that is the whitest of white slavery. Within three miles of Clogheen there is a well known as St. Ciaran's Well. There is a certain tradition associated with that well. When the saint crossed the Knockmealdown Mountains certain baptisms were arranged and, finding himself short of water, he struck a rock and, according to tradition, he got water out of the rock. There are eight or 12 carts there every morning waiting to draw water. These are the only two sources of pure drinking water in that part of the country. I say it is disgraceful that that should be the state of affairs in 1944. The suggestion has been made that people in that area are subject to consumption, possibly through lack of a good water supply. The conditions there to-day are the same as the conditions that have existed for many hundreds of years.

So far as tuberculosis is concerned, I have lived in the City of Dublin for 25 years, and I may say I have had some experience of tuberculosis. I was reared in Tipperary, and, following my 25 years in Dublin, I have lived in my native county for almost another 25 years—you may judge my age by that. I have had a good experience of city and country life, though I may say I am learning every day. In my young days I noticed quite a lot of tuberculosis. Many of the cases I observed were sent to South Africa and Australia. A pal of mine was affected by tuberculosis, and I remember putting him on board a vessel at Tilbury docks. He went to Australia, and he recovered, and is a healthy man ever since. I am not suggesting that we should transport all our tubercular patients to South Africa and Australia. I have had experience of tuberculosis in my own family. It is not a matter to smile at, because it is a very serious thing. Times are too troubled at the moment, and I do not want to be misunderstood.

There is a lot of our money foolishly expended here on the treatment of tuberculosis. You need some kind of colony where there will be some chance of a cure. I know that practically all the people who went to Australia or South Africa recovered. I should like to know the proportion of tubercular patients who have recovered in Ireland. Anything would be better than to have them dying at home, and if conditions were normal, perhaps we could decide on some better course of action. I had a bitter experience in my own family of the effects of tuberculosis. I would have done anything to save my wife. I did not succeed. I did not get a chance. I do not think our climate is kind to people so affected. From my observation as a layman, but subject to the authority of medical men, I would be inclined to suggest that when conditions become normal it might be advisable to have some patients sent to places like Australia or South Africa. I know that if any young man of 22 or 24 could spend six or seven years in those countries, he would have a great chance of recovery. If tubercular patients got over 30, they would be all right and could come home again. I say that anything is better than putting them into the clay. I was going to put my theory into practice, but unfortunately my wife died, and I did not get a chance. I am not suggesting that anybody should do what I would not be prapared to do myself. I would have done anything to save her life.

Goitre trouble is very severe in South Tipperary. Between Chashel and Cahir people have to travel long distances for water from the Well of the Hundred Springs. The lack of water in South Tipperary is responsible for tuberculosis, and I think we have a higher rate in County Tipperary than in any other part of Ireland. The water is not fit for man or beast to drink, and when an arterial drainage measure comes before the House I am going to put this very seriously to the Minister. The one thing that brought me into the House was this question of water. I had no axe to grind, and I am no politician. The lack of a pure water supply is responsible for tuberculosis and goitre.

There are a few remarks that I would like to make on the Estimate for the Department of Local Government. I had expected to hear from the Minister something as to his proposals to codify the Local Government Acts and regulations. Everyone knows that they are in a horrible mess at the moment. It is impossible to trace local government law on any particular point, and seriously I suggest to the Minister that he should in the near future consider setting up some commission to codify the law and regulations. Another point is that I would like to ask if the Minister has considered the obvious necessity of co-ordinating the services for the Department of Local Government and Public Health into one service with a view to saving expenditure. At present there is £270,000 odd extra in the Estimate and we will continue to have an increased Estimate unless an effort is made to co-ordinate the various services. As regard tuberculosis, I just want to make a local point. Kilkenny people are very badly served in the matter of a sanatorium. The only accommodation there is the old militia barracks, and it is virtually in the same state as it was left in by the militia when they vacated it. I am not casting any aspersions on the local public health and tuberculosis officers. They have done their best, but I do feel that the local authority in Kilkenny and perhaps the Department in Dublin have not taken sufficient interest in the matter. There is room for further development, which should take place in the near future. Deputy MacEoin drew attention to the fact that sufficient use was not being made of Hospital Trust funds to provide sanatoria throughout the country. I think an effort should be made by the Department to get in on this fund to provide sufficient sanatoria. In that connection I would suggest that the officers of the Department would consider the provision of convalescent homes both for pre-sanatorium treatment and post-sanatorium treatment. The main thing that has caused me to rise to-night is the question of road safety. I heard nothing whatever from the Minister on this question. I want to put it to him that there is a great necessity for propaganda on road safety at the moment. There is in the country a new generation of children and young persons who have had no experience of the motor car as it was in the pre-war period and there is every reason to believe that when the cars come back on the road we will have a holocaust of accidents. You will have drivers who have been off the roads for five years and a new generation of drivers who will simply go to the country council and get a certificate without perhaps any test being imposed upon them. I think it is the job of the Minister for Local Government to take in hand the setting up of a propaganda department to direct attention to road dangers and, in particular, to the risks of the road in cities near schools and colleges and places of that sort. It is an extraordinary thing that our death rate and personal injury rate are perhaps for a country like this the highest in the world, although the density of traffic on our roads is perhaps the lowest. According to the figures of basic road statistics published in 1938 in Great Britain, the density of vehicles per road mile in Great Britain was 14.6; in the United States 9.7; in New Zealand 4.2; in Eire 1.4; in Belgium 10.5. The death rate per million gallons of petrol consumed in road vehicles was in Great Britain 4.4; in the United States 2.2; in New Zealand 2.4; in Eire 5.3; Belgium 4.3. These are very serious matters, and I think they have not received the attention of the Departments concerned, the Department of Local Government and the Department of Education as far as the schools are concerned.

I think that is a matter for the Department of Justice rather than for Local Government.

My point is that the Department of Justice deals with law enforcement and this matter of the death rate and personal injury rate is left entirely to the law enforcement authorities, and to voluntary organisations which may take an interest in it. No State propaganda is directed towards it.

I understand that the Minister for Local Government has no function in the matter.

Oh, yes, he makes the road traffic by-laws and passes the Road Traffic Act. He approves of the road traffic regulations.

No, we are only a consenting authority. We are not an initiating authority at all.

If I am wrong I can get at the matter in another way. The Minister has done nothing whatever to standardise the roads in this country. At least he has not produced anything that the public is aware of. In Britain the Ministry of Transport has standardised all their roads and I would like to see something done here. We were told during the election that the Minister proposes to spend £14,000,000 on roads. I do not know where this £14,000,000 is going to be spent or whether the Minister has in mind roads after the German model or if he proposes arterial roads and by-passes like the roads in the South of England. If he does I venture to suggest that £14,000,000 will not get him anywhere at all. I have taken the case of one road which has been completed recently, the Naas by-pass. I find that the cost for that 1,000 yards is something like £47,000, and that does not include the entire cost. In addition there are cycle tracks to be provided, which are not there at the moment, and it does not include the cost of planting trees. On that basis a mile will cost £80,000, and ten miles £800,000 and a mere 100 miles would cost £8,000,000. If the Minister has in contemplation a system of roads such as I suggest it is quite obvious that £14,000,000 would not get near the mark at all. I would like to have from the Minister some indication as to whether his Department has considered the problem as a whole and whether it is worth a candle to continue improving our existing roads by cutting off corners, hills and bridges or whether we should develop a new system of arterial highways devoted perhaps solely to fast moving traffic. On this Naas by-pass road I notice they have failed to provide bays for bus stops or bays for waiting vehicles. I did not notice any strip for horse-drawn traffic. I think that in rural areas the question of horse-drawn traffic will have to receive special consideration, whether by way of providing a separate strip apart from the main highway is a matter for consideration, but it is quite clear that if you go in for a system of modern road construction you must leave something for the horse-drawn vehicle. That is not being done at the moment to any satisfactory degree.

There are a few points in regard to the question of traffic that I should like to mention. One is that there is a gap at the moment in our legislation in regard to the provision of traffic signs. There is no law by which you can compel a local authority to erect these signs, and secondly there is no standardised sign. Our existing signs are completely out of date and some of them are really dangerous. The matter was raised in the House recently by Deputy Daly and probably the Minister has already the question under consideration, but I think in any future legislation provision will have to be made whereby it will be essential for public authorities to provide modern up-to-date signs. I would suggest to the Minister in all seriousness to restore our road signs. Road signs have been restored in Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

That is a matter for the Minister for Defence, not for me.

The Minister for Local Government cannot restore them.

Who can?

The Minister for Defence, I believe.

Surely the Minister has some influence with the Minister for Defence. If it is considered safe to restore road signs in Northern Ireland and Great Britain, surely we could take a chance on it here. I raised the point because a number of strange lorries are operating bringing turf——

The Minister has no responsibility.

He is in charge of roads. The only other point I should like to make is as regards mental hospital workers. It has come under my notice that there is no standardisation of salaries or wages in the mental hospital service. You will find two adjoining counties where the attendants have similar conditions of employment and the extraordinary thing is that the salaries and wages vary considerably. In Kilkenny and Carlow, two adjoining counties, the difference is quite considerable and I would suggest that the mental hospital section of the Department should take the question in hand because there seems to justification for the discrimination. The mental hospital workers in Kilkenny are, I believe, the lowest paid mental hospital workers in Ireland although they are doing the very same duties as are performed in Ballinasloe, Carlow or elsewhere. I think it is a matter that the Minister should take into consideration in the near future.

There is just one matter I wish to raise, namely, the matter of connection with sewerage and water schemes. Many sewerage and water schemes have been installed in villages and towns in recent years but if the Minister makes inquiry, I think he will find that the matter of connection with these schemes is most unsatisfactory. I could point out to him towns and villages where not 5 per cent. of the population have connected with the schemes. I think it is waste of public money not to have power in the local authority to compel connection with these schemes. I hope the Minister will make a serious inquiry into the matter because there is very little use in spending a great deal of public funds, striving to improve the health of the people and social conditions in particular districts, if the residents for any reasons refuse to take advantage of it. I understand that local authorities have no power to compel an individual to connect with their schemes; that they have power to do it themselves and then try to recover cost from the particular individual. I think that has been found to be the law. I do not suggest that you need to amend the law but I think the matter needs to be inquired into.

In other towns, perhaps, landlords refuse to make these connections because of the rent restrictions or for some other reason. They have power to increase the rent but they do not want to be involved in difficulty. It is possible that the local authorities are at fault in many cases; I do not know, but I would suggest to the Minister that inquiry by a competent body who understands the whole matter is overdue. While there is a lot of planning for post-war work and searching for new schemes, I would suggest to the Minister a scheme in all towns and villages where water and sewerage have been installed, to compel connection with these installations. We have spent, I suppose, up to £3,000,000 or £4,000,000 in the last 12 years in installing these water and sewerage schemes, but the Minister will find on inquiry from local authorities that there are villages where not 5 per cent. of the people have made connections, after nine or ten years. A serious difficulty exists and the local authorities have no easy solution. I would ask the Minister seriously to inquire into the matter.

The problem to which Deputy Allen has referred is one which is receiving consideration. As the law stands at present, I think the local authority has no power to compel a person to connect to a sewerage scheme where the premises affected are already provided with adequate sanitation. Of course, that has its disadvantages from the point of view of a local authority that has carried out a comprehensive scheme. On the other hand it is rather difficult to say that you should compel a person who already has an efficient sanitary service to connect up with the municipal scheme. However, the problem is, as I said, under examination and perhaps we may be able to find a solution for the situation which in some areas at any rate is unsatisfactory in view of the circumstances to which the Deputy has referred.

Deputy Coogan, in his concluding statement, referred to the fact that there were no standard scales of remuneration in force for mental hospital workers. That is quite true but that matter again has been engaging the attention of the Department for a considerable time and very prolonged negotiations have been carried on by the Parliamentary Secretary, Dr. Ward, with representatives of the staffs and other interests concerned, in order to see whether we cannot get a greater degree of uniformity than at the moment prevails. I think we are well on the way to a solution in that regard.

A great deal of attention in the debate was given to the problem of tuberculosis and everybody stressed what we, all of us, regret—the lamentable and deplorable lack of adequate accommodation in the country to enable us to provide institutional treatment for those who require it. But while we may regret this at the same time we cannot discuss this problem with our heads in the sand; we can no more provide all the necessary institutions for the treatment of this disease than we can make bricks without straw.

Everybody is aware of the acute shortage of building materials, the shortage of practically every essential requirement for providing hospital accommodation. There is a shortage of all sorts of metals, a shortage of glass, a possible shortage of even cement, and there is no use in people coming along here and saying, "You should have these beds" when they know very well that in present circumstances there is no possibility of providing these beds except at a slow rate, a very slow rate, and under great difficulties. We have in fact made some progress towards the solution of this problem since last year. Every effort is being made to speed up the treatment of persons suffering from tuberculosis and considerable difficulties are being experienced in procuring building materials. But despite this, some progress has been made, and as a result of new institutions provided 135 additional beds have been made available and works are in progress on existing institutions to provide a further 135 beds, while extensions have been planned to provide 336 extra beds. In addition a considerable number of further beds are in contemplation. All our efforts to secure those beds are entirely determined by the supply of building requirements available. There is no use coming in here and telling me about 100 people waiting for beds as Deputy Byrne did. I am as much concerned, even more so, than Deputy Byrne about these people because with the two Parliamentary Secretaries I am responsible for finding an adequate solution for this problem.

I can no more provide 100 houses by a whisk of a wand than Deputy Byrne, but I have the honesty to come along and tell the people the difficulties. I do not trade on the sorry plight of the unfortunate sufferers of this disease. When discussing this matter, let someone come along and instead of stating the position tell us how we are going to cure it. One suggestion was made here and repeated by Deputy Norton that we should take all these derelict and unoccupied mansions and convert them into sanatoria. We declare immediately that we have had an exhaustive survey made of every vacant and unoccupied house in the country which at first sight by reason of its size and location might be suitable for conversion into a hospital or sanatorium and we have been disappointed beyond measure, by the result of that survey. The number of houses found to be suitable was very small. Most of these houses were built when requirements in regard to sanitation and hygiene were not what they are now. Many of them are without a water supply and a great majority of them without even proper sanitation.

In order to provide them with the hygienic accommodation that hospitals would require, we would have to procure things that are not procurable, things which, in fact, are holding up the construction of new hospitals; things which, if available, would enable us to proceed with the hospital programme we have already mapped out; things which would relieve us of the need of trying to find any sort of substitute for the hospitals we have contemplated. This proposal has been examined, not this year or last year, but three or four years ago, when the question of providing for evacuees from the city was being intensively investigated. We have gone back on this early investigation two or three times with the idea of trying to find somewhere some substitute for the hospital accommodation which we so urgently require. The year before last, when infantile paralysis was widespread, we had an exhaustive survey made of all buildings standing within a reasonable radius of Dublin. We found one capable of providing something like 100 beds which has been remodelled and is now under the control of the commissioners of the board of assistance. This was the result of an exhaustive examination within a very wide radius of the City of Dublin, where you would think buildings which could be used as hospitals would be more numerous than around the country towns. We carried out the same survey throughout the length and breadth of the country. We made an effective examination of all the residences and buildings that came under the control of the Land Commission, and, for the reasons I have mentioned, the difficulties of providing water and sanitation found them unsuitable generally. We simply had to make up our minds that those old mansions could not be utilised for the purposes of providing substitute hospitals, and we may as well make up our minds that until after this war is over, and fresh supplies are available, that the rate at which beds can be provided is going to be very much slower than any of us desire or even think adequate, and certainly very much slower than the public demand, than the public conscience, almost, will tolerate. But there is no way out of it so long as building materials are curtailed to the extent that they are now. Accordingly, we have to consider whether we cannot find some other way of dealing with the problem. We have made an approach to this problem by providing supplementary food allowances, and other arrangements were made to induce people who have contracted the disease to seek early treatment, and to provide them with proper food, clothes, beds and bedding. We would go even further than that again if it were possible for us with the limited supplies of building material. We would even try to provide them with rooms in which they could isolate themselves and their families. These things are impossible so long as the present situation exists, and all we can do in the present circumstances is to try to alleviate their condition to the extent to which it is possible with the things which we have at our disposal. It is not because any of us in the Department of Local Government and Public Health are satisfied with the existing position that that position obtains. It is because we are faced with difficulties which, being human beings, and not supermen, we cannot overcome.

One of the matters in relation to which there was a great deal of criticism was the manner in which we have asked the local authorities to provide supplemental allowances for old age pensioners and those coming under kindred categories living in the rural areas. So far as the urban areas are concerned, we have already met the position there to a reasonable extent, bearing in mind what the resources of this community are, by providing the food vouchers. A scheme of that sort would not be workable in rural areas, and we have tried to meet the necessitous cases, the cases of hardship in rural areas, by making a cash grant as supplementary allowance to the old age pensioners. But, in connection with that, we have to remember that where persons are in necessitous circumstances the primary obligation of relieving their necessity rests on the local authority, which is the public assistance authority for the district. But, when we decided to make a cash allowance, we took a reasonable view of the situation and said that under present conditions we were not going to impose on the local authority the full responsibility for supplementing the old age pension in the case of persons whose circumstances were necessitous. We said that we were going to relieve the local authority of a great part of that obligation and liability, but nevertheless the obligation and the liability rest in the first instance on the local authority. We cannot afford to lose sight of that fact, otherwise we would simply convert the whole system of social services into a poor law code operated from a central institution here in Dublin and operated, I would say, in these circumstances with much less regard for the personal needs of any applicant than would naturally be felt by those living as neighbours in immediate proximity to the person who is to secure the relief; for they would have a more human view and a view less hidebound than would be the case, say, if the services were to be administered from one centralised organisation with its central direction located here in the metropolis.

As I was saying, we had regard, first of all, to the fact that the primary obligation of relieving necessity rests on the public assistance authority. The next thing we realised was that perhaps, in view of the circumstances, the number of cases where assistance would have to be given would be much more than normal and that, therefore, the local authority might not be able to cope with the problem upon an adequate scale. We also had regard to the fact that there are at present many other demands on the local authorities. Apart altogether from the demand for public assistance, there are increased demands for the maintenance of roads and for the maintenance of the local institutions. Therefore we decided that, while we would ask local authorities to do their duty, we would come along and take the major part of the burden; and we have been taking it to the extent of three-fourths or 75 per cent. of the total cost.

In devising our scheme, we also had regard to the fact that there are many persons drawing old age pensions in rural areas who are living in conditions of comparative comfort, comfort certainly as compared with most old age pensioners in urban areas. We are all of us well aware of the revolution which Deputy Dr. Ward's Old Age Pensions Act of 1932 brought about. We all of us have seen cases where persons, whom I would describe as comfortable farmers, even substantial land owners, assigned their farms to members of their families and got pensions at the full rate. Those people, when they assigned the farms, reserved to themselves certain rights: the right to a room, the right to food, the right to a seat at the fire, and other things. At the present time, when we know that a very great number of the people who would have to be taxed to provide a supplementary allowance are themselves living in conditions of great difficulty, in urban areas in particular, we could not disregard the fact that a very large number of persons in receipt of old age pensions who are living in rural areas are living in circumstances of comparative comfort, living on a farm or living with relatives who have a filial duty and obligation to them still.

I hope the philosophy is not growing up in this country that when parents become 65 or 70 years of age the full responsibility for looking after them in their old age and of caring for them is to be thrown on the shoulders of the State. If so, we might find that it would lead to some very revolutionary changes. The primary responsibility for maintaining parents in their old age rests, in the first place, on the children of those parents who are in a position to maintain them, in the same way as the duty of maintaining children rests, in the first instance, on the parents. The State may come in, in view of the circumstances of the majority of the people, and may help the adult population to discharge its filial and parental obligation. But the primary obligation rests upon the sons and daughters of those old men and women to look after them and care for them and cherish them at the end of their days. As I say, in view of the well-known fact that many of these people are the parents of children living in comfortable circumstances in rural areas, I think that there was a binding obligation upon the Minister for Finance, when he was taking this money out of the common pool of taxation and providing it for the relief of persons in necessitous cases, to take steps to ensure that the supplemental allowances would be given only to those who in fact require them. That is the answer to all the criticism we have heard here as to the manner in which these supplemental allowances are being administered. Just in the same way as a person who got an old age pension had to prove that his means were not sufficient to maintain him, I cannot see that there is any stigma in asking a person who wants to supplement that old age pension to show that in fact he does require the supplementary allowance before the supplementary allowance is paid to him.

Another matter which was raised by a number of Deputies was the question of the mental hospital capitation grant, and it was suggested that the mental hospital capitation grant should be increased and that the State should bear the greater portion of the cost of maintaining patients in those hospitals. That proposal was extended by some Deputies to include not alone main roads but other roads, and the effect of their proposals was that the maintenance of these roads should be a charge on central funds. Now, I think it was Deputy Cogan who complained about the heavy burden imposed on local rates as a result of the making and maintenance of these roads.

Let us examine this question of raising revenue by means of rates, as compared with central taxation. It must be remembered that rates are a taxation upon property, and let us make no mistake about that. They are, as Dr. Ward observed to me, levied upon tangible assets or property which a man possesses in this country. If rates are levied on a man, they are levied on the property that he owns or occupies, and the basis on which these rates are levied and collected is the amount of property which that individual possesses. Now, in general, when it comes to the matter of central taxation, the larger part of it is not upon the property which individuals hold, so far as this country is concerned, at any rate, but is levied in the way of indirect taxation. I am sure that such taxation would amount to something more than 50 per cent., of the whole. You have indirect taxation on tobacco, beverages of one sort or another, and on many other commodities, such as tea and sugar which, at the moment, I admit, would only come to an infinitesimal amount; but the greater portion of taxation in the whole country is in the form of indirect taxation, and that, as I have already said, is a tax upon individuals. Now, what the Lord Mayor of Dublin, Deputy Martin O'Sullivan, who sits on the Labour Benches, was contending for, and evidently what other Labour Deputies, such as Deputy Corish, were contending for, was that we should transfer the burden of taxation from property owners to the individual, and that the money that is at present collected in the form of rates from property owners should be collected in the form of indirect taxation from every man, woman and child in the community. That is what those independent Deputies on the Labour Benches, such as the Lord Mayor, Deputy Martin O'Sullivan, Deputy Corish, and others, would seem to advocate, but I should like them to go back and try to justify that viewpoint before their own trade unions. When they talk about the meagre contribution which the State gives in the form of capitation grants for mental hospitals, let them go back and try to justify to their trade unions, and to the members of the Labour Party, the transferring of that burden of taxation from those who possess property and putting it on the backs of the working people of this country.

The same type of argument occurs in connection with the housing grants. At the present time, the amount that the State contributes in the way of housing grants, particularly in connection with the county boroughs, far exceeds the amount contributed by the cities concerned. In the City of Dublin, for instance—it is difficult to analyse the matter exhaustively—so far as my information goes, the central authority is making a greater provision, so far as the subsidising of houses for the working classes under the Act of 1932 is concerned, than the Dublin Corporation is. In addition to that, however, there are two very significant factors. The first one is that if the Dublin Corporation are subsidising houses, they are subsidising houses which are their own property, which will remain their own property, and which will be a source of income to the citizens of Dublin when the loans are paid off. The second point is that when the Dublin Corporation raises money to subsidise these housing schemes, or any other scheme, they raise that money by taxes on property, whereas, when the State raises such moneys, a large portion of these moneys must come out of indiscriminate taxation upon the whole community. When, therefore, Deputy Martin O'Sullivan, Deputy Corish and other Deputies who claim to speak for the people in the towns and cities, ask for authority to raise the rates for the provision of housing by these means, they are asking us to transfer the burden of taxation to the whole community. The same thing applies to the whole gamut of social welfare legislation, such as the provision of free milk, and so on, and when these Deputies ask us to give greater grants for such purposes they are asking us to relieve the mass of property owners and put the burden of taxation on the other people, who have no property, and whom we represent in this House.

Deputy Roddy mentioned that I had talked about providing motor roads on Continental standards. I think he said that, so far as the people of this State were concerned, we had made no provision whatever for that important section of the community upon whom we all, in the ultimate analysis, rely, to wit, the farmers. I think he said that, in effect, we had made no provision to meet the needs of the farmers, so far as horse-drawn traffic is concerned. I do not think Deputy Roddy was here when I was speaking and, accordingly, he must not have heard what I did say in regard to these new roads which we hope to construct, eventually, over a great number of years. If he had been here, he would have heard that we proposed to provide four classes of roads and that, in respect of three of those classes—Class One, Class Two and Class Three roads —we propose to provide for horse-drawn traffic on all of them. We could not provide a margin for slow or animal-drawn traffic on the Class Four roads—they are not wide enough to permit it—but in respect of three of the four classes I definitely gave the House the information—and no Deputy should have been under any misapprehension—that we were endeavouring to meet the problem of providing a safe pathway or roadway for horse-drawn or animal-drawn traffic in general, and Deputy Donnellan, for one, must have been aware of that. I am not saying that it can be done this year, or even next year, but I do say that, as soon as we can start on this matter of a new road-construction programme, we shall provide sufficient accommodation for those who have to use animals on the roads.

A considerable number of other points were raised by various Deputies. Deputy Donnellan, for instance, referred to the lack of accommodation for tuberculosis patients in certain institutions, and he referred particularly to the hospital position in the County of Galway.

Again, in one way or another, it was not possible to get ahead with the building of the regional hospital which has been planned for Galway but we have made, notwithstanding all our difficulties, certain plans which I think, when carried out and completed, will go a long way towards providing the additional accommodation which Deputy Donnellan rightly says is required in Galway. For instance, two dormitories which had been occupied by maids were vacated, redecorated and equipped to form two new 14-bed wards. Adjacent stores and sanitary accommodation were converted into auxiliary accommodation providing 28 beds. Plans are being prepared to provide a new two-storey block for the maids, who, because they were compelled to vacate their dormitories, had to get alternative accommodation elsewhere. As soon as the accommodation for the maids is provided, we shall have accommodation for 12 more patients in the rooms now occupied by the maids. The additional new maternity hospital is on the point of completion. When it is completed and occupied by the maternity and gynæcological patients, 35 beds will be available in the old maternity hospital for further patients. That will give us an additional 35 beds, or, all told, a total accommodation of 75 beds. It is true that sometimes this hospital is overcrowded to the extent of 80 patients but we hope that, by the end of this year, or at least before the House comes to consider this Estimate again, we shall have provided as full a solution as possible for the hospital problem in Galway. What we are doing in Galway we try to do in every other county to the extent of the resources at our disposal.

Deputy Dockrell complained in relation to Dublin housing that the housing by-laws were a generation out-of-date and had not been overhauled. The position, in fact, is that steps have been taken to bring these by-laws, which were originally made in 1901 and were revised in 1919, up-to-date. A draft copy of the new by-laws, strange to say, was received in the Department from the corporation today. The examination of the draft copy and necessary discussions with the corporation will be pushed forward and we shall have these new by-laws, I hope, in operation within a very short period.

Deputy O'Connor referred to the reconditioning work in the flats in Gardiner Street and elsewhere and suggested that we should push forward with this work more rapidly and on a greater scale. We have got to realise that this reconstruction programme was embarked on as an experiment and we had to feel our way. We are certainly impressing on the Corporation the need to push ahead with works of this nature and the Corporation have, in fact, made a compulsory purchase Order in respect of a number of other houses in Gardiner Street and Seán MacDermott Street with a view to reconditioning them on similar lines. There are, however, difficulties in connection with this work to the extent that we have to try to use as much as possible the existing materials in these houses. All sorts of devices and expedients have to be adopted by the architectural staff of the Corporation in order to eke out, as far as we possibly can, existing supplies of materials. This involves a certain amount of delay, but the delay means that we can get a greater number of flats and a greater amount of accommodation in the end.

Deputy Lynch referred to the action which I had to take in regard to three officers of the Killarney Mental Hospital. The officers in question were the cook, the assistant cook and the attendant in the stores. The position there was that those officers had direct, immediate and personal responsibility for the safe custody and proper control of coffee, sugar and tea issued for patients' meals, that their evidence was very unsatisfactory and in certain respects contradictory. They made statements to the auditor at the audit which were duly attested by them and put in writing. They afterwards furnished separate statements to other officers whose conduct was under investigation, which contradicted the statements which they had made when questioned by the auditor and, on oath, they testified that both of these statements, themselves contradictory statements, were true. I could not adopt the attitude of regarding that as a light matter. Each one of those officers was a link in a chain of responsibility, a chain of responsibility that extended from the resident medical superintendent right down to the lowest officer, to see that what was provided for the patients in the institution would go to the patients who were entitled to receive it. These people had that responsibility and, as I said, they made contradictory statements. They gave us no help or assistance whatever and, even on oath, they made statements, one or other of which must have been untrue. I think I was treating them leniently and mercifully when I allowed them to retire on pension, even if in one or two cases the retirement was a few years in advance of the normal retiring period. I cannot think that Deputy Lynch seriously meant me to reopen these cases. In any event, I could not do it, and I would not do it because we have to impress every officer in an institution of this sort, who is charged with the care and custody of people who are unable to look after themselves, with a full sense of responsibility to the patients under his control, or for whom he has any responsibility. Accordingly, when the auditors discover abuses, and investigations are being made to establish responsibility for these abuses, I cannot take up any other attitude than that of saying that any member of the staff of an institution of this sort who does not place himself fully and freely at the disposal of the auditor, who does not give him every assistance and all the information he seeks, will be held by me to be responsible and will be dealt with accordingly.

Why should they not be brought before the courts?

Perhaps, again, because we had regard to their long service.

Condoning wrongdoing.

There are certain human considerations in all these matters and I wanted to impress upon all those in the service that I regarded it as a very serious matter, but, at the same time, I did not want to take up an attitude which would be vindictive or unduly harsh in regard to them. However, they will be retired before they have completed, in most cases, their full period of service and I suppose that will have to suffice now.

Deputy Broderick and Deputy Corry formed a coalition, or carried out a joint action in relation to certain houses built by the Cork Corporation outside the city boundary. They tried to impose upon the Minister for Local Government some responsibility for the situation which had been created thereby, and, in the case of Deputy Broderick, for the fact that because these houses were outside the city boundary, the persons resident in them came within the category of rural residents in respect of unemployment assistance. I explained to Deputy Broderick that so far as the administration of unemployment assistance is concerned, I have no responsibility. I have no responsibility, either, for the fact that these houses remain outside the city boundary. If Deputy Corry and Deputy Broderick are really so concerned about the plight of the residents of these houses, they have a remedy. They can move to have the Cork City boundaries extended so as to bring this property inside the city. Of course, if they do, Deputy Corry and Deputy Broderick, as members of the Cork County Council, will probably be depriving the ratepayers of Cork of the benefit of the rates paid by the Cork Corporation in respect of these houses and, perhaps, that is why they want to have it both ways. They want to collect the rates on these houses, and, at the same time, to provide the people with the same amenities and the same consideration as if they were living inside the city boundary. The position is anomalous, and, so far as I am concerned, speaking here unofficially, I think it could be remedied by the Cork Corporation seeking to extend the city boundaries and to bring these people inside. That might bring them outside Deputy Corry's constituency and we would then hear less about these houses in future.

As to the position in relation to the rents of these houses, there are two types of houses. There is the type which is let at the flat rate of 7/6. Are these the Spangle Hill houses?

These are the Cork County Council-owned houses?

No; they are corporation houses.

Deputy Corry is a very influential member of the Cork County Council, and so is Deputy Broderick. What about the pair of them getting together and trying to settle it themselves? With regard to the differential rents, we hear a great deal of talk about the burden which the provision of houses imposes on the local authorities. We also know that there is a great deal of dissatisfaction on the part of the ordinary citizen who has to pay an economic rent for his house with the position which exists; for he knows that people who are quite able to pay an economic rent occupy houses which are subsidised both by the State and the ratepayers at rents which are much below an economic rent. Therefore, this idea of a differential rent based upon the family income has been introduced.

One of Deputy Corry's criticisms was of the action of the city manager in trying to relate the rents of these houses which he let upon this differential principle to the family income, the income of those who occupy them. I cannot see that the city manager can be criticised for that. If he fixes the rent at a certain fraction of the family income, at one-sixth, one-seventh or one-eighth of the family income and if the family income goes up, surely the manager is entitled, and not merely entitled, but, in the interests of the ordinary ratepayers, is bound, to take that into consideration when fixing the rent to be paid by any occupant of these houses. I do not see why there should be any general complaint about that. Of course, we all know that the moment the family income goes up and the city manager tries to give effect to the principle upon which the houses were let, everybody who thinks that, by getting his neighbours involved in an agitation, he can prevent the city manager from exercising his rights under this agreement in relation to differential rents, will join the agitation and will get Deputies to make a case for them in the House, in the hope that they will prevent an increase in the rent which would be proportionate to the increase in the family income. I can have no sympathy whatever with that position.

I have to look at the fact that I find the greatest difficulty in getting the Minister for Finance to provide £500,000 or £600,000 for housing subsidies year after year, at the fact that Deputies complain about the burden which these housing schemes are imposing on the ratepayers, and at the fact that the great majority of people in our cities and towns have to pay economic rents for the houses they are living in, and, therefore, if any municipality tries to relate the rent of a house to the family income of those who occupy the house and does so on a fair and just basis, I have to say that it is fair, just and equitable, and, so far as I am concerned, I am not going to be at all critical of it.

May I ask the Minister two questions? He has dealt with two matters. He asked if Deputy Broderick and I would not be able to settle the matter of these houses ourselves. Would the Minister on his part be prepared to annul the tenant-purchase agreement in connection with these houses and send it back to us? With regard to the differential rents, the argument put up both by the Minister and the city manager previously was that the bonus on wages given to workers was calculated for income-tax purposes and why should the city manager not calculate it also for rent purposes? The children's allowance is not so calculated; it is expressly, under Section 4 of the Finance Bill, excluded from income-tax and super-tax. I want to know definitely from the Minister whether he is in favour of the city manager gathering for rent portion of the money provided here in the Bill. I may tell him frankly that, if he is, I could not be a member of any Party that would agree to it. That is straight.

One day that recurring threat will be given effect to, I suppose. Anyhow, that is not the point. The point is that, if the allowance is excluded by law from being taken into the calculation, then it will be excluded. If it is excluded, then the city manager will himself be entitled to withdraw any allowances which he makes, and which are considerable. You cannot have it both ways. If an allowance is made by the city manager in respect of children, then he may be compelled to reconsider the situation. The fact of the matter is this, that the more an attempt is made by Deputies like Deputy Corry and others to give those people over and above what they are equitably entitled to under their agreement, the more difficult it will be for us to find a solution of this housing problem at all.

They are entitled to their children's allowances.

It is not of the people who are in houses that Deputies ought to be thinking. They should be thinking of those people who are not in houses—people who are paying exorbitant rents in slums and elsewhere. When a man gets a house, and is in a position to pay a fair rent for it, then I expect that every Deputy in the Dáil who wants us to solve the housing problem will stand behind any authority which is responsible for trying to reduce the burden that the housing programme is imposing upon the ratepayers. That is a position which Deputy Corry has never taken up. I wish he would; it would make it very much easier for the rest of us.

Deputy Corry will see justice to his constituents, wherever he gets it.

If Deputy Corry would think of the country a great deal more, and less of his constituents ——

Deputy Corry can think of his constituents as well as any Minister in this House, and always did.

We could all play politics. Every Deputy in this House could play politics. Every Deputy in this House could put a vote-catching proposal before the Minister, and put the Minister in the dock because of it.

I am putting forward no vote-catching proposal, nor do I need any.

That is not the way to carry on in this country. What is the use in coming in here and telling the House that you are going to encourage people to break the law, to pay no rents and to pay no rates, when you tell me in the same breath, as you did tell me, that those people who cannot pay their rents can find money to pay a solicitor to fight their cases through the Supreme Court if necessary? What sense of public responsibility has a person who will behave in that way? If money can be found to take those cases into court, to carry them, as the Deputy said, from the Circmt Court to the High Court and thence to the Supreme Court, then money can be found to pay rent and rates.

Not the rack rents.

I would be very sorry to find anything being done which would put us at loggerheads with the Deputy, or with the people who live in those houses, but the fact is that we have responsibilities, and we have got to see that, if houses are provided for the community as a whole, they will be provided at the lowest possible cost to those who are being taxed to provide them. As I have already reminded the Deputy, the people who are being taxed to provide them are, in general, people who have not the benefit and privilege of living in houses at less than an economic rent.

The last matter dealt with was the question of my statement in relation to the Roscommon County Council, and my powers under Emergency Powers Order, 1939. I have said, and I repeat, that if I am satisfied that it is necessary for the public safety and the preservation of the State that certain road works should be maintained, and if a local authority refuses to fulfil its obligation in respect of those road works, then I am not going to put the ratepayers to the needless expense of having another local inquiry. I will exercise my powers under the Emergency Powers Order, and dissolve that county council. I want to say that, because in two consecutive years we have had an example of refusal on the part of local authorities to face up to their responsibilities in this matter. The Kerry County Council took up that attitude in the years 1940, 1942 and 1943. I had an inquiry held. I knew that the members of the Kerry County Council had declared that they would reduce the rates by a considerable sum, and, in order to fulfil that threat to the people, that they had cut very drastically and radically the estimate for the maintenance of main roads. I hoped that, after the experience of 12 months, they would be wiser; that they would realise that they could not stint the expenditure upon main roads without involving the local ratepayers and the community as a whole in very much greater expense later on.

This year, when they took up the attitude which they had adopted in the preceding year, I reminded them of the fact that an inquiry had been held; that I had withheld the decision in order to give them an opportunity of reflecting upon the position which had been created by their refusal adequately to provide for the maintenance of the roads. I told them frankly that if they did not this time make the necessary provision I would exercise my powers and dissolve them. They were wise. I do not want to dissolve any local authority. I want to keep them in existence. I do not relish the prospect of having to find a commissioner to administer the affairs of any local authority. It means that I have to deplete my already sorely tried staff. It means that I have to take responsibility here in the House which I would just as soon not have to take on occasions. Therefore, I assure the House that I do not hanker after replacing any local authority by a commissioner. They were wise, as I have said. Having before them the report of the engineer who had to be specially retained for the purpose of making a detailed inspection of the Kerry roads and of reporting upon them; having had the benefit and advantage of that report, and having also some financial assistance and consideration from me, they decided to strike a rate, and they had to impose a very much heavier rate upon the Kerry ratepayers than they would have had to impose if they had made adequate provision in the previous year and in the year before that. That was all right so far as the Kerry County Council was concerned.

Then the Roscommon County Council thought they would try their hand, and they decided to reduce the estimate of the county surveyor for the main roads by a sum of, approximately, £10,000, which would not merely have meant that there would be no proper expenditure on the maintenance of the main roads of the county but would mean at the same time that the county itself would be losing a free grant of over £9,000 which would have been expended also on main road maintenance. I have examined the position, and I found that the roads of Roscommon form a particularly important link in the communications between practically four counties along the western seaboard, and the centre and east of Ireland. It is quite clear that they would have considerable importance from the point of view of national defence. I told the Roscommon County Council that I would have to hold an inquiry as to how they were discharging their duties. I sent down an inspector. In doing so, I drew his attention to that consideration. I drew his attention also to the fact that, under the Emergency Powers Act, I had special responsibilities imposed on me by implication to ensure that the roads were maintained in a proper condition.

I asked him to draw their attention to Article 69 of the very first Emergency Powers Order made by the Government under the Emergency Powers Act of 1939. That article says:—

"Where it is the duty of any local authority or other person to construct or maintain any public road the Minister for Local Government and Public Health may give such directions with respect to the manner in which that duty is to be performed as he thinks necessary in the interests of the public safety or the preservation of the State."

Quite obviously, that article threw a special responsibility on the Minister for Local Government to ensure that, where these roads were of importance from the point of view of the public safety or the preservation of the State, they would be properly maintained. I drew the attention of the Roscommon County Council to that Order, and also to the further provisions in Article 81, which states:—

"If, in the opinion of the Minister for Local Government and Public Health, a local authority has failed to perform duly and effectually any function imposed on such local authority by or in pursuance of this Order, the Minister may... dissolve such local authority."

I pointed out to them that, in my view, it was essential that these roads should be maintained for the purpose of Article 69, and that if they did not maintain them there seemed to be no way out for me except to dissolve the Roscommon County Council. The majority group on the county council met while the inquiry was actually being held, and decided that they would not conform to my requirements under Article 69.

We heard a long statement here today from Deputy Cogan as to the broadmindedness with which the Roscommon County Council acted: that we had down there, as distinct from the narrow, bigoted view which we take up here in the city, the representatives of the rural community who take a broad national view on these things, and that it was in pursuance of that, because they thought it would suit their locality best—they did not give two hoots about the rest of the country—they were going to allow these roads to deteriorate. The master strategists who operate in the County Roscommon decided that it would be much better from the viewpoint of national defence if the roads in the county were allowed to become impassable. I do not think that would be the view either of the Chief of Staff or of the army authorities in respect of these important transport arteries, but, at any rate, it was not my view. I came to the conclusion, having read the evidence given on oath by the county engineer who is, I suppose, the person most competent to tell me what is necessary in order to maintain these roads properly, that the estimate which he had prepared was the minimum sum that was required to maintain these roads.

I again wrote to the Roscommon County Council, and pointed out that I was satisfied that, with the reduced estimate, the roads would be bound to deteriorate, and then I pointed out that in 1939 the Minister for Local Government and Public Health was authorised by the Emergency Powers Order of that year to give such directions with respect to the manner in which the duty of maintaining the public roads is to be carried out "as he thinks necessary in the interests of the public safety or the preservation of the State." I went on to point out that "the security of the State and the protection of its citizens must always remain the primary duty of any Government, and that in fulfilling this duty the Government will expect and, if necessary, demand the cooperation of every local authority in this State."

This broad-minded group of 14 people in Roscommon who, I am perfectly certain, for the result of the last general election shows it, do not represent the feelings and views of the ordinary patriotic men and women of Roscommon, decided that, notwithstanding that it was a national obligation that they should co-operate with the authorities in taking such measures as would make for the greater safety and better preservation of the State; notwithstanding the fact that that obligation was pointed out to them, they were going to allow the roads in the County Roscommon to become, so far as they were concerned, impassable for any traffic to go over them, whether it was military or otherwise. I decided that I would proceed on the basis, not of the Emergency Powers Order, but on the basis of the local inquiry which I held, and would dissolve them. But I wanted, having gone through this experience once, and realising that these people were not concerned at all about the position of the country or the community as a whole but were concerned about trying to score a point in petty parish pump politics, to make it quite clear that I am not going to have the same attitude adopted by the members of any other local authority, that I am not going to go through this process of holding an inquiry which involves the ratepayers in expense and which will, perhaps, have the same result in the end.

Why should not the Minister charge the cost to the people responsible?

Perhaps I should, but I am merely making the point that I want to obviate the need both for a local inquiry and the expense which it involves, and the possible surcharge which might follow on it. Therefore, I am warning all those people who are charged with responsibility for maintaining the main roads of this country that, if I am satisfied their maintenance is necessary for the public safety and the preservation of the State, those people who refuse to discharge their responsibility in that regard will have to be removed from office. They are not put there to be obstructionists; they are put there as men who have a responsibility, not merely to their local community, but to the nation as a whole, and in present circumstances it is of vital importance that we should maintain the roads in the best possible condition we can. Apart altogether from the military considerations, there are economic considerations. The fuel and the food of the country have to be moved over these roads. The things which the city people require from the country people have to be brought up from the country, and the things which the country people require from the people in the city have to be brought down from the city. These roads are an essential part of our national communications, and the responsibility for maintaining particular sections of them has been imposed on each and every local authority.

So far as I am concerned, I am not going to allow this road question to become again merely a pawn in local Party politics. The maintenance of the roads is a matter of national importance, and it is my duty to see that they are maintained. I am satisfied that so far as the existing road system is concerned its maintenance is necessary for the preservation and safety of the State, and I am not going to go through this process of a local inquiry. I am not going to put the ratepayers to needless expense; I am not going to divert my officials, who have already much more on their hands than they can adequately cope with, from the work which they are doing to hold these local inquiries. So far as the national roads are concerned they had much better be taken out of local politics altogether, and those who are responsible for maintaining them had better face up to their obligations and responsibilities in that matter, because if not they will not be there to obstruct those whose responsibility it is to see that these roads are maintained.

Mr. Corish

The Minister did not reply to the point that I made about putting into operation the Act which would enable a local authority to acquire land. I cannot remember the title of the Act.

It is the Unemployment (Relief Works) Act, 1940. I wonder did the Wexford Corporation make a preliminary Order under that Act?

Mr. Corish

As far as I know, they did everything that was necessary.

They do not seem to have.

Mr. Corish

It is holding up a good employment scheme.

I am told that there were no final plans submitted.

Mr. Corish

That has nothing to do with it. Give us a chance to acquire the land and we will give you the plans.

Permit me to ask the Minister a question. It is intended to serve a dual purpose—to obtain and to give information about the 7/9 houses mentioned here—part of the scheme outside the borough boundary. The Minister will understand that the people living in those houses have not the slightest objection to paying that 7/9, but they thought when they went into the houses that that was an inclusive weekly charge. Now 1/11½ has been added to that and it is specified as being in lieu of rates, which is the bone of contention in that particular area. It is neither rates nor rent and the people feel that, because its particular purpose is not specified, it is something that has been worked in subsequently, to their detriment. I would ask the Minister to do something about that. In regard to the differential, the main point there is that, as the families grow up, one-sixth of the wages is charged——

The Deputy might now ask a question. He has made a speech.

Maybe I could proceed by asking if the Minister is aware that the amount charged is one-sixth of the rate of wages. Then, when the family grows up, that operates seriously against the household and the people feel it is too much. The city manager allows only 1/- off the wage for each child, which is really allowing only 2d. I would ask the Minister to consider those matters and make representations to the city manager.

On that last question, surely when the family grows up, it begins to earn also. Regarding the 1/11½ in lieu of rates, a special concession was given and the rent was made 7/9, exclusive of rates. The Cork Corporation pay the rates to the county council in respect of houses owned by them in the county, and obtain back an equivalent amount with the rents.

But we are subsidising these schemes to the extent of £10,000 per annum.

Mr. Corish

Would the Minister interest himself in that case in Wexford, please? We will give him the plans quickly enough.

Have any steps been taken to cope with the spread of V.D.?

I have been asked that question in Cork, Limerick and Dublin. I know it is a rather difficult matter to mention, but we know it is on the increase. We cannot hold up our hands and do nothing. Are adequate steps being taken to make it a notifiable disease?

I think the Deputy had better wait.

I am not satisfied.

The problem is being actively considered.

I referred to that matter and am sorry I was not here when the Minister was replying. Is he dealing with people coming back to the country, as far as that is concerned?

We are dealing with every possible aspect of it.

Vote put and agreed to.
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