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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 20 Jun 1944

Committee on Finance. - Vote 41—Local Government and Public Health (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:—
That a sum not exceeding £1,250,413 be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending the 31st day of March, 1945, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Minister for Local Government and Public Health, and certain Services administered by that Office, including Grants and other Expenses in connection with Housing, Grants to Local Authorities, sundry Miscellaneous Grants and Grants-in-Aid, and certain Charges connected with Hospitals.

The Minister, when introducing this Estimate, said that under a new Emergency Order he had taken powers to dissolve local authorities, if necessary, without holding an inquiry. I think the Minister, if he gives further consideration to the wisdom of using such powers, might change his mind. This is a democratic country—it is supposed to be, at all events. We set up local authorities, which give voluntary services; some of them are quite honest and quite sincere in their work, and most anxious to comply with the law in every respect.

I think the threat the Minister has made to these local authorities is, in the circumstances, unjustified. Simply because one local authority has failed in its responsibility, the Minister lashes out with all sorts of threats to local authorities generally. I do not think there is any justification whatever for the Minister's attitude in that respect. I think it is an insult and an injustice to local authorities that because one local authority has failed to provide certain necessary finances, the Minister should threaten the big stick on all of them; and not merely that, but threaten to dissolve them without the necessary sworn inquiry. Surely the Minister will not assume the role of absolute dictator, and dissolve local authorities without giving them an opportunity to defend themselves.

If the Minister pursues that line, he may find it disastrous in the long run. If a local authority were critical of the Minister or his Department, he might use the powers given under this Emergency Powers Order to squelch that local authority. There is one thing we should insist on. I think the Minister, in his own interest, apart from any other consideration, should clearly demonstrate to the public, when he decides that a local authority must be dissolved, that he is fully justified in carrying out that dissolution, and he must satisfy public opinion, when he takes drastic action by dissolving a local authority, that a sworn inquiry fully justifies that action.

How can a Minister justify his action if he does not take all the necessary precautions to satisfy the public mind? It savours far too much of the dictator and I resent, on behalf of local authorities generally, his threat that he is going to dissolve without a sworn inquiry. I say that in my opinion it is very, very unwise for the Minister to suggest that drastic action of that sort should be taken without having examined all the circumstances. The Minister may try to justify it on the point that it would save cost. Whatever a sworn inquiry costs, surely it is worth the expenditure if it satisfies the public mind that the problem has been fully examined, that the local authority that is about to be dissolved has been given every opportunity to defend itself. A denial of that principle, in any circumstances, in my opinion is not democratic.

I suggested before to the Minister that in the matter of public assistance he should insist that county managers should have a committee to advise them. I think the Minister must agree with me as to the wisdom of that course. Local people who are in touch with the problem, who are au fait with the difficulties of individual families would be invaluable in assisting the manager in the distribution of public assistance. By relying merely on the official sometimes the best information is not obtained. I suggest it cuts both ways. Sometimes a local representative may feel that an applicant for home assistance has not made the effort to get employment and that home assistance in his case is scarcely justified. There may be other people —they are becoming fewer now I admit—rather reluctant to apply for home assistance, decent people who might need home assistance. Here again, a committee to advise the manager would be very useful. Provision is made in the Act for a committee of that sort, and I am not aware that there are very many of them functioning.

There is another aspect of the Managerial Act to which I should like to draw the Minister's attention. It is in connection with the tenancy of cottages. Under the existing regulations, the manager, the county medical officer and the officials responsible for determining who is to get a cottage, take into account simply the condition of the existing houses—whether the applicant is living in an insanitary, condemned or overcrowded house or whether his family is suffering from T.B. As the Minister knows, the considerations fall into three or four categories. There is one point, however, that should not be lost sight of and that is that in rural areas where there is a demand for good agricultural workers, there is a case for giving houses to such workers. The point should not be overlooked that such men could occupy a house on a farm where there is constant employment and where the occupier has willingly given the site in the past in the hope that he would get a good, efficient, agricultural worker. I can assure the Minister that that aspect is being overlooked at the present time and that there is no regard to the applicant's qualifications as an agricultural worker. County managers are putting people into houses simply because the houses they occupy at the moment are unsuitable.

We talk about agricultural progress. It is an essential factor in agricultural progress that we should get efficient agricultural workers. I suggest to the Minister now that he should give that aspect of the problem his consideration. To my own knowledge, 12 months ago, individual applicants for houses, who were first-class agricultural workers, were turned down—reluctantly turned down, I must say—merely because the manager was tied by regulations that do not permit him to take that aspect into consideration. I suggest to the Minister that it ought to be taken into consideration. If that wider aspect of the qualifications of applicants is to be considered, there ought to be some sort of committee dealing with this matter of the tenancy of cottages. We ought not to leave it to one bureaucrat to make a decision. I can assure the Minister that the matter of the tenancy of cottages is not being dealt with satisfactorily from that point of view.

The vital statistics show, and the Minister has referred to the fact, that there are increases in certain diseases. It is unfortunate that in this country over a long period of years certain diseases have been endemic and that we have not made any really successful effort to reduce or control them. Typhus is endemic in this country, and it ought not to be. The same applies to tuberculosis. Other problems have arisen during the emergency in regard to disease, and I do not know whether the Minister or his Department have given any consideration to them. I am sure they have. A big number of people have left this country to seek work in Great Britain. At the present time they are not permitted to return but I understand the matter is receiving consideration and it may be that facilities may be given to them to come back. We know that some diseases are rife in Great Britain, notably V.D. I wonder what precautions are taken here because I believe the incidence of that disease is on the increase in this country. Geographically we are very dangerously placed. Is the increase so serious or alarming that it might be necessary to quarantine some of the people coming back? The disease is of such a dangerous character that I suggest the question should be seriously considered. I do not know what examination is made of individuals returning to this country but we ought to take every possible precaution, no matter how inconvenient it is, to control the spread of infection. I am aware of the fact that the traffic to and from Great Britain is a great source of danger in this respect and the increase of the incidence of that particular disease in Great Britain is viewed with alarm by a number of people in this country.

The Minister referred to the advance in the incidence of tuberculosis. It has been suggested in the past—I, as a matter of fact, suggested it here last year—that the Minister should seriously consider the establishment of a national chest hospital so that all chest cases would be thoroughly examined. Of all the diseases that we suffer from in this country I suppose the most alarming is tuberculosis. The House expressed its dissatisfaction with the progress made in dealing with that disease. It generally occurs between the ages of 15 and 45, and the death of an individual between these ages is a great national loss. Other diseases generally occur earlier or later in life, and, from the point of view of the family or the nation, the loss of an individual from these diseases is not so great. An effort should be made to try to reduce the incidence of that disease. I believe that it masquerades under a variety of names, such as bronchitis, pleurisy and influenza, and it has been suggested by experts that, if you had a national chest hospital, these cases could be sorted out there and people would be prepared to go to such a hospital for treatment because, in going to that hospital, it might be that they would not be told they were tuberculous cases. Unfortunately, a lot of people look upon tuberculosis as a stigma and are afraid to acknowledge that it is in the family or to have it treated, and that makes the problem all the more difficult. I suggest to the Minister that, if we are to deal with this matter in a vigorous way, we should insist upon compulsory notification of the disease, whether infectious or non-infectious. As the law stands, the medical officer is only compelled to notify where he is satisfied that there is danger of infection. Apart from the infectious cases, we have, of course, tuberculosis in other forms, non-pulmonary forms, and if we are really to know where we are in that respect, every type of case ought to be notified. I believe, too, that there ought to be compulsory sputum tests. I think medical officers ought to be given compulsory powers to take sputum samples in cases where they have any doubt, and have tests made in all cases where they have any suspicion that tuberculosis is present.

It has often struck me as peculiar that, in dealing with bovine tuberculosis, tuberculosis in carcases slaughtered for human consumption, merely the portion of the animal found to be suffering from tuberculosis is condemned, and the rest is certified as fit for human consumption. I think that if the average man in the street realised that he was eating meat from an animal some of whose organs were infected with tuberculosis, he would revolt against the whole thing. I think we could well afford to condemn the whole animal if there is tuberculosis present in any part, and that the wisdom of only condemning portion of the animal might be seriously questioned. However, I am not a medical man, and I do not know anything about it. I suppose it is quite safe to certify as fit for human consumption the remaining portions of the animal, but we might consider having the whole carcase condemned.

In the matter of dealing with diseases and looking after public health generally, I should like to say that I have had complaints during this year, especially from county medical officers, about the amount of petrol allowed in connection with the incidence of diphtheria in my constituency. I appreciate the difficulties regarding petrol, but I do say in all seriousness to the Minister, so far as proper supervision in that respect is concerned, that we ought not to curtail medical officers, especially county medical officers, when dealing with outbreaks of disease like diphtheria and other notifiable diseases. It is a very serious handicap so far as county medical officers are concerned. County medical officers, public health nurses, and other officials have been immobilised to a very great extent; in fact, the service as a whole has been immobilised to a very great extent because of the shortage of petrol. While fully appreciating the difficulty in which the country is placed at present, I say that, where the Minister is satisfied that there is an outbreak of diphtheria or any other disease of that sort, he should make representations to the Department of Supplies to ensure that sufficient petrol is provided anyway for the medical officer charged with the responsibility of dealing with it.

The Minister gave us no information about hospital deficits. I am sure the demand on Hospital Trust Funds to meet hospital deficits is still on the increase. One must appreciate that this is almost inevitably due to the increased cost of living and the increased cost of administration. But it is a problem which is reacting on the possibility of hospital schemes in the country generally and making very substantial inroads into the funds available. The Minister adverted to that matter in the past, but he has made no attempt to solve the problem. He has not informed the House whether he has any intention of setting aside any capital sum to meet these deficits, and I suggest that something ought to be done about it. We cannot overlook the fact that city hospitals provide great facilities for very many counties, and we cannot grudge whatever moneys are provided to meet these deficits. I suppose the fact that these deficits have been met out of Hospital Trust Funds for a number of years has killed the possibility of voluntary financial assistance in the future.

We have agreed to close down this House within the next two or three weeks, and I do not want to prolong the discussion on what appears to me to be a very important Vote—the Vote for Local Government. But I asked the Minister before to give some consideration to the criminal injury code. In our circumstances here, it is ridiculous to have such a code on the Statute Book. It was introduced by a foreign Government for certain purposes and it was not operated in their own territory. When a criminal injury occurs, I think it is not fair that a small area should be saddled with a charge to make good that injury, especially where the people are not responsible for the injury. The time is long overdue when the Act should be removed from the Statute Book.

In our circumstances here, with the danger of the spread of disease, due to the war, I am sure that the Minister and his Department are exercising a close vigilance and will continue to exercise a close vigilance so far as public health generally is concerned, and that they will be prepared to take all the necessary safeguards against any danger of outbreaks of disease. It is merely because I appreciate how vital it is, in the interests of the health of our people, that those safeguards should be taken that I have directed the Minister's attention to the fact that medical officers who are charged with the responsibility of looking after the public health are not getting the necessary facilities. It means, in the long run, only a few extra gallons of petrol. I have had complaints from one or two individuals that they were unable to overtake their work and they were rather alarmed to find themselves in the position in which, being responsible for looking after an outbreak of diphtheria, they could not possibly overtake their work because they had not got the travelling facilities. I hope the Minister will look into that matter again.

I wholeheartedly endorse the appeal made by the Minister for a very greatly expanded production of turf this year. Everybody realises the gravity of the situation in regard to fuel supplies, both for household use and for the requirements of industry, and the House will join with the Minister in urging everybody who possibly can to avail of the opportunity which an exceptionally dry summer has provided to increase output to the maximum extent. I hope also that the Minister will see to it that his officials throughout the country will ensure that every available turf bog is put at the disposal of people who wish to engage in turf production. I hope also that complaints which arose in the past in regard to compensation for turbary owners will be fairly and justly met, because anything in the nature of dissatisfaction or strife as between the owners of these turbary rights and people who want to engage in turf production is most undesirable at present, and, even if it is necessary to err a little on the side of generosity in dealing with the owners of turbary rights, the Minister should see to it that the proper authority errs a little in that direction and avoid the possibility of production being held up by contention.

In this Estimate, the Minister is seeking £1,250,000, but that represents only a very small proportion of the total amount which comes under his survey. I believe the amount now reaches the figure of £9,000,000, a huge amount of public money in respect of a very extensive number of services, embracing almost every human activity. The Minister referred to the fact that infectious diseases and the death rate rising from them are on the increase. There is one aspect of this matter which ought to engage nationwide attention, that is, the provision of ample institutional accommodation for all persons suffering from such diseases. It may not be possible to engage in extensive building operations at present, but it is possible at least to have plans carefully prepared and sites obtained, so that the work of building may be undertaken immediately after the emergency.

In Wicklow, for example, institutional accommodation is extremely limited. There is an urgent need for a county hospital as the existing building is not adequate. It requires many repairs which would scarcely be justifiable in view of the fact that it is an old building and a new institution is urgently required. Perhaps more urgently required is a fever hospital for the county, a district hospital for Bray, and improvement of the district hospital in Baltinglass which was formerly the fever hospital attached to the local workhouse. All these works require to be investigated and the Minister should press for plans in regard to such improvements and for the acquisition of sites, so that when the emergency is over these institutions may be provided.

Another aspect which strikes practically everyone going through the country is the need for institutions for people suffering from tuberculosis. We know that such accommodation is inadequate at present, and we know that building is seriously curtailed owing to the emergency; but we also know that there is wholesale destruction of large buildings throughout the rural areas which would provide suitable temporary accommodation, at least, for such cases. I personally know some splendid country mansions which were dismantled during the past year and which would have made exceptionally good sanatoria and other similar institutions. I do not see why the Minister does not use the wide powers vested in him by the Emergency Powers Act and which he threatens to use in various cases to ensure that suitable buildings are not dismantled but are acquired by the local authorities for the relief of congestion in existing institutions.

The Minister referred to the fact, upon which I congratulate him, that in spite of difficulties some building operations were carried on during the past year. County Wicklow has a fairly creditable record in this respect, as considerable rural housing has been provided within the county in spite of difficulties, but it must be remembered that the cost of building during the emergency has enormously increased, and, at the same time, there has been no increase in the State grants, with the result that the cost to the ratepayers, and probably to the incoming tenants, will be excessive. I think that, in order to encourage building, the Minister should see whether it is not possible to recommend an increase in the grants.

The Minister also referred to the reconditioning of existing houses, which is a very desirable national activity. It is desirable that, as far as possible, any building which can be put into repair with moderate outlay should be put into repair, because the wilful destruction of buildings which still have some expectation of life, so to speak, is public waste. The policy of the Department in encouraging the reconditioning of tenement buildings in our cities and large towns is in striking contrast to the policy of allowing the destruction of much more suitable buildings in our rural areas. I want the Minister to consider every aspect of that question. We all realise that, in the immediate post-war period, we will have to embark on very big building schemes. I think the figure mentioned by the Minister, 53,000 houses required at the present time, is not an exaggerated one, and it does imply a very large amount of planning, a large amount of acquisition and development of sites, and all the necessary preparation which must be undertaken in order to put such a scheme into operation. I want to direct the Minister's attention to the fact that in the post-war period there will probably be great difficulty in acquiring building material, just as there is at present, inasmuch as practically every nation in Europe will be engaged in vast building schemes, and I think the attention of his Department should be directed to ensuring that our new building schemes will be based mainly on home-produced building materials as far as it is humanly possible to do so. I think our best engineers and architects should be working on the problem of ensuring that end.

I want to express my strong disapproval of the manner in which the supplementary old age pensions have been provided. Having regard to the fact that the value of money has decreased, and to the fact that the maximum pension provided at present is inadequate during the emergency, I think the central authority should have provided the supplementary allowance, instead of, first of all, placing an additional burden on the local areas, and secondly, placing a certain humiliation upon old age pensioners in having to go to the local relieving officer and plead destitution. I think it ought to be accepted that the 10/- is inadequate, certainly during the present emergency with the reduced purchasing power of money.

The Minister, in introducing this Estimate, was rather strong and heavy in his denunciation of two county councils. It is rather significant that the two county councils singled out for petty persecution and attack in the Minister's speech should be the two county councils upon which the Farmers' Party have secured a majority. The county councils of both Kerry and Roscommon are councils upon which the farmers have secured adequate representation, and they are, therefore, the two county councils upon which the Fianna Fáil Minister for Local Government thinks it necessary to concentrate all his fire. I have no intention of going into the questions which arose in regard to the Kerry County Council. I know, and every Deputy knows, that the rates in Kerry were excessively high long before the farmers' county council came into existence, and I think the first effort of the farmers' majority on the Kerry County Council was to seek a reduction in the burden of rates. When we have regard to the large and ever-increasing burden of direct taxation, and to the manner in which it presses upon our most important industry, I think any attempt made by local representatives in the direction of economy in public expenditure should be encouraged. However, the Minister has seen fit to attack the Kerry County Council and to threaten them with many dire penalties unless they bow to his orders.

In regard to the Roscommon County Council, the position is much more glaring, because the Minister has taken the tyrannical and in my opinion unjustifiable step of abolishing that democratically elected body, a body which was elected only 12 months ago. The Roscommon County Council has been abolished for seeking to reduce the estimate for main roads. I will admit that the reduction which they sought was drastic, but we must remember that, at the present time, the burden of traffic on the main roads is very considerably reduced. We must remember also that the Roscommon County Council had a definite grievance in regard to the manner in which the main roads were being made, inasmuch as there was no provision for horse-traffic. It is well to remember, too, that the necessary materials for the maintenance and preservation of main roads are not available in any quantity at the present time. The Roscommon County Council, in their wisdom, decided that it would be better to forgo for a certain period the expenditure on main roads, knowing perfectly well, as they did know, that those main roads were in a very good condition; knowing also that the value which they would obtain from expenditure upon those roads would be very limited having regard to the difficulty in securing supplies. This was a question upon which there could be a very grave difference of opinion. It was a question upon which the locally elected representatives of the people were every bit as competent as the Minister to judge as to what was in the best interests of their county. We have been told by the Minister, particularly on last year's Estimate, that the local councils have very wide powers, especially in regard to the striking of rates and to the preparation of the estimate. Here we have a county council seeking to use those wide powers— seeking to have the roads maintained in accordance with what they consider to be the best interests of the county.

Does anyone seriously contend that tar-bound main roads upon which traffic has been greatly reduced owing to the emergency will deteriorate very excessively in the course of one year, even if expenditure is drastically reduced? The Roscommon County Council certainly did not form that opinion, and, as they represent the people of Roscommon who are the main users of the roads, their opinion was entitled to respectful consideration. But, in this as in other matters, we have the clash between the narrow, warped mind of the city, and the broader mind of rural Ireland. The broader mind of rural Ireland is capable of seeing problems in their wider aspects, and not through the eyes of hide-bound officials with definite vested interests in seeing that certain sums of money are expended each year in certain definite directions. It is necessary to remark that the Minister was very careful to conceal his murderous intention in regard to the Roscommon County Council until the result of the election had been declared. He seeks now to bolster up his case for the abolition of this council on the ground that main roads, in a skating-rink condition, were essential to the national defence of this country. Now, I think that the Minister, on reconsideration, will admit that that is a joke.

I do not admit anything of the sort. If Deputy Cogan will look at the map and consider the position of County Roscommon in relation to the area across the Shannon, he will see that it is no joke.

The Minister knows that it is possible that the national defence of this country might be better served by making the roads impassable. He knows that that is one aspect of the question of the military defence of this country.

Perhaps it would be better to make Deputy Cogan Chief of Staff, and put him on the Army Council.

Although I am only a humble farmer, I think I would have a better knowledge of what would be in the interests of the country, from the point of view of the defence of this country, than Field-Marshal MacEntee. The Minister may have aspirations towards becoming the Generalissimo of this country, but I think that in bringing in the question of military defence in connection with his quarrel with the Roscommon County Council, he has been talking through his would-be brass hat. I agree fully with Deputy Hughes, that it is another attempt to abuse the Emergency Powers Order: that it is an abuse of the powers given to the Minister under the Emergency Powers Act to use those powers to suppress democratically elected local bodies. It is undemocratic and unjustifiable in every sense and meaning of the word. The Roscommon County Council was elected by the universal franchise of the people of Roscommon, just in the same way as Deputies in this House were elected by the universal franchise of the people of this State, and if we are to continue democratic institutions, it is essential that democratically elected local bodies should have the widest possible power and freedom that is consistent with the serving of their respective counties. Of course, the Minister, in bringing in this red herring of military defence, is simply continuing the scare that he sought to raise during the election campaign: that this country is threatened with invasion by the forces of the United Nations. The Minister knows perfectly well that threat is very remote.

The general question of defence is not relevant. The unwisdom of reopening the election campaign was clearly shown on a recent occasion in the Dáil.

I agree, Sir, but I think the Minister was unwise to introduce this question of military defence in connection with his petty quarrel with the Roscommon County Council.

What about the introduction of matters concerned with the Railways Stocks Tribunal?

We shall have an opportunity of discussing that matter when we come to deal with the Transport Bill. The Minister charged the Roscommon County Council, amongst other things, with ineptitude. Well, the Minister should be a good judge of ineptitude, seeing that he has made a mess of three Ministries already. I believe that the Roscommon County Council was making a reasonable effort to carry on the local services, first of all, in accordance with the interests of those who elected them, and, secondly, with the best interests of the local body and of the State, generally, and if the Minister thinks that it is his duty to suppress every local authority upon which there is a majority of farmers, then he is going to be a very busy man, indeed, after the next local elections.

One other matter that was raised by the Minister in his opening speech was the question of arrears of rates. He was heavy in his denunciation of those who have fallen into default in the matter of payment of rates. Everybody knows, and every Deputy in this House realises, the desirability of having all branches or forms of taxation collected regularly and efficiently, but everyone also realises that the people of this nation, and particularly the agricultural community, have passed through an economic blizzard, the like of which has not been experienced in any other nation, and which can only be compared, perhaps, with the depression that set in in some of the depressed mining areas in Britain after the last war, and which continued up to the beginning of the present war. That was a condition which prevailed in the agricultural industry here, and which was aggravated by the antics of the Minister and his colleagues. Now, having regard to the extraordinary difficulties through which the agricultural community in this country had to pass, it was inevitable that some arrears would accrue during that period, and it does not answer the question to say that a great many people found it possible to meet the rate demands. In every war there are wounded soldiers, and there are some who escape without injury. If this city were to be blitzed heavily to-morrow, some people would escape uninjured, some would be killed, and others would be injured, badly or otherwise.

In the same way, during the economic war in this country, some people suffered excessively and to a greater extent than others. It is well for the Minister to remember, in this connection, that in dealing with this question of arrears the Land Commission took up an entirely different attitude from that which has been taken up by the Local Government Department. The Land Commission endeavoured to meet as fairly as possible those who had fallen into arrears in the payment of annuities. I myself, as I am sure is the case with every Deputy in this House, have been instrumental in making settlements with the Land Commission in the matter of the payment of arrears of annuities. Where-ever the defaulting tenant was able to come forward, offer a substantial portion of the arrears and make an arrangement to pay yearly instalments on what was due, the Land Commission accepted the offer and gave the farmer the necessary time to carry out that arrangement. In view of the fact that rates are in the same position as annuities, inasmuch as they are a direct charge on the land, and in view of the fact that some people were experiencing the same difficulty as in the case of annuities, some arrangement should have been made to provide for the liquidation of those debts over a period. Wherever the defaulting ratepayer came forward and was prepared to make a reasonable offer, as in the case of the Sheridan farm in County Dublin, where an offer of £315 was made on a debt of £700—in that case a reasonable attempt was made to meet the default—that offer should have been accepted and accommodation granted.

I know quite well and I have expressed the view in this House quite frequently that it is not easy for local authorities or the Land Commission to make a settlement of that kind. They are not equipped for that purpose, but I have expressed the view that the State, having involved the farmers in what was known as the economic war, having dragged them through that depression, should have made special credit facilities available so as to enable the wounded soldiers of that war to recover and to get on their feet. Since no such credit facilities were provided, it was the duty of the local authorities to meet people who were in difficulties and to the best of their ability to give them a chance to get on their feet. If that had been done in regard to the Sheridan farm in County Dublin, all the unpleasantness which has arisen would have been avoided. It is easy for the Minister to say here that people who default in the payment of their rates are inflicting grave hardship upon the social services. The Minister is one of those who advocated that farmers, as far as agricultural land was concerned, should be completely exempt from rates.

Is there any limit to the misrepresentations of the Deputy? I never advocated anything of the sort.

The question of derating is not under consideration now.

The Minister in the past advocated the derating of agricultural land and his Party got into power on that promise.

The Minister has denied that.

There is no use in the Minister trying to get away with that. As far as the local social services are concerned—the maintenance of the poor, destitute and infirm—those social services are being maintained in the Six Northern Counties of Ireland without any direct charge upon land. There is no use in the Minister trying to get away with the plea that he is defending the interests of the poor in this matter. The poor are always paraded in matters of this kind, so that politicians and Ministers can attack decent citizens of this country who are struggling to live. I think the Minister would be well advised wherever cases of this kind arise to instruct local authorities——

On a point of order, the Oireachtas by law has imposed upon local authorities responsibility for collecting the rates which are levied by the county councils. I have no power to interfere with the due administration of the law by the county managers or the county councils. It seems to me the Deputy is completely out of order.

I might point out that I am simply replying to the point raised by the Minister in his opening speech, in which he attacked persons who might have fallen into arrears in regard to the payment of rates on their land.

The Deputy is advocating interference by the Minister in affairs in which the Minister has no jurisdiction.

The Minister has interferred to the extent at any rate of publicly applauding the action of those who have resorted——

Of those who carried out the law, those who have discharged their legal responsibilities. Does the Deputy want me to applaud those who refuse to discharge them? That would be a scandal.

The Minister knows that the law can be complied with perhaps more effectively by gentle and reasonable measures than by harsh and tyrannical measures. The Minister knows that the Land Commission have an obligation by law to collect the land annuities——

We are not dealing with the land annuities in this Estimate.

I am just drawing the analogy that they have succeeded in carrying out the law in the past few years without resort to excessively harsh measures. I know that in a great number of cases they have met tenants reasonably. I am suggesting that some consideration should be given in regard to local rates. I think that the question is one which arises out of the experience of the agricultural industry and out of the deplorable condition through which agriculture has passed, from which it has not yet recovered and for which the country is now suffering excessively because the agricultural industry was not put in a position to supply the nation's needs owing to the harsh and unjust manner in which farmers have been treated in many counties.

There are just a few suggestions I should like to make to the Minister in regard to a few points that arise on this Estimate. One matter that I believe comes within the scope of his Department is the prevention of the spread of tuberculosis throughout the country. I think the Minister should co-operate with the efforts that are being made by certain societies, notably the Red Cross Society, to check the spread of this disease. I would suggest that emergency hospitals should be opened in certain centres. At the moment there are several mansions throughout the country which could be taken over for that purpose, and young medical men who have been recently qualified might be employed in connection with these emergency hospitals to combat the spread of the disease. From figures that have been recently published, it would seem that the position is getting more or less out of hand, and I think that prompt steps should be taken to deal with suspicious cases, that is, cases in the early stages of tuberculosis. That is the reason I suggest that a number of mansions should be taken over throughout the country and converted into hospitals to deal with the disease. I think it would be a very wise step if the Minister would co-operate in that way in the efforts to stamp out the disease. I should like to emphasise that poor people in the early stages of the disease, that is, those who are merely suspicious cases, should have adequate nourishment provided for them. There are many people in my own area at present who believe that no provision is made under the Local Government Acts to provide adequate nourishment for such people. I think that when they are on the waiting list, prior to their going for a time to a tuberculosis hospital, that is the dangerous period because of the fact that they are in their own homes and are in many cases not isolated from other members of the family. It may be that a very insufficient amount of nourishment is available for them. That is a very dangerous situation, and one of which the Minister should take note. The Minister's Department should send an order to each local authority that adequate nourishment be made available for those on the waiting list and for suspicious cases, particularly if they are of the poorer classes. If possible, they should be evacuated from their families, but it is hardly likely that evacuation will be possible. In my own county there are 70 persons on the waiting list. It is a very serious matter for those poor people if they have to remain with their families without adequate nourishment. Many people have come to me in connection with that matter. Whatever the cost, we should make every effort to save the lives of those people. During the past 12 months I have been more or less associated with one of those tuberculosis hospitals. From the medical officer in charge I understand that if the disease is tackled in the early stages it can be cured. If it has not gone too far, it can be arrested and resistance built up to it. The local government authorities should make every possible effort to combat the disease.

Arising out of that matter is the question of rural housing which, I think, comes within the scope of this Estimate. Adequate housing in rural areas is essential. I freely admit that the Government have done a great deal in the matter of house-building in recent years but I think that they were somewhat slow before the emergency. In our county, we had a number of plots fenced in and, if the Department had been up and doing, we would have had more houses built. That would have been an encouragement to rural workers to remain on the land. It is rural workers—county council workers and agricultural workers—and those only, who should get those houses when built. A number of other persons are getting these rural cottages, due to the fact that their houses are condemned by the medical officer of health. There should be some other means of providing houses for such people. All the cottages in rural Ireland should be reserved for the people working there. It would be an encouragement to boys in the rural areas to marry and settle down if they had the "cage for the bird". If the Minister's Department have plans ready for rural housing when the emergency ends, they will have done a very good service. That would also help to provide employment, which may be required when the war is over.

In portions of County Cork—any County Cork Deputy here will deal with the matter forcibly—the cottage-holders have only half-acre plots. That is the case in that portion of County Cork area which is in my constituency. Under an old scheme in County Waterford that was also the case, but, with very few exceptions, an extra half-acre was added in recent years. In all such schemes an acre plot should be provided with the cottage. Some people will say that the occupants will not till the plots. I think that they will. I think that people who are in direct touch with rural production will till their plots. There may be people whose work does not require co-operation with the farmers who will not till their plots, but any worker with an acre plot, whether he be an agricultural worker or a county council worker, will till his plot, because he will get the horses and the facilities to enable him to do so, due to the co-operation between himself and the other members of the rural community. I think that it is very desirable to encourage and extend that co-operation.

As regards turf production, nobody can grumble at present. The weather has tended to encourage turf production this year. We require a very large output in first-class condition, so that consumers of fuel will have no cause for complaint. I should like to refer to and to stress the necessity for shelters. In many cases no shelters are required this year, but it has been urged upon me from some of the turf areas that proper shelters should be made available, with cooking equipment, so that, if it is necessary to develop turf production after the war, the necessary steps will have been taken. After the war it may be necessary to carry on turf production for a long period, and if we make the necessary provision for the protection of the workers on the mountainside or in the bogs now, there will be little reason to grumble. I ask the Minister to direct the local councils to take the steps necessary for the erection of such shelters.

As regards the main roads, I suggest that an Order be issued to all county councils that a reasonable margin be left on either side of the tarred roads for horse traffic. I do not mean that that margin should not be tarred or treated in the same way as the rest of the road. What I suggest is that rough stone be rolled in on either side of the road in such a way that it would not be damaging to rubber tyres, and would, at the same time, provide a safety margin for horse traffic. At present the traffic on the roads is almost all horse traffic, and, in many areas, requests have come to county councillors that such a margin as I suggest should be provided. I suggest that the Minister make an Order directed to all county councils that such a margin be provided in order to accommodate those who have to use horses on the road. I hope the Minister will attend to these matters immediately, so that those who have occasion to complain will be satisfied.

I desire to congratulate the Minister on the statement he made to the House. It seems to me, from that statement, that considerable progress has been made in the various branches of the Department's activities. I consider that these advances show that badly needed improvements are being made rapidly. As far as I am aware no money has been allocated in Dublin for many years for the building of houses that could be purchased by the tenants. I consider that this is a mistake. The class of people catered for in the houses I am referring to would be tradesmen and clerks, and they have not been regarded as eligible as tenants for the houses that have been built in recent years. They are not in a position to buy houses or to rent them in the ordinary way. That class forms an important section of the community, and I consider it to be deplorable that provision has not been made by local authorities for housing them. When the Marino scheme was initiated 16 or 17 years ago we were told that it would be a slum in a few years, but a visit to that district to-day shows it to be a model one, with neatly-kept and well-cared houses, showing that the tenants appreciate their home and are living up to their responsibilities as tenant purchasers. A visit to Donnycarney or Donnelly's Orchard shows the same results. The ideal of owner-occupier is one that we should strive to cultivate, as it encourages industrious habits and civic responsibility. Further, except for the initial grant that was given, the total cost of building such houses is paid by the purchasers and no further burden falls on the community. When building commences on a large scale in the post-war period, I urge the Minister to see that an equitable portion of the money provided is allocated towards the building of houses for tenant purchasers.

I consider that an injustice has been done to owner-occupiers in connection with the remission of rates on their dwellings. An Act passed in 1928 gave a remission of 10 per cent. in rates to owner-occupiers of small houses with a valuation up to £6. Under the 1930 Act the valuation was raised to £8. Owner-occupiers were excluded from the benefits of that Act. An Act in existence for many years gave a remission of 20 per cent. of the rates, subject to approval of conditions laid down by the sanitary authorities, and that concession was available to owner-occupiers. Under the 1930 Act that concession was withdrawn in the case of owner-occupiers and was confined to the landlords of small dwellings. As a result, many small owner-occupiers suffered, and the position to-day is that landlords of small dwellings have a choice of concessions, while owner-occupiers have no such benefit. That is a wrong state of affairs. I believe that owner-occupiers should be encouraged, and I would go further and advocate that they should be made eligible for concessions in the remission of rates, and that the valuation limit should be raised in their cases.

I want to protest against the policy of transferring civil servants to higher posts in local government administration. With the machinery now available, it seems to me that it should be possible to get capable men to fill such posts from the officers of any local authorities. I have not heard of local officials being transferred to positions in the Civil Service. Unless the two services are going to be put on the same basis, what has been happening is an injustice to local officials and, undoubtedly, will have the effect of withholding from local services the proper type of young men. I trust the Minister will give due consideration to the points I have referred to.

Mr. Lynch

There is only one comparatively small point that I intend to raise on this Vote. It is small in the sense that it affects only three people, but it is very important from their point of view. It arises owing to the Minister's action following an inquiry that was held last year into the administration of Killarney Mental Hospital. Certain action was taken against some of the officials who were charged, and three persons against whom no charge had been made prior to the inquiry were, because of their answering, forced to retire some years before the time for doing so. I felt that the Minister's decision in connection with the business, in so far as it affected these three people, was lop-sided. The Minister was rightly and reasonably lenient in the manner in which he dealt with the persons who were charged with certain breaches of discipline or lax administration and so on. Speaking privately to the Minister in connection with the case I was a strong advocate of leniency, but the fact is that having dealt with these persons as he did, and in a right manner, I believe he adopted much too rigid and much too severe an attitude in dealing with the three persons I am referring to. The charge against them was that they hedged in their answering at the inquiry. I suppose that is very reprehensible, but lack of candour in answering at public inquiries is not confined to the poor and lowly. It is not confined to persons in the position of attendants or workers in the kitchen in mental hospitals. One of these persons was working in the kitchen and the other was a maid or an attendant. Two women and one man were concerned. These were uneducated people and they were cross-examined very severely. I do not think their attitude was one which should have been taken so seriously having regard to their position as they did not want to give their pals or co-workers away. They did not want to say anything which would make matters worse for other persons even for the medical officers concerned.

At any rate, that was their offence. Now what was their punishment? They were immediately forced to resign. That meant that they lost the difference between the salary they would be earning during that period and the reduced pension to which they were entitled during the years which they might have continued to serve. That was a serious loss. I do not know exactly what pension a local officer gets, whether or not it is on the same basis as that of a teacher's pension which, at the maximum rate, is 40/80ths of his salary. It may be that the maximum pension in the case of local officials is two-thirds of his salary. If we assume that it is, then one of these persons would be losing the difference between that two-thirds and full salary for some years to come. In the case of the other two, they lose considerably more than that because they are not entitled to full pension. They have been forced to retire before having served sufficient years to entitle them to full pension, so that for the remainder of their lives they will continue to be penalised by the loss of the difference between the pension they are now getting and the pension they would be entitled to get if they had been allowed to continue to serve their full period. I think that is extremely harsh and that the Minister might review these cases.

As I have said, lack of candour at this type of inquiry is, I am afraid, rather common, and we are not going to cure it in a day. That trait in our character probably has its roots in the past: the trait of not wishing to add anything to the troubles of our friends, especially when they are up against the authorities, for the time being the Government, or whatever authority may be inquiring into their conduct in their particular jobs. As I have said, that probably has its roots in the past. I think it is not an unlovable trait in our character that we should take very considerable risks ourselves rather than betray a fellow worker. Taking the rigid view, however, I think it is reprehensible, but, taking the ordinary human view, it is not so reprehensible as one might at first imagine.

There are only three persons concerned in this. One of them, because of his service, is entitled to receive full pension, and I do not suppose very much can be done about him. I do not think that I could advocate that he should be restored to his job, but I would ask the Minister, in the case of the other two, that he would add sufficient to their years of service to entitle them to full pension. God knows they will suffer enough during the next four or five years, when they might have been in the service, by the loss they will sustain during that period, without making them suffer for the remainder of their lives the difference between the full pension they would be entitled to, and the smaller pension that they are now receiving. I think there is a strong case why the Minister should review these cases. I would ask him not to take the rigid view that he has taken with regard to these persons, and to look into the matter again. I suggest to him that he should put it up to the county manager to make a recommendation to him that these persons would be entitled to the full pension that they would have received if they had given full service.

I rise for the purpose of pressing forward a subject which has been threshed out in this House several times, but so far without satisfaction to me. I refer to the treatment of tuberculous patients in the City of Dublin, or, perhaps, I should say to the failure to give proper treatment to them. I will quote instances of complaints that reached me this morning regarding the failure of mothers to get sanatorium treatment for their daughters who are urgently in need of it.

One day last week a number of girls working in an office appealed to me to try to get a bed in one of our sanatoria for a comrade of theirs. I rang up the authorities and made the appeal, stating that this was an effort by her comrades to try to save this girl's life, and that if she got treatment in time her life would be saved. I gave the message by 'phone, and the official reply I got from the sanatorium authorities was this: "Alderman Byrne, we are sorry we have no beds." I answered: "Can you tell me when you will have a bed?" The reply was: "No; we do not know. There are 36 other cases urgently in need of treatment on the waiting list in front of this girl." It is very hard to go on when you see the Parliamentary Secretary laughing—the Minister who is in charge of this treatment. It is hard to continue patiently,

It is not a laughing matter at all. If you heard the appeals that mothers have made to me, and to other members, trying to get treatment to save the lives of their children, you might be more patient with anyone putting forward their case and not sneer. I rang up another sanatorium and was told that there were 100 on the waiting list and that the girl would have to wait. Dr. Harbison, the Minister's own official——

Obviously the Deputy does not know what he is talking about. Dr. Harbison is not "the Minister's own official."

Did I wake the Minister from his slumbers?

The Deputy might continue.

Dr. Harbison said it was disheartening to have to place early cases on a long waiting list. At Peamount Sanatorium, Mr. McCarron, secretary of one of the committees, said there was such a large waiting list that if extra accommodation was not made available there was little hope that some patients could ever be admitted to a sanatorium. What did that mean but that the unfortunate people will have passed to their eternal rest before treatment would be available for them in a country that owes them so much and in which millions of pounds have been raised for sanatorium and hospital treatment? Yet, I am safe in saying that there are 500 people going around the streets of the City of Dublin appealing for sanatoria treatment and for beds in the institutions, and that they are being denied that chance to save their lives. I know that the Minister and his Department have done excellent work up to a certain point. My case is that they have not gone far enough. I and other people suggested that some of the county mansions round this city be taken over and converted into temporary institutions for those people who are clamouring for treatment. In that way, they would get a chance while they are waiting for proper sanatorium treatment. That would mean a heartening message to their parents, who would know that their children were getting a chance.

I was told last week that, on one corporation list in the City of Dublin, there were 36 girls in front of a patient urgently needing treatment. I believe that in the men's section there are upwards of 100 waiting for treatment and they cannot get it. I had a letter this morning from the corporation—I am sure the Lord Mayor has seen several like this. It is dated 19th June and is in connection with another matter. It says:—

"If Mrs. McCarthy were the only tuberculosis case, we could, of course, have housed her at once; but, unfortunately, there are at least 200 cases on our list, most of which were certified prior to Mrs. McCarthy, and a great number have bigger families. I can only inform her that her case would not be reached for some time."

Then the Minister gets disturbed and cross with me, when I try forcibly to draw his attention to the lack of housing and treatment for our tuberculosis cases.

In his statement, the Minister went on to say that the Department had devised a new scheme, in which patients could get, in their own homes, certain concessions whilst waiting to get sanatorium treatment. I had some little thing to do with forcing that scheme on his Department. I appealed as a member of this House that those people would get some consideration whilst waiting for sanatorium treatment. They were promised it and the scheme is in force to give them butter, eggs, milk, clothing, bedding and blankets. However, I would ask the Minister to ring up the corporation now and ask the officials how many blankets and how many beds have been given out, how many children have been separated where there are ten in one room and put on a separate bed given by his Department. Up to a week ago, there were none at all. It may not be the Minister's Department that is responsible, but I want the Minister to spur on the other authorities, if it is not his fault. All I want is to see that these patients get a chance and are not left merely with a printed document, without any effect being given to the recommendations of the Government or the corporation.

Not more than ten minutes ago, I opened a letter dated 19th June from a Dublin cottage dweller. The administration of relief in the City of Dublin is subject to that pettifogging attitude of giving small doles of half-crowns or a 4/- order to poor people who are temporarily embarrassed and, in some cases, hungry. This woman, writing yesterday a letter which I opened about five minutes ago, says:—

"I beg of you to ask them to give me a month to pay the rent. I have only been getting a food voucher from the relief. I am only after being down there now and I will not get anything until Thursday. I do not suppose you will believe me, sir, but I have not got a bit to eat in the house for the children at present."

That is not a stunt: I did not fake that letter. I only opened it ten minutes ago, but it is one of many that Dublin representatives are getting every day in the week. I would implore the Minister to spur on the other authorities and not look for excuses for their not attending to these matters. I would give the Minister the credit of believing that he and his Department are anxious to do the proper thing. The benefit of the doubt, if there is one, should be given to the poor people, so that we would not have a woman in the City of Dublin writing to me to say she has not got a bit to eat in the house for the children. Her husband is in England and she encloses his letter—there is a British stamp on it—which says that he is unemployed and is sick, that he has not had a smoke for the past three or four days and could not send her 1/- towards paying the rent. The Lord Mayor and myself and other members of the corporation will have to go to-day to implore them not to evict her but to give her time, and to get her some relief. There should be some method of giving her a substantial weekly sum for herself and her children, so that she may not be afraid of the bailiff in Dublin in these days.

I have said it is not the Minister's fault, but it is the Minister's Department which can introduce methods to deal adequately with the poor people surrounding us in the City of Dublin, not alone in the tenements but in the good cottage property and good houses. It is not their fault that they become unemployed. I would ask that a complete change take place in the administration of relief, so that when a man becomes idle, if he is not entitled to unemployment assistance, he will automatically, for himself and his children, go on some form of relief. In that connection, I think it is not altogether proper that the Dublin ratepayers should have to bear that burden. There should be some system, in connection with the Minister's Department and the local authority, to see that they get enough to eat, in order to prevent them from breaking down and becoming possible patients for the sanatorium.

A few weeks ago, the Minister's attention was drawn to the 800 children before the Dublin School Attendance Committee for non-attendance at school, whose mothers in most cases said they either had not boots or clothing to send the children to school. Now these children do not go to school, but are taken up and sent to an industrial school, where they are provided with boots, clothes, food and shelter. If the unfortunate mother had had a voucher to get boots for them, and a little coat, the children would have the parent now to look after them, and give them home comforts, instead of overloading our industrial schools. Our Dublin children are sent down to Waterford and Cork, where their parents cannot see them for some time.

I appeal to the Minister to consider some scheme, whereby barefooted children could be provided with boots and clothing in necessitous cases. I have reason to think and to hope that the Minister will go much further than that, and that these barefooted children who are ill-clad, and in some cases ill-nourished, because of the unemployment of their parents or because of inadequate relief, will receive some consideration. I believe the Minister will go further and see that these children will get boots and clothes.

It is only once in the year I get an opportunity of raising these points, when the Local Government Estimate is under consideration. If one does not use the method of Parliamentary Question, one is practically tongue-tied. Sometimes the Question Paper brings good results. I frequently use it, but perhaps not altogether with the results that I would like. Some time ago the Infant Aid Society, under what is called the National Free Milk Scheme, was given a grant. Some ten years ago the Government made a grant of £30,000 to the Infant Aid Society to purchase tuberculin-tested milk for necessitous children. That society has 400 voluntary visitors, who go out and furnish marvellous reports.

I think the Deputy is under some misapprehension. The Government makes no grant to the Infant Aid Society. The Government makes a grant to the Dublin Corporation, which has enlisted the services of the society in administering that grant; but that is a private matter between the corporation and the society—we do not come into it.

It is a good thing the Minister is paying attention to what I am saying. I am grateful for his interjection.

I am merely correcting the Deputy.

The Government makes a grant of £30,000 to the corporation. The corporation administers that £30,000 for the Government. Since that grant was made ten years ago milk went up in price at least five times. How do the Infant Aid Society or the Dublin Corporation proceed to deal with the situation? An increased grant would not be given to enable the society to continue to give out the 2,665,972 pint bottles of milk—that is the number mentioned in the 1939-40 report. There were 2,665,972 pint bottles of milk distributed for the benefit of necessitous children under five years of age whose parents were unable, from their own resources, to provide them with milk. What is the position? We cannot get an increase in that grant and the milk has gone up five to seven times in price. How do they meet the increased cost? They meet it by reducing the number of bottles of milk annually by 1,000. There were 1,000 bottles less last year and, if the milk goes up again in price, it will mean another 1,000 bottles taken away from the poor children.

I appeal to the Minister to give this matter his sympathetic consideration. The amount that was granted ten years ago is not at all adequate in view of the higher costs at the present time, and the children of the poor are suffering as a result. I have received numerous complaints in this connection. Women write to tell me that the bottles of milk are being taken from their delicate children. Deputies who are members of local authorities have experience of the same type of complaint, I have no doubt. I earnestly appeal to the Minister to see that the good work that has been done for so many years by the Infant Aid Society and its 400 voluntary visitors will be continued. When they submit recommendations on behalf of the delicate babies urgently needing milk, the least we may do is to provide that milk. The number of visits paid in the year by the voluntary visitors connected with the society is in the neighbourhood of 52,822. These people are doing splendid work and they should be encouraged in every way.

The Public Health Department, writing to one of our committees last month, stated:—

"At your meeting on the 8th February last, on consideration of a report indicating that the annual grant of £30,000 made to the corporation under the National Free Milk Scheme for the provision of milk for necessitous children in the city would be over-expended by the end of the financial year, you requested the City Manager to apply for an increase in the amount of the grant, failing which, the excess expenditure, you directed, should be met from corporation funds.

"The excess expenditure in question to the 31st March, 1944, amounted to £494 7s. 4d. The matter was taken up with the Department of Local Government and Public Health and a grant requested for that amount. A reply has now been received from the Department stating that a further allocation from the Government grant cannot be made to meet the surplus expenditure in question. The full grant voted, the Department's communication adds, is allocated among the various sanitary authorities at the commencement of each financial year.

"The city accountant has been instructed accordingly to issue a cheque for the excess expenditure to the Infant Aid Society."

There is a further communication which runs:—

"With reference to your verbal inquiry regarding the cost to this Department of milk purchased for the requirements of the Infant Aid Society, the following are the particulars which, I understand, you require, viz.:—

"Average price per pint of milk during six months commencing 1st April, 1939—2.66d.

"Average price per pint of milk during six months commencing 1st April, 1944—3.50d."

That is a substantial increase and the children are being deprived of the milk. I am sure that various members of this House are dealing with similar cases every day.

I should like now to deal with the treatment of the blind generally. The blind are not getting fair treatment in this city. The means test as applied to the blind is doing great damage to those poor people and to their families. They are not being given a chance. I should like the Minister to ignore all allowances given under blind welfare schemes when assessing the income of the blind for old age pension purposes. There is a blind welfare scheme in Dublin and whatever they give it is considered in the means test in applications for old age pensions. A trade union such as the typographical society gives 15/- or 16/- of a grant to retired members and that prevents the members getting an old age pension. That type of means test ought to go. Any money given by voluntary societies should not be taken into consideration. The State should not benefit by these voluntary contributions from trade unions and other organisations towards which the people have paid through the years.

I earnestly hope the Minister will not think I have brought these matters forward in any aggressive way. Sometimes he deals with me in an aggressive fashion and I often wonder why. Is it because I bring these things so forcibly to his notice? I do not care what happens in this House. Anyone may jeer or sneer at me and insult me, but I will not be deterred from pressing my case. I can bear all these sneers. The Parliamentary Secretary may continue to laugh. Deputy Ward has been in the habit of laughing at me any time I ask question, no matter what they are about. It is a failing of his. It will never deter me from continuing my efforts on behalf of the poor If an unfortunate woman in a Dublin tenement or a needy person in any part of Ireland has a grievance, and if I can have that grievance remedied by exposing it in the Dáil, I shall at all times be glad to do so. I will do my duty in exposing those matters and no insults will stop me.

The Minister's Estimate as a rule provides a very useful and interesting field for discussion. On this occasion one is very sorely tempted to deal with the matter of the County Management Act but I feel that that subject may best be approached in the way we are at the present time by having a motion on the Order Paper for special discussion at a later date. I presume that it will not be reached for some time. We have quite a lot of interesting things to say in regard to that particular Act but I think it is better to deal with it as a special subject.

There are few other points, so far as the Minister's Estimate is concerned, that I wish to advert to. It must be borne in mind that we had a full-dress debate and discussion on the Estimate as a whole and on the Appropriation Bill last November and perhaps it would be correct to say that very little has occurred in the interval to change the position. But I do want to refer again to the question of housing. The housing position in the City of Dublin remains practically the same as it was when we were discussing the matter last November. We are still in the unfortunate position of requiring some 15,000 houses immediately to meet the present needs of our people here. I am glad to say that we are, perhaps, the only municipal body that I know of, either here or across the water, which is continuing its housing programme. Thanks to the foresight of the corporation and may I say in this respect—and I am happy to be able to say it—thanks to the co-operation of that section of the Local Government Department which deals with housing, we are handling that problem as well as can be expected, having regard to very difficult circumstances indeed.

We have, as the Minister will know, recently embarked on a scheme of reconditioning some of our old Georgian houses and that scheme has met with success and has been very rightly applauded by people who are interested in that new phase of the regeneration of old houses here. The scheme is necessarily slow at the moment. We can only envisage something in the nature of 170 dwellings but we have the satisfaction at least, concurrently with our own building programme, of ensuring that people in the immediate vicinity, say, of Cathal Brugha Street and Gardiner Street will have accommodation right alongside where they have been living for years. The point I want to make in connection with this—I have made it before—is that I would like the officials of the Department to indicate as early as possible to the corporation the lines on which they propose to finance this particular scheme. The corporation, I understand, have submitted details of what they require so far as grants are concerned. We submit that grants which have come to us in the ordinary course for slum clearance should also flow to us so far as this reconditioning scheme is concerned. At the moment we are financing the scheme out of loan in anticipation that the Department will come to an early decision but I should like the Minister when he is replying to this debate to indicate very definitely that it is the intention of his Department to give to the corporation——

I do not like to interrupt Deputy O'Sullivan but he seems to be drawing a distinction between the officers of the Department and the Minister. The officers are my officers. The Department is my Department. They give effect to my policy and not their own and I should like the Deputy to bear that in mind.

I have asked the Minister would he indicate to the House, because it would particularly interest the members of the Dublin Corporation who are members of the House, if he is prepared to give these grants. If he does not like to have his officers coupled with him——

Again I do not like to interrupt but, through the Chair, I should like to remind the Deputy that it is not usual to refer to the officers of the Department in the House in any connection. They are anonymous. They are my advisers and they give effect to my policy. It is the Minister, and only the Minister, that can be criticised or commended, if commendation is deserved.

There is no point, so far as I am concerned, in continuing a discussion of that character. All I am concerned with is that the Minister should indicate, on the conclusion of the debate, that he is prepared, so far as his Department is concerned, to give the grants which the corporation believe they should get on a reconditioning scheme of this character and that the scheme should not be unduly prolonged without any intimation as to how its ultimate finance is to be met so far as the Local Government Department is concerned.

May I point out that there is another difficulty so far as the corporation is concerned at the present time and that is in connection with the continuation of its own building programme. I have indicated that we were in the fortunate position of at least continuing that programme in part, so far as our cottage scheme is concerned, but difficulties are arising at the present time, particularly so far as the transport of timber is concerned. A number of the contractors here very wisely and very fortunately made provision in the early stages to ensure that as far as possible materials would be available, but difficulties are now arising for obvious reasons where priorities are in operation so far as transport is concerned and it is likely that in the very near future the corporation's contractors will be faced with the serious difficulty of a shortage of timber for the making of doors and wooden sashes, and so on, in connection with their scheme. I should like the Minister to ensure that we may have the necessary priority for timber so that our valuable schemes of housing will not be impeded.

On the question of the housing grants, I have referred before and my colleague has referred on more occasions than I would like to recall, to the inequity, shall I say, of the form the grants take under the 1932 Act. It is worth repeating and I think I will have to keep repeating it until we get to a stage where the Minister will indicate to us that we will be met in a fair way. I have on a number of occasions pointed out that the ceiling for flats and cottages is entirely too low having regard to building costs. On the last occasion when the Minister was dealing with this question he indicated that we were dealing with a purely temporary position and that, of course, building would probably subside to its normal state at a later stage but I think anybody who knows anything about the building industry will agree with me that it is obvious that building costs will remain stable, comparatively stable in any case, for a very considerable time to come and that it is obvious that the maximum of £500 for a flat qualifying for a grant under the 1932 Act and £450 for a cottage bears no relation to the actual costs obtaining to-day and certainly will not for as many years as we can possibly envisage at the present time. Therefore, in my opinion, the Dublin Corporation is carrying at the moment an undue burden and has to pass that burden on to its ratepayers because we have to meet the deficit so far as our estimates are concerned. In point of fact, the contribution from the ratepayers of Dublin since the 1932 Act has been in excess of the national grant so far as housing is concerned and that can be borne out by reference to our estimates. I suggest, therefore, that the Minister should now seriously consider the question of raising the ceiling so far as these two categories are concerned or, may I say, the particular one of urgency is that for cottages, because we are still pursuing the cottage type of building. Flats at the moment, for the reason that reinforcements have to be taken into consideration, are practically out of the question.

On the question of tuberculosis, referred to by Deputy Alderman Byrne, I think the Minister indicated on the last occasion that he was pleased with the valuable and helpful discussion that took place in November in connection with this whole subject. I am glad, as one individual closely in touch with the situation, to find that public opinion and the Minister's own Department have been roused to a sense of the seriousness of this position.

I referred on the last occasion to what I believed to be a certain remissness on the part of the Minister's Department so far as making the necessary provision in Dublin for people suffering from tuberculosis was concerned, and I instanced the case of the proposed sanatorium at Ballyowen. So far as I can gather, this sanatorium might very well have been built when the times were reasonably normal and at a cost much lower than when it will be started. The position as regards Ballyowen, as I indicated to the House on the last occasion, is that this scheme was submitted to a board of assessors for an architectural design for the building. This design will not be available, if my information is correct, until June, 1945, so that the serious position indicated last November still obtains so far as the treatment of tuberculosis in the city is concerned. What we are up against in Dublin so far as tuberculosis is concerned will be appreciated when I tell you the only institutions available for treatment in this city are Crooksling, Rialto, and the Pigeon House for advanced cases. These institutions provide only roughly between 400 and 500 beds for a floating tuberculous population of about 5,000 in this city. Apart from these institutions, there is a clamant demand for treatment in Newcastle and Peamount.

For Peamount, I understand, there is a waiting list at present of 270. To get into Newcastle in the ordinary way means that a patient has to wait three or four months. That is understandable when you think of the accommodation available in Peamount and Newcastle and remember that these institutions serve the whole country. Persons from all over the country come to Newcastle and Peamount. Consequently, we are in the unfortunate position of not being able to provide treatment for all the people suffering from tuberculosis in Dublin at present. In that respect, I would suggest to the Minister in all seriousness that, since the main thing so far as dealing with tuberculosis is concerned is to ensure that the sufferer will have suitable food, rest and medical attention, it should be possible at this stage to provide accommodation of a temporary character which need not be of the grandiose type suggested for Ballyowen in those architectural designs to which I have referred. The Minister should approach this question energetically and systematically so as to hold out some hope to those people in this city who are awaiting treatment and unable to get it.

I want to pay a tribute to the Minister and those associated with him for the advance made by the introduction of the scheme for tubercular persons discharged from sanatoria and those who are attending dispensaries. That scheme is working in a reasonably satisfactory manner in any case. There are roughly about 850 persons availing of the scheme, under which they are supplied with 7 eggs per week, ½ pint of milk daily, and ½ lb. of butter per week. It was intended under the scheme to provide boots and clothing and I think it is only due to the Department to say that arrangements are being made, I understand, to implement the section of the scheme as far as providing boots and clothing to those individuals who need them is concerned. It is only fair to the Department to mention that in order to show that recently, in any case, they have realised how serious the position is so far as Dublin is concerned. I would impress on the Minister the necessity for an immediate increase of accommodation because of the number of people who are awaiting treatment and cannot get it.

As to old age pensions, I have raised frequently here, and so have other Deputies, the question of the means test. I think the Minister will have to agree that its operation is undoubtedly imposing hardship on a very large number of people, not alone in the city but throughout the country. I put it to the Minister that the time has arrived when this means test, if not abolished altogether, should be at least modified. There is one aspect of it to which I want to draw particular attention. I feel confident that there is a growing opinion, even on the Ministerial Benches, that something should be done in this respect, judging from remarks made by the Minister for Finance recently, and by the Minister for Industry and Commerce when closing his speech on the Second Reading of the Transport Bill. The Minister for Industry and Commerce referred to railway employees who retire at 65 and get an ex gratia pension of 16/- per week and, when they reach the age of 70, the pension is reduced to 6/-, because, so far as the individual is concerned, he would get no benefit if the railway company continued to pay the full pension; it is only the National Exchequer that would benefit in the long run. The Minister for Industry and Commerce indicated that perhaps the Minister for Local Government might so adapt the provisions of the Old Age Pensions Act as to secure, where private employers or industrial firms were disposed to give small pensions to their employees, that these pensions would continue beyond the age of 70 without any interference so far as the operation of the means test for old age pensions is concerned. There are a number of employers throughout the country who are prepared, I am sure, to continue that payment if they are satisfied that the full benefit of their payments and of the old age pension will flow to the recipient. I suggest that at least a modification along these lines is not alone desirable but, so far as the Minister is concerned, is quite feasible and should be brought in as early as possible.

I also referred on the last occasion to the abolition of the Dublin Board of Assistance in April, 1942, and the Minister, when replying, indicated that, until such time as the Commissioners had decided on a scheme of reorganisation so far as the institution is concerned, he felt that their services were still required. Recently I noticed that a report along these lines was issued by the Commissioners. The Minister indicated that his main concern was the administration of public assistance. I venture to point out that the Commissioners have had two years to examine that position thoroughly and I suggest that the time has arrived to associate public representatives once again with that important institution.

In connection with the board of assistance, reference has been made to the question of the supply of boots to necessitous children, and the Minister indicated on a previous occasion, in reply to a question, that the board of assistance authorities had power to implement a scheme of that character. The Minister will agree, I think, that, so far as boots for children are concerned, they were never in a position to do so. The only assistance under that particular heading that the board were giving at any time was boots made on their own premises. The only other boots supplied were surgical boots. I suggest that it is desirable that the Minister should make the necessary provision, at least for the coming winter, to ensure that the undertaking which he gave on a previous occasion in reply to a question will be implemented so far as the board of assistance is concerned and put them in a position to give the boots to necessitous children, on the same lines as those on which he is now making provision for extra food to the extent of something around £50,000, over and above what the commissioners demand of the corporation. Each year for the past couple of years, the Minister has made provision for roughly £48,000 for extra food, so far as the board of assistance is concerned, and I suggest that it is necessary for him to make the requisite provision to ensure that a scheme of this character will be made available, particularly for children. Deputy Byrne's figures were not quite correct. The figure given by the school attendance officers is between 8,000 and 11,000 children who are unable to attend school because of lack of clothing and boots.

I mentioned previously the question of the capitation grant for mental hospitals and I return to it. Under an old British Act, capitation for mental hospitals is allowed to the extent of something like 4/- per head. This amount was fixed at a time when conditions were not anything like what they are to-day and I suggest that in present circumstances it is absurd and it is not fair to the contributing body, in this case, the Dublin Corporation. It places an undue burden on that authority and it should be made more appropriate to the general rise in the cost of living.

Relief schemes have been a very important item of the Dublin Corporation's work for a number of years. The corporation went to the extent of providing a special department to deal with their administration, and, on an average, we have had about 1,000 men employed for a considerable period over the whole year. The conditions are not what we would desire because the work is on a four-day rotational basis. I do not approve of that basis and believe that the men should get their full week's work; but relief schemes at present have fallen to a low ebb— indeed the lowest in any year I know of. At the moment, we have only approximately 300 men engaged on these schemes in the city, notwithstanding the fact that suitable schemes for the current year have been sent forward by the corporation involving roughly £100,000. If, in that current list supplied to the Minister, there are schemes which do not meet with his approval, he has, in addition, a number of schemes previously supplied by the corporation from which he could make useful selections so as to ensure that the number of men employed will be brought up at least to the number employed for some years past.

The Minister may say that there are difficulties at present in relation to cement. That is perfectly true, and I am prepared to recognise that difficulty, but it is probably only a temporary difficulty and there are included in the list such schemes as the cleaning of the Camac and Tolka rivers in respect of which cement is not necessary at all or at least not necessary on a heavy scale, and where the main requirement is purely unskilled labour. The Minister might see to it that these schemes which have been submitted will be sanctioned at the earliest possible date to ensure the maximum number of men being put to work.

Ní dóigh liom go bhfuil obair aon Roinne Riaghaltais chomh tábhactach, ná go bhfuil baint chomh fairsing ná chomh deimhnitheach aici le gnáth-shaol na ndaoine, agus atá obair na Roinne atá á plé againn ar thuairisc an Aire Riaghaltais Aiteamhail agus Sláinte Poiblidhe, agus ba mhaith liom focal no dhó a rá mar gheall air.

It would be unreasonable indeed to think that the most vigilant and most energetic Minister, and everybody will agree that the present Minister typifies these attributes in no ordinary degree, could possibly attend to all the intricacies of local requirements and administration in relation to the various boards and councils dealing with diverse populations and areas. Almost all aspects of local government have been put forward and criticised in various ways to-day, and some Deputies would describe the Minister as a kind of robot which descends suddenly on a council and exterminates its powers and capabilities. I am sure this is not so, that the Minister gives full consideration to all the matters which he thinks are not being adequately dealt with, and, having made up his mind, gives a reasonable time to the responsible council or other public body to adjust the matters which he thinks need attention.

One would think that in a discussion in a deliberative Assembly like this, the same principles would guide the speakers in their criticism of the Department. Some speakers, having said that too much power is concentrated in the Minister, criticise him before the end of their discourse for not using the powers he has more widely. No doubt many aspects of the discussion have been enlightening and will get due consideration by the Minister. No doubt many helpful suggestions have been made, but, at the same time, we should not, I think, take up the time of the House in dealing with matters which really are functions of local bodies. The Minister can only indicate general principles and then, in cooperation with his Department, these principles can be given effect to in the proper way.

With regard to rents, I know that their adjustment is mainly a matter for local corporations and councils but there is one aspect which, I think, comes within the Minister's sphere, that is, the reason these unreasonable rents are being charged is in great measure the short-term loans which are being procured and the high interest paid on them by local bodies. If there is any stability at all in local government and if the houses being built are substantial enough, surely these loans could be spread over a greater number of years so that the rents will not fall so heavily on the present generation as they fall to-day. Many people have been moved from the slum areas into the suburbs of towns and cities and are being charged rents which I know they cannot pay. Certain statistics have been gathered about these slum clearances and it has been proved; I think, beyond all question, by medical officers that even those who have been moved to healthy surroundings have not been improved in their general health because the rents are so high and because transport difficulties have arisen, that they are not able to provide a sufficiency of nourishment to sustain themselves and their families at the previous standard. Consequently, the general health of these people has not, in all cases, at any rate, improved as a result of their removal from the slum areas. This is a matter which I think the Minister should take up with the public bodies if he can be of any assistance to them in that regard. I am sure the Minister is very considerate for those people—they are in many ways the most helpless in the community—and if Government policy can help them and the local bodies I am sure it will have the attention of the Minister and of his Department.

Another matter which I should like to bring to his attention is the question of the temporary staffs in local offices. Some of those men work for years and years, sometimes for only five or six months of the year, without any hope whatever of permanency. They are not acquainted with the skilled work which is required in the various councils, and in consequence find it very difficult to obtain alternative employment. I would suggest to the Minister, in view of the fact that all those departments are brought under the managerial system, that when vacancies occur in the board of health or the board of assistance during the summer periods, when some of the staff go on holidays, those who have been working in the rates department of the county councils during the earlier part of the year should be brought in to fill those temporary vacancies. Then if they are brought back for the franchise again they will have at least some chance of getting seven or eight months' work in the year.

I must again refer to what Deputy Byrne said about the industrial schools. I mentioned it here recently. He was speaking about those children being removed from their families so that their families could not see them for some years. I know definitely that, year after year, when transport was better than it is now, the Very Rev. Provincial of the school to which he refers in the County Cork paid out of the school funds the railway fares for those children to go to their homes if they so desired and stay there for the holiday periods, just as they would from any boarding school in the country. That arrangement still prevails.

What responsibility has the Minister for Local Government in that matter?

That is what I do not know, Sir, but Deputy Byrne has raised it again and again,

Yes. He has raised it on this Vote.

That is not positive proof of its being in order.

I know that.

Far from it.

I do not think it is right that incorrect statements should go uncontradicted. The housing problem, the question of the temporary staffs, and the question of the old age pensioners—which have already been raised, and I do not want to deal with the matter further—are matters to which I suggest that the Minister should devote his attention in the near future. I think his Department and the local councils should co-operate in improving the lot of the urban and rural areas.

I want to make a few remarks on the housing question. The fact that there is a lull in housing because of the shortage of materials at present is probably all the more reason why some of the aspects of the matter should be gone into and considered from every angle. The housing problem is a very complicated one and has arisen from a number of circumstances, a lot of them not under our control, but perhaps if some of the causes are mentioned very briefly it will enable us to consider how far we are working on right lines. Dublin is an old walled city on the banks of the Liffey —I suppose most cities of any size are on a river—and the fact that it had walls naturally for hundreds of years tended to confine the inhabitants inside that area. I suppose when the danger was removed the city did not immediately begin to spread out. Of course from time immemorial people have flocked to Dublin in search of employment, and that has also tended to exacerbate the problem. Another matter which has affected the question is, of course, the awakening consciousness of the people to social conditions in the city. I suppose many years ago people lived in conditions in the city which would not be tolerated now, and very rightly so. I remember talking to a man, who told me that two of the male servants in his father's household used to sleep under the stairs. I do not suppose that that would be allowed now. Probably, the people living in these houses would not permit it either, but, of course, that is all added to the problem we are now trying to solve. Coming down to our own times, I suppose we can remember the narrow city boundaries and the city wards, in connection with which everybody was trying to get a housing scheme for the particular ward in which they lived.

The next matter, I suppose, that complicated our housing problem was in connection with the Pembroke and Rathmines districts, which were just outside the city boundaries proper. I suppose that, on account of the higher rates in the city, these people did not want to throw in their lot with the city because they were afraid that they would have to pay the city rates without having any increased benefits. Naturally, the housing shortage has led to a certain amount of confused thinking. People talk about the man who works on the docks and whose house is in Rathmines, or who lives in Rathmines. Of course, it is a very big journey from Rathmines to the docks, but I think that, undoubtedly, there is also a number of people who live alongside the river and who work in Rathmines. I remember a case having been brought to my notice in connection with a bus driver, who had to leave his bus in the city, when he was finished duty at night, and had to set out for his cottage in Dean's Grange. That would have been all right, were it not for the fact that his bus was the last one, and he had either to walk out to his home in Dean's Grange or take a chance on casual transport. That problem, of course, can only be solved when the housing situation is sufficiently fluid for people to be able to exchange their houses fairly easily and fairly rapidly: in other words, that a person who got a job in another part of the city might stand some chance of being able to get housing accommodation in that other part of the city, which, of course, would mean that these people would not have to travel such long distances to their work.

Now, houses are uneconomic. The old condition was that somebody erected houses for the working-classes and intended to make a profit on these houses. That condition, through a variety of causes, has now become impossible, and I wonder if that is the reason why housing is the only problem of supply that was not settled after the last war. For instance, during the last few years, anybody who had money had no difficulty in buying such commodities as clothing, and so on, or in getting supplies of these commodities, but it seems to be a different question when it comes to the matter of housing. Another matter which has tended to complicate the situation— I do not think the Government have any very clear ideas on this matter, and I should be very pleased to hear if they have any clear ideas on it—is in connection with the Rent Restrictions Act. I suppose that the apologists for the Government would say: "Oh, you could not let the rents of houses go to their economic level; how would the workers pay those rents?"

That is a matter for the Department of Justice, and was raised on the Vote for the Department of Justice.

Yes, Sir. I am merely referring to this matter as having its effect on the housing problem. I shall finish that by saying that that problem has never been tackled properly. There is no doubt, of course, that the Government are very anxious to solve the housing problem. I suppose they are as anxious as anybody in this House, and that they could say that they have made a number of contributions to the solution of the problem. That may be so. At the same time, however, I think that there are certain fields in which they have made very little progress and in which, in fact, they have not attempted to find a solution such as has been tried in other places. Belfast, for instance, is not so many miles away from here, and, of course, their housing problem was not the same as that which obtains in Dublin. I think that transport facilities were easier in that city and that it was easier to develop districts around the city. I am not sure, but I think that in Belfast they give, at the present time, £100 towards the cost of working-class houses, and that a loan is given at a low rate of interest.

Another matter which was referred to here was in connection with the reduction of rates on working-class dwellings. I do not know whether the system prevails at present, but in Belfast, many years ago, they used to give a reduction on all rates that were paid by a certain date. After that date, there was no reduction. I believe that after a very short time they found that in the case of any rates that were not paid by that date, and the reduction accordingly availed of, the rates were uncollectible. Another matter to which I should like to refer, in connection with this matter of housing, is that I think the Government have taken too narrow a view of the problem. They are looking, and quite rightly, to the housing of the sections of the community who are most in need of houses, but I think that if they tried to help some of the other sections also, they would find that each section would react on the other. If one takes the ordinary population of this country at the present time, I think it will be found that it is composed of a few people who are so wealthy that they can afford to purchase a house anywhere they want it, and then, at the other end of the scale, there are people who are so poor that it is a nice question as to what rent they can afford to pay. I think that one of the last speakers mentioned that it had been found, in connection with some of the new housing schemes, that as soon as people found that they had to pay a few pounds more for rent, that immediately had an adverse effect on their health, because the only item they could save on was food or other necessaries of life. In that connection, of course, there is a gradual process going on all the time in this city, because of the change-over from the narrow walled city of former times, for which, I suppose, the Danes were primarily responsible; but the city is being slowly spread out, and certain industries are moving out. As a result of that, the fear of people outside the city, say, in the Crumlin area, is that they will not be able to get any employment out there. Now, I think that that problem will be slowly solved by the development of factories moving out into such districts, because it will be possible to acquire bigger sites there in which to erect modern factories.

I have spoken already about the community being composed of the very rich at one end of the social scale—a small portion, if you like—and of another section of the people who can scarcely afford to pay any rent; but, in between, there is a sort of shading of the various classes. For instance, you have a number of people at the present time who are competing for corporation houses, or for workers' houses, who really do not belong to that class at all and who, with a little help, would probably be able to pay for houses themselves. I should like to ask the Minister seriously to consider why the sums that were made available under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act were not continued. An enormous number of houses were built under that Act, and I think that every time a sum of money was made available by the Government to the corporation, it was only a question of a few months until that money was used up, and there was no more. One could understand the withdrawal of this assistance if the argument could be used that the provision of these grants tended to diminish the supply of working-class dwellings or prevented their being erected as speedily as possible but the people to whom I refer in many cases have certain savings put by and it is only a question of financing them to the extent of the balance of the purchase money. The risk of those people defaulting in their payments is practically nil because in most cases the class of houses which they purchase would hold their value. These houses cost pre-war, say, about £500. If the purchaser met with some difficulty in meeting the payments due on the amount advanced, and the house had to be sold there would be no difficulty in getting the amount of money for the house when it was sold.

I should like to suggest to the Government that their ideas of housing are too narrow. I think that practically anyone who wants to get a small house should be more or less welcomed and that there should not be an inquisition to ascertain whether or not the person seeking the house belongs to the working class. If it did not mean too much of an impost on the community in general, I do not see why any questions of that kind should be raised any more than if a person who was not of the working class went into an establishment where clothing was sold generally for the working classes. If a person went into an establishment such as that and asked for an overcoat he would not be cross-questioned as to whether or not he was a worker. Anybody who had the money to put down and was a potential customer would be welcomed.

That brings me to another aspect of the housing question to which I do not believe the Government have paid much attention or, if they have, they are only very slowly waking up to it. I think the actual construction of houses is the least part of the problem or at any rate it is the part of the problem that is capable of quickest solution. Housing, I suggest, really falls into four more or less equally-spaced problems, in point of time. It takes a year to plan a working-class site, a year to acquire the site, a year to clear it and another year to build houses on it. That is a very rough and ready generalisation but I suggest if you take what is gained in one direction and put it against what is lost in another, you will find that my estimate works out approximately correct. That brings me to the point that if the Government had been planning for the past four years, they would probably find that in the post-war period the builders would catch up on them. I do not know if the Government are afraid that the builders will work too quickly. I am quite sure that the Labour representatives in this House are not afraid that too many builders will be employed at once and that they would finish the job too quickly.

There seems to be one perennial problem in connection with all these sites which the Government acquire inside the city or where there is any clearing to be done. It seems to take an unconscionable time to get the site cleared of the people who are living on the site. Usually the excuse given by the corporation, and I am sure there is a good deal of truth in it, is that they have not houses anywhere else into which they can put people taken off that site. That is probably true but there is no builder, whoever he may be, engaged on a housing scheme inside the city who is not very seriously hampered, delayed and put to extra expense because he is not handed over the site when he wants to start operations. He is told that he can start in one corner of the site, that he can work along and that by the time he is ready to start in the other corner the site will be cleared but he never knows from day to day whether he may not be left standing high and dry until the site ahead is cleared. Adjacent to my premises there is a site which has been under consideration for seven years, that is the Whitefriar Street scheme.

Another matter—I do not know whether it delays housing; it probably does not to the extent that one would imagine—is that the corporation building by-laws have not been overhauled for generations. I think a rough and ready via media has been discovered. The corporation more or less let each case be decided on its merits without having recourse to the by-laws. That is no reason, however, why in a period like the present, the opportunity should not be availed of to overhaul any legislation of that kind which would be of assistance in the post-war period. I should also like to ask the Minister why the publication of the housing report has been delayed so long. Some people suggest that that report reveals the extra cost of housing due to the tariffs that were imposed in recent years on some housing materials. I would suggest to the Minister that a more realistic approach to the housing problem as a whole should be made by the Government. The difference in the requirements of various sections of the community as regards housing is very small and may be explained by the fact that various classes live in different districts around the city. Some of these people may require garages to their houses. In fact, they are really working-class houses in a slightly different area with, possibly, a garage attached. I do not see why the Minister and the Government should not consider the problem as a whole and provide that anybody who wants a house of a certain size will be able to get it practically on demand. If they did that, I am sure that the housing problem would not be with us much longer.

I commend the policy at present being carried out in Dublin of taking over insanitary dwellings and making them fit for human residence but I think that the rate of progress is much too slow. I urge on the Minister that he should press on with that programme. I can think of no better way of giving employment to building workers than that of eradicating this evil of the slums, which has always been a national disgrace. As regards the problem of providing houses for people in the city, Deputy Martin O'Sullivan mentioned that about 15,000 houses were needed. I think that the number is much greater, particularly in the case of persons who do not ordinarily obtain housing accommodation from the Dublin Corporation. That number will continue to increase until houses are again made available. I am aware that the Minister for Local Government and the Minister for Supplies are taking steps to provide that houses will be made available as soon as building materials are obtainable. They have asked for the submission of plans. They have requested persons and companies with building projects in view to get their sites cleared, so that the schemes will be ready for operation when supplies come across the seas again. I am satisfied that, as a result of these plans, houses will be made available for the people who require them as soon as it is humanly possible to do so. However, I suggest to the Minister that there is another aspect of this question to which attention might usefully be given at this stage. I refer to the question of house-purchase.

I think that a considerable sum should be made available through ordinary sources for house purchase loans. It should not be necessary for the burden of financing house purchase to fall on the local authorities, particularly Dublin Corporation. A considerable sum of money would be invested in house purchase loans if new houses were available. I think that steps should be taken to lay down standard conditions upon which a loan might be given and received for the purchase of dwellings. A limit should be placed to the amount of interest chargeable. There should be a standard form of mortgage, and, perhaps, greater safeguards might be devised for the mortgagee. The position at present prevailing is that there is competition between insurance companies, building societies and others to obtain this business, and an insurance company may offer a man a greater percentage of the amount he requires if he will take out a policy of insurance from them. There should be no mixing up of house purchase with life insurance. Standard conditions for house purchase loans should be laid down and the rate of interest should be limited. At present, the rate varies from 5½ per cent to 8 per cent. The lowest rate which prevails is much too high. What better security can you offer an investor than a mortgage on the residence of an Irish workman? When the security is so good, the rate of interest should be lower than it is. A prospective house purchaser should be able to borrow money at half of one per cent. in excess of the rate which the Government have to pay for money. It might be advisable, too, to establish a bureau at which young people looking for houses would get expert advice. They should not be left to the mercy of the various commercial interests which are offering competitive terms. Both as regards the purchase of the house and the negotiation of the loan, the Minister might consider establishing a bureau which would afford information to young people about to embark on house purchase for the first time. The question of financing house purchase should not be left entirely to the corporation. I am satisfied that, if appropriate regulations were made, the banks could be induced to go in for the granting of loans for house purchase.

In the course of his introductory speech, the Minister gave us a comprehensive review, which enabled us to see the wide character of his Department's activities. I do not want to discuss at any great length the various activities of the Department and their complex reactions. There are, however, one or two matters to which I should like to make reference. Recipients of old age pensions may now be granted an allowance of 2/6 per week in those areas where the food voucher scheme does not operate at present. There is to be recoupment, as to 75 per cent. of that expenditure, by the Department, the balance being met by the local authority. Under the normal administration of the Old Age Pensions Act, there is a means test. If a person has an income of £39 5s. 0d., no old age pension is payable. Those familiar with the operations of the Old Age Pensions Department know well that the Department places considerable emphasis on the necessity for a valuation of the means of applicants for old age pensions. When the pension is finally granted, the applicant is subjected to a means test so as to satisfy the Department that only the appropriate amount is paid, having regard to the applicant's income. I think that the Department gets whatever value is attached to the means test from its point of view. I object entirely to the means test in cases of that kind. It is unfair in its inception and in its operation and it is accompanied by an iniquitous inquisition into the circumstances of persons of 70 years and over who are seeking old age pensions. From the Department's Shylock point of view, it is assured when an old age pension is granted, that the income of the applicant has been sifted and that the pension is based upon the knowledge available to the Department from its inquisition. The pensions payable to old persons are subject to a means test at present. The Department is now piling one means test upon another. The grant of a maximum allowance of 2/6 a week to old age pensioners in rural areas and small towns is also subject to a means test. I suggest that it is unfair to impose a means test in connection with the grant of 2/6. A means test has already been imposed and the maximum pension payable is 10/- per week. In many cases, the pension is less than 10/- and all these old age pensioners have suffered considerably because of the fact that the cost of living has increased, according to the Government's own admission, by over 70 per cent. during the past four and a half years.

Even when the full increase of 2/6 weekly is granted, it does not in any way compensate old age pensioners for the shrunken value of the 10/- which they previously received. Even if they get the additional 2/6 weekly, with the shrunken value of money, it would only recoup them to the extent of 25 per cent., while the cost of living has increased over 70 per cent. It is very unfair to persons in receipt of pensions of 10/- weekly that they should be subjected to two means tests. These two means tests are applied to persons receiving from the State a pension of 10/- weekly in one case, and 2/6 maximum in the other case. In other words, there are two means tests for the 12/6 weekly that old age pensioners receive from the State. That inquisition is made into the circumstances of these families, but is not imposed in other cases, where the State spends much more generously, and with less social value than obtains in the case of needy old age pensioners.

There is one other matter to which I wish to refer, and that is the Department's policy in respect of the treatment of tuberculosis. The Minister told us of the efforts of his Department in that respect, but it appears that Deputies are not satisfied that it is doing all that is required, so far as planning and taking steps to abate this dreadest of all scourges affecting the health of our people is concerned. It is true that the Department's efforts have been praiseworthy. Any effort made to combat the dread scourge of tuberculosis or to assist in its ultimate eradication is praiseworthy, but the fact is, when due allowance is made for the Department's difficulties, as well as the anxiety and desire to combat tuberculosis, the present methods are hopelessly inadequate to deal with the scourge that confronts us to-day. While the Department is planning and thinking of doing this and that, and similarly encouraging local authorities, sanatoria are crowded. There is a waiting list so long that the doctors in charge of the sanatoria say that there is no hope of patients getting into some of them for months. These unfortunate patients are placed in the position that although they are tuberculosis cases which would respond to early treatment, they are compelled to remain at home, probably in overcrowded rooms, not only a danger to themselves but affecting other members of the family who at that stage are at least free from infection.

I had cases brought under my notice where medical officers in charge of sanatoria were not only sympathetic but realised that they would like to get patients at an early stage, not merely to treat them but to avoid a spread of the infection. These doctors were anxious and sympathetic towards the plea that tuberculosis patients ought not to be left at home where they were a heavy drag on the remaining members of the family and a source of diffusion of the infection. But, no matter how sympathetic doctors may be, they are up against the physical difficulty of limited bed accommodation for patients and, because of that, these unfortunate sufferers are compelled to remain in some cases in tuberculosis houses, where their physical condition not only deteriorates daily, but they infect others with whom they come into contact not merely in that house, but even at business when patients are able to remain at business. I do not think there is a doctor attached to sanatoria who could be got to say that he is satisfied with the present methods of dealing with tuberculosis or with the rate of progress made in the provision of beds to accommodate sufferers. The Minister in his statement told us of the methods of his Department for dealing with tuberculosis, but these people are finding it harder than ever to get accommodation in sanatoria. Apparently there is no prospect of being able to deal with the problem of overcrowded sanatoria, in view of the large number of applicants for treatment, the long waiting list and the apparently inadequate building programme or bed accommodation programme so far as the State and local authorities are concerned. The fact is that the State is tinkering with the whole programme of dealing with tuberculosis and while the State is tinkering with it the unfortunate patients are dying. Many young citizens who, if proper treatment were available, would live to enrich this State are being sent to early graves, simply because of the ineptitude of the State to make proper provision for the treatment of these hapless sufferers.

The most serious form of tuberculosis infection concerns patients in overcrowded families. I have been sent a report of a committee which has been examining the prevalence of tuberculosis in Dublin, and which took the trouble to ascertain the circumstances of a number of families, inquired into the living conditions, into the bed accommodation, and also took counsel with these families as to how they felt the incidence of tuberculosis in the family affected their method of living. At the same time this committee gathered from the families their views on how the problem could be sympathetically dealt with, so as to give the greatest measure of relief in the difficulties confronting them owing to the prevalence of tuberculosis. The committee reports that in many cases young tuberculosis sufferers, or for that matter, elderly sufferers were compelled to share a bed with other members of a family. Could anyone imagine, in the year 1944, that we would have in this country a conception of medical science where tuberculosis sufferers share a bed with another member of the family? If we were engaged in a campaign to spread tuberculosis we could not do it any more efficiently than to allow a sufferer from tuberculosis to share a bed with another member of the same family. There is no more dangerous method, from the point of view of the preservation of the national health, and no more effective method from the point of view of spreading tuberculosis over the largest number of persons in the State, than that.

The committee, in this case, reports that the reason for a situation of that kind is "not so much that there was no room for another bed, but that there was no other bed available," so that the family had simply to double up, and sleep together. Even in a case where a family might, perhaps, be able to get a bed, there was the further difficulty of providing bedclothes. I think it is bad enough that we should have an imperfect sanatoria system and that tuberculosis sufferers are compelled to remain at home, but it is still worse that they should have to sleep in beds with persons not affected with tuberculosis. The crowning injustice is that the tubercular sufferer and the non-tubercular sufferer should have to sleep together when a remedy for that could be provided by the provision of beds and bedclothes so as to segregate the tubercular sufferer from the healthy members of the family. The committee reports that, in the course of its investigation, it came across one case of a boy of 10 years of age, suffering from tuberculosis, who was compelled to sleep in the bed with his father and mother. If that happened in ancient Babylon one could understand it, but the position is that it is happening in this Isle of Saints and Scholars in the year 1944, and in the capital city of the State. Does not a case of that kind afford the clearest possible evidence that the State is only tinkering with this problem, and tinkering with it in an incompetent and insufficient way? There could be no greater indictment of the slothfulness of its methods than to find in this capital city a situation in which a boy affected with tuberculosis is compelled to sleep in an undersized bed with his father and mother. If the Department of Local Government would keep that case in its mind, and base its policy on the urgency inspired by a case of that kind, we could then make some fairly rapid approach to the adoption of methods calculated to eradicate tuberculosis effectively.

If there was a physical invasion of this country by the troops of another country, every single national resource would be mobilised for the purpose of repelling the invasion. Nothing would be allowed to stand in the nation's way for dealing with a situation of that kind. If we could do that in the case of a physical invasion which, perhaps, might last one, two, three or four years, if it were successful, how much more necessary is it to mobilise for constructive, and not destructive, purposes the resources of the State for dealing with an invasion of the nation's health and the nation's homesteads by tuberculosis, which is the most dreadful of all human maladies? Tuberculosis is not merely an invader of the national health and of the nation's homesteads, it is a permanent occupying power here unless we deal effectively with it.

Nothing that I say on this matter is intended in any way to hamper the efforts of the Department in dealing with this problem effectively. My concern in the matter is this: that I am impatient of the slothfulness of its methods. While planning is supposed to be going on, tuberculosis sufferers are dying, and tuberculosis sufferers are being permitted to live at home in over-crowded conditions because no proper sanatorium treatment is available for them. Therefore, they are a potential source for spreading tuberculosis over an ever widening circle of people. I suggest to the Department that they ought to use the case of the boy that I have quoted—a tuberculosis sufferer compelled to sleep with his father and mother—as a guide to further and much more vigorous action in the future in the matter of providing more satisfactory sanatorium accommodation for patients. Nothing must be allowed to stand in the Department's way as regards utilising every power that it has, and it must be given every power that it wants to enable it to deal effectively with this problem.

It may be said, of course, that you need buildings to provide sanatoria, and that necessarily some delay may arise in procuring buildings. There are many old mansions throughout the country which, perhaps, are not perfect from the point of view of providing sanatorium treatment. At least, this much can be said, that they would be very much better than to be crowding patients suffering from tuberculosis into homes which are unfit for healthy people, much less for unhealthy people. I suggest to the Minister that he should take over a number of these old mansions and use them as sanatoria, because even an imperfect sanatorium is better than no sanatorium at all. I suggest to him that the provision of treatment in such circumstances would make a very much better contribution towards combating the ravages of tuberculosis than the scheme of allowing men, women and children to remain at home in overcrowded dwellings which are inadequately ventilated and without proper food or clothing, a source of infection to everyone that they come in contact with.

That is a situation which the Minister cannot with impunity permit to continue. On all sides in this House, and throughout the country, there is a widespread measure of good-will for any effort which is made to intensify our methods for dealing with tuberculosis. There will, I suggest, be a widespread measure of popular support for any scheme, no matter how costly it may appear at the outset from the purely monetary point of view, which will grapple with tuberculosis effectively. I suggest to the Minister that, knowing the existence of that good-will in the House and outside of it, knowing the dangers which confront the nation because of the existence of tuberculosis on its present scale, and knowing, too, that all our present efforts are not combating the disease—it is still on the increase and is calculated to increase still further—he ought to come to the House and get from it all the powers which he needs for the purpose of evolving a comprehensive scheme to deal with tuberculosis as it affects our people. There is good-will in the House for that, and when the question of voting money for the treatment of tuberculosis comes before the House there will, I suggest, be no reluctance to do so. The Government and the Department will get all the power they want to do that. If they desire to get adequate powers to require local authorities to play their part in a national campaign for the eradication of the disease, they will get them from the House. This disease is mowing down thousands of our people each year as surely as if they were serving in the front line trenches in a war.

I had not the opportunity of either hearing or reading the Minister's statement. As regards what the Minister said when introducing the Estimate, I have to rely; almost entirely, on the newspaper reports of his speech. At the outset, I want to say that I think it was unfortunate that the Minister should find it necessary to threaten the local bodies with the Emergency Powers Act if they failed to assent to the edicts of his Department. If one county council has failed to carry out what the Minister has described as its duties, surely that is no reason why he should threaten to hold the sword suspended over all the others? Under the Managerial Act local bodies have been deprived of almost every vestige of authority, with the sole exception of striking the rate. This latest threat of the Minister will, I think, only have the effect of stifling any useful or helpful discussion on the part of local bodies. Surely the Minister would not maintain that the officials of his Department are infallible, and that local bodies must obey every edict issued by them without question? It seems to me that it should be the duty of the Minister to encourage local bodies to utilise what little authority is left to them, and to discuss intelligently every instruction issued by the Department. It is inevitable that there will be differences of opinion. I think the Minister must admit that the local bodies have co-operated in a whole-hearted fashion with the Department up to the present, even though some of them do not agree with the principle of the Managerial Act. Nevertheless, they have co-operated with the Department in a whole-hearted way in carrying out its regulations. Therefore, I think that the Minister acted injudiciously in issuing a threat of that kind.

I listened with the greatest interest to Deputy Norton discussing the subject of tuberculosis. One of the most alarming features of the Minister's statement was his reference to the rather abnormal increases in the more serious types of diseases in this country and more especially his reference to the very high level of the deaths from tuberculosis. I am not satisfied yet that the Department of Local Government and Public Health or the medical profession have tackled the problem of the eradication of the roots of this disease in a manner which will give satisfactory results.

I was startled the other day to read some figures supplied by Doctor Collis, who, I understand, is recognised as an authority on the subject of tuberculosis. Regarding the death rate in a number of countries, he gave figures for the period 1927/1937. During that period he states that the death rate decline per annum in Italy ranged from 1.5 to 3.8 per cent.; in Switzerland, from 2.2 to 3.8 per cent.; in Sweden it was 4 per cent., and in England and Wales 3.9 per cent. In Northern Ireland, presumably operating on the British system, the rate of decline decreased from 2.1 per cent. to 1.5 per cent. and, judging by the Minister's statement, the rate has decreased very substantially since then. I admit, of course, that in England and Wales since the outbreak of war there has been an alarming increase in tuberculosis, due to factors which, no doubt, were created by the war situation and the lack of adequate nutritive foods.

Those familiar with conditions in the country know perfectly well that a country patient who feels that he or she is in danger, or possibly subject to the disease, is very reluctant to mention anything about it, even in the family circle, because, as Deputy Hughes has pointed out, of the stigma attaching to a person suffering from the disease. As a result, when the patient is forced eventually to seek the advice of a doctor, the disease is too far advanced, and it is impossible to do anything for the unfortunate sufferer. Of course, the disease breeds more freely in surroundings of poverty than in other surroundings. It is also admitted by county medical officers of health in recent reports submitted to the Department that amongst working-class men and their families the disease is on the increase in very many counties.

It is all very well for the Minister to state that he proposes in the future —presumably when the war is over— to build sanatoria to accommodate these unfortunate people. It seems to me that he should take immediate steps to prevent the spread of infection. It is a well-known fact that, in many towns and some of the cities, too, there are houses reeking with the disease, and yet no adequate steps are taken in regard to them. The people living in those houses are working-class people, mixing with healthy people in the course of their employment, in factories, in places of amusement, cinemas, theatres, sports fields, and so on, where there is always the danger that they may spread disease.

If we are to make any impression at all on this problem, we must get down to bedrock, which means that steps must be taken by intensive propaganda to bring home to sufferers from tuberculosis the serious nature of the disease and the danger of spreading the infection to others. I know cases myself of sufferers from the disease who, unfortunately, cannot be admitted to sanatoria as there is no accommodation. They are living, as Deputy Norton has said, in their own families, and there is the danger that other members of the family will become infected. The medical profession seems to be quite helpless in cases like that. In the case of the poor working man, who probably suspects that he is suffering from the germs of the disease, he is often afraid to approach the doctor, for fear he might be sent immediately to a sanatorium, leaving his wife and children without support. There is no provision whatever by the State or by any local authority for people in these unfortunate circumstances.

I agree with Deputy Norton that the House will give the Minister the widest possible powers and authority to tackle this problem at its roots. Any money spent with that object in view will be well spent, and the House will be generous in its attitude to any proposals the Minister might introduce in this respect. It appears to me that there is no hope of bringing down the death-rate and making an impression on the problem, until we get down to bedrock, by providing extended dispensary treatment, or ensuring by some other means, that those suffering will be treated at an early stage.

We must also see that the unfortunate working man, at present afraid to disclose his illness to his employer, because of the danger of losing his employment, is provided for as regards himself, his wife and his family, if he is forced to go away to a sanatorium.

These are two of the essential aspects of the problem and, until some provision is made to deal with them, I do not see that we will make any real impression on the disease itself or bring down the death rate very substantially.

There is another aspect to it. Very often patients are sent to a sanatorium and, when it is recognised that the cases are incurable, they are sent home. That is largely due to lack of accommodation, because it is necessary to make room for other patients suffering from the disease. The person who is sent home dies, but during the time that person is at home the infection spreads to other members of the family and perhaps to outside friends and relations. No adequate steps are taken to prevent the spread of infection and until suitable steps are taken in this connection, I do not see that it will be at all possible to bring about any substantial improvement in the appalling death rate from tuberculosis.

We are spending an enormous amount of money on social services. The Minister and members of his Party have boasted about the wonderful things they have done for the country by establishing a splendid system of social services. If any criterion is to be applied to that, surely it is the standard of public health and, on the Minister's admission, the standard of public health is going down. To that extent, therefore, the policy in relation to social services has failed.

The Minister referred to the magnificent highways which he proposes to build, presumably for motorists, in the future. Apparently it is his desire to convert this country into a tourists' paradise. But the Minister did not mention the unfortunate people who constitute the bulk of the population — the farmers. He had not a word to say about providing the farmers, who represent about 80 per cent. of our productive capacity, with suitable roads, and suitable means of transport. One of the Deputies for Waterford mentioned this morning that the position of our trunk roads is such that many of them are unsuitable for horse traffic. That has been a fruitful subject of discussion at meetings of public boards. I do not know whether those discussions have made any impression on the technical experts of the Department. At all events, many of the roads are definitely unsuitable for horse traffic. I hope that the Minister's officials when planning these new highways will take into consideration the requirements of the farming community and leave a space for ordinary horse traffic. It would be dangerous, as one man described it in the past, to convert our roads into something approaching skating rinks—to construct them pretty much in the same manner as skating rinks.

There is rather a substantial item in the Estimate for the purpose of making provision by way of supplemental allowances to old age pensioners, widows in receipt of pensions, and other people. I agree that in present circumstances it is necessary that some allowance should be given in cases where there is hardship. There are many instances of people in receipt of old age pensions and widows being in dire distress and needing assistance from some source. My objection to the proposal is that I do not see why local authorities should be called upon to contribute towards the cost of any scheme of that kind. It has been the policy of the Department of Local Government for a long time to put on to local authorities expenditure which should be borne by the National Exchequer. The result of that policy is that the rates are increasing year by year.

We are told by the Minister for Finance that if this country is to achieve reasonable prosperity it is absolutely essential in the future that production should be increased. If there is to be a substantial increase in production, one of the first essentials is that local and national taxation should be brought to the lowest point possible. The lower the scale of taxation the more money there will be to put into production. All the exactions imposed by the Minister on local authorities add substantially to the rates each year. I desire to protest against the policy of the Minister which imposes charges of this kind on local authorities. It seems to me it is not the function of the ratepayers to raise the money; it is the function of the Government to provide the whole of the money for this very necessary purpose.

The Minister referred to turf production. Presumably his remarks were directed to the county councils. I am not satisfied that the turf production schemes carried out under the county councils have been successful or economical. My experience of these schemes goes to show that they have been altogether too costly, with the result that the councils have had to charge an excessive price for the turf sent to the Turf Development Board in Dublin and sold to county institutions. I suggest that the Minister should encourage county managers and county engineers to try to get private individuals to produce as much turf as they can for the use of public institutions, and for the Turf Development Board in Dublin. Looking at the expenditure of one county council on turf production during the last three years, I see that in the first year, at all events, it cost 50 per cent. more than the turf produced by private individuals. I believe it only requires a certain amount of organisation on the part of county managers and county engineers to secure by private enterprise practically all the turf required by institutions throughout the country. Many county surveyors did not know much about turf production when they were asked by the Government to undertake this work, but during the intervening years they have gained a certain amount of experience, although anybody who knows anything about turf production would not be inclined to regard them as experts on the subject. After all, it is to a certain extent a special business, and it should be left to the specialists if the Minister desires to have both economy and efficiency.

As regards the means test, representations have been made to the Minister on numerous occasions about the advisability of altering, or at least re-examining, the standards which guide the officials in determining whether people are entitled to old age pensions, widows' pensions, and so on. I am sure the Minister and other members of the Government are satisfied that the existing circumstances justify some change. We are living in abnormal times. The war has brought about revolutionary and extraordinary conditions, and in view of the high cost of living I think some examination of the means standard is called for. I hope the Minister will give sympathetic consideration to the appeals made to him by the Lord Mayor of Dublin, by Deputy Norton, and by other speakers here to-day, to have an investigation carried out immediately with the object of removing the dissatisfaction that exists in every part of the country with regard to the present standards.

In his opening remarks, Deputy Roddy appeared to be rather annoyed because of the attitude the Minister has adopted in dissolving local bodies. I think the last people to criticise any one on that point should be the Deputies who are sitting on the opposite benches, because they specialised in that particular work at a particular time.

Deputy Cogan this morning stood up to defend the Roscommon County Council and he did that without the slightest knowledge of the conditions in County Roscommon. If there is anything for which people who travel over the roads in Roscommon might criticise the older Roscommon County Councils, it is the condition in which they always kept the roads. They were never nearly up to the standard of the roads in other counties although Roscommon is a very important county, in so far as its roads are concerned, because persons travelling from Dublin to the West of Ireland must cross some part of County Roscommon. I know conditions in Roscommon fairly well and I do not think anybody here can dispute for a moment that the Roscommon County Council got every opportunity by the inquiry that was set up. They were not dissolved by the Minister without being given an opportunity to reconsider their position. The inquiry was held and they were given a fair crack of the whip and an opportunity of reconsidering their position. The result of the recent election in Roscommon, in my opinion, was a clear demand to the Minister to take the steps he took and he would be lacking in his duty if he had waited any longer than he did. The upkeep of county roads, main roads or trunk roads, is a responsibility that must be undertaken by somebody. Thousands of pounds are spent annually on these roads and that money represents not only a contribution from the county but a grant from the Minister. If the Minister grants to any county sums of money out of the public purse then it is his duty to see that that money is not wasted.

No matter how we try to maintain our roads, they cannot at the present time be fully maintained; all we can do is to keep the roads in as reasonably good a state of repair as we can. Difficulties are experienced at the moment owing to lack of tar and other materials and the amount of maintenance we can do is not a whole lot. The county council engineer in Roscommon is second to none in Ireland. He is a man with a national outlook so far as the work of the county and the country generally is concerned. He is a man who is very efficient, who never squandered or tried to squander any of the funds of the Roscommon County Council, and I think the Roscommon County Council were very wrong in trying to evade their liabilities so far as the roads are concerned. They have gone a lot further than that in other respects. I do not think any Minister of State, any Minister for Local Government, in this country could allow any county council to become a crowd of political racketeers. His duty is to step in and stop it before it comes to that stage. That is probably the stage which would have been arrived at in Roscommon if it were allowed to go on much further.

There are a few items that I wish to put before the Minister. First of all, of course, I want to congratulate him on the way he has handled the disputes all over the country in which bog workers were concerned. He was most helpful to the county managers and county council engineers because any suggesion they put to him he was always prepared to meet. In addition he gave them very useful information and assistance to ensure that instead of there being strikes all over the country, work would proceed in a satisfactory way. That applied in my county in many cases, and therefore I think it is only right for me to compliment him.

There is a number of peat schemes in Galway in connection with which there is a dispute about the price being paid by the county council to people who let bogs through the county council and the question of arbitration arises. The Minister should look into that matter at an early date because the price has not been fixed awaiting arbitration of some kind. I would ask the Minister to give his attention to that particular aspect of the peat schemes.

There is another matter in which I am very interested. It is the question of town boundaries. Most of the new building schemes were chosen outside the town boundaries. In my particular town one very large scheme of almost 200 houses has been built outside the town boundary. They are working-class houses, and by being just a few yards outside the boundary the residents are deprived of many services. If a man is thrown out of employment he is not eligible for the dole. The same thing applies to assistance of one kind or another. Where housing schemes have to be built outside the town boundary, the next step that should be taken, and one that should not be delayed, is to extend the town boundary so as to include within the town the housing scheme. It is a serious position to have 200 or 300 working-class families not entitled to the same benefits as people who happen to be living two or three yards away, inside the town boundary. I would ask the Minister to see what can be done to rectify that position.

There is another matter that is causing considerable trouble. In the West of Ireland we have great difficulty in some of the best tillage districts in connection with village roads or utility roads. In a number of areas last year where there was a good deal of tillage carried out the farmers were unable to get the threshers into their barns. Difficulty is also experienced by children going to school. Unless the neighbours oblige them by making a public right-of-way across their fields, there are times in winter when it would be impossible for children to get to school. I do not know how the Minister can help to solve that problem, but unless he can give some assistance I am afraid the county councils will not be able to do very much about it.

There was a good deal of comment to-day about tuberculosis. Of course, we are all anxious that everything possible should be done to control that particular disease. Unfortunately, we have not got any constructive suggestion but I can assure the Minister that we are all prepared to give him any assistance we can. I dare say the matter is receiving attention, but in our particular county the position would appear to be bad. A tubercular patient should be relieved of mental worry in the first instance.

I know that in our county when they are removed to a sanatorium the county manager, who is very interested in keeping the rates as low as he possibly can, makes them pay for their maintenance. I think that is a very bad system. A man stricken down by tuberculosis is, you might say, looking into the grave. He may be a married man who has worries that other people have not, because he is thinking that he may leave his wife and children behind him without any means of living. He cannot take out an insurance policy to provide something for their maintenance. There are two classes of people who should never be asked to pay for their maintenance in public institutions—those suffering from tuberculosis and those in mental hospitals. They are different types of patients from any others and there should not be any question of charging for their maintenance. We may be asked, of course, where the money is to come from, but the extra contribution required from those in good health to provide for these two classes of people would not be a terrible lot and we would be relieving them of some of the worry that is not helpful to them. There is also the question of mothers suffering from tuberculosis. I think it is a terrible thing that they should be left at home with their families. Once a mother develops tuberculosis she should be removed from her family immediately as it is very serious to have her living in a house where there are a number of small children. Mothers have much more contact with the children than fathers have, and I think an effort should be made to get them away from the children.

Some Deputy referred to the present condition of the roads so far as horse traffic is concerned and in some cases it is very bad. County engineers have made some effort to remedy this condition, but any effort they have made, I am afraid, will not be very useful. The present slippery condition of the roads is due to the fact that they are not being maintained in the same condition as they were formerly. It is a matter that should get the attention of the Department. Horses are very valuable at present, not alone from the monetary point of view, so far as the farmers are concerned, but from the point of view of their usefulness to the State in the production of food. If a farmer is taking a cart-load of stuff along a road and his horse breaks a leg and has to be shot, that is a loss to the State as well as to the farmer. I think the Minister's Department should see if something cannot be done to provide even temporary relief in that matter which is very essential. County councils have gone some distance in helping in the matter, but the effort they have made is a very feeble one. I know parts of the country where farmers had to put stuff on the side of the roads to save their horses from injury. The Department should go into the matter very carefully, and see if they can do anything to help.

Like previous speakers, I am at the disadvantage of not having had the privilege of listening to the Minister's opening statement. I have, however, read carefully the summarised version given in the principal daily papers. I should like the Minister to give us much more information than he gave in his opening statement about the progress in regard to turf production, particularly in relation to any increase that may have been effected in the turf produced by local authorities. In answer to a question from me on the 18th April last, dealing mainly with the question of the demand in my area for improved working conditions for turf workers employed by local authorities, the Minister, as reported in column 858 of the Official Report, said: "The number of persons actually engaged in cutting the 1944 crop is more than double the number similarly employed at this time last year." Any inquiries I have been able to make—and I have made them from reliable sources in my constituency, particularly in one county—do not confirm the information contained in that reply. On Thursday last I handed in a question asking for the latest information in that respect. I assume the Minister must have that information in his possession and I assume that that question will be down for answer by the Minister to-morrow. In any case, I would welcome the latest available figures in connection with this matter in relation not alone to my own constituency but to the country as a whole. No doubt the Minister can give up-to-date information regarding the progress made by the local authorities in connection with the demand for increased turf production. Every Party in this House and every public representative on a local authority is willing to give whatever assistance is needed in that connection.

I stated here when discussing this matter on a previous occasion that, in my opinion, the failure of the local authorities, in certain areas at any rate, to get more men and a better type of men to help to increase turf production, was due to the fact that the wages paid were not as attractive as the wages offered by private turf producers in the same areas. I can assure the Minister—and he can ask his colleagues sitting behind him if he has any doubt about it—that several private turf producers are paying much higher wages and giving much better conditions to the men employed by them for the purpose of producing turf for sale. It is a common thing in the turf cutting areas in my constituency for private turf producers to pay their workers at the rate of 10/- per day. I know of one case where a fairly extensive private turf producer is paying his workers 12/6 per day, in addition to a meal in the middle of the day. When you compare these with the conditions sanctioned by the Minister in connection with this matter, I think that explains why, in some areas, at any rate, the number of workers employed by the local authorities this year is less than last year. There may be other counties to which the Minister's figures could be properly applied.

On 1st April also, I raised with the Minister the question of whether he would sanction proposals submitted to him for better conditions for turf workers employed by local authorities, and I asked on that occasion whether he was prepared to authorise the payment of a minimum wage of £3 per week to such workers. I also asked whether they had received a number of recommendations from local authorities and other bodies during the past two years urging him to provide better working conditions for these workers. The Minister, to my amazement, indicated that he had not received any such proposals during the previous two years. If the Minister will look up the Official Reports for the day in question, he will find that, immediately prior to answering my question, he answered a question by Deputy Norton and admitted that he had received proposals from the Kildare County Manager for an improvement in the conditions of turf workers. I asked him if he had received any proposals from the Offaly County Council during the previous two years, and he said he had not. I want to be fair to the Minister in dealing with this matter. He subsequently wrote me a letter in which he stated that a resolution was received in the Department from the Offaly County Council on 1st April, 1942, "which" he said "is still over two years from the date of your question." In fairness to the Minister, I admit that I was 17 days out in the period I set down in my question. However, on 1st April, 1942—I suppose a very appropriate date——

Apparently, since the Deputy was 17 days out on that date. When did they let him out?

On 1st April, 1942, he received a resolution from the Offaly County Council, passed unanimously by the members of that body, urging him to pay the turf workers a minimum hourly rate of 1/-. This matter was raised by me two years and 17 days afterwards, but, notwithstanding the pressure from that body, and from the Kildare County Manager on the subsequent date, the Minister still insists on the payment of this miserable hourly maximum rate of 10½d. I urge him now—I daresay my voice will fall on deaf ears, but I hope not—in view of the failure of certain county managers in the midland part of the country, to review the miserable rates of wages, and, by doing so, induce competent turf workers now employed by private turf producers to be added to the number of persons producing turf for local authorities. If he does so, it will, in my opinion, help to increase the production of turf by local authorities, to the advantage of the community as a whole and particularly of the institutions in the counties concerned.

On 21st March of this year I raised the question in this House of the cost of turf production in the two counties in my constituency. The Minister gave me all the available information which was at the disposal of his Department —I am grateful to him for doing so — and it disclosed a most extraordinary state of affairs. I wonder has the Minister given the matter any consideration in the meantime, or has he made any inquries from the County Manager of Leix, who is also the person in control of Offaly, as to the explanation of the difference in the cost of production as between Counties Leix and Offaly of 12/- per ton in 1942 and 14/- per ton in 1943. The cost of production of the turf produced in Offaly and sold to Fuel Importers, Ltd., in 1942, was 30/6 per ton, loaded on lorry. The comparative figure for County Leix was 32/6., showing a difference of 12/- per ton. In 1943, the charge to Fuel Importers, Ltd., for turf produced in Offaly was 24/- per ton. The Minister refers to that as an interim price in his statement, but the comparative figure for Leix in the same year was 38/- per ton, showing a difference of 14/- per ton. The Minister gave other figures such as the total amount paid in wages by the county manager of the two counties. The figure in regard to total production in Offaly for 1942 was 19,407 tons, compared with 13,741 tons for Leix, although there is very little difference in the total amount paid out in wages in the two counties. I suggest that the Minister should get one of his Departmental inspectors to look into that matter whenever he is next in the district, provided nothing was done between the date on which the Minister gave me his figures and the present day. There is certainly something to be inquired into there.

There is another matter which has been brought to my notice by some private turf producers in my constituency. I have a communication from a private turf producer containing an offer made to him—and I believe it was made to other people of the same type during the same period—by Fuel Importers, Ltd. to purchase turf, of the 1942 crop, free on rail, at 28/- per ton although Fuel Importers, Ltd. were buying turf from the county manager in Leix at 42/6 per ton. I daresay the Minister is not fully responsible for the activities of Fuel Importers, Ltd., but the county manager is doing very well in getting 42/- from Fuel Importers, Ltd., in the county in which that firm has been trying to buy turf from private producers at 28/- per ton.

I made a suggestion, when speaking on this matter several months ago, and I am not sure whether it has been developed and investigated to any extent. So far as I can see, turf production by the local authorities was started in a hurry. No opportunity was given to county surveyors or other officials to survey the situation. The emergency arose without much previous notice and county surveyors were given a very difficult job to do at very short notice. One thing I have noticed—and I do not think they have changed their attitude in the matter, notwithstanding the fact that suggestions which might be helpful to the community which has to purchase turf at high prices have been made to them—is that, in the commencing period of turf production by local authorities, county surveyors or other officials went into the bogs nearest to the main roads, irrespective of whether the turf was likely to be good, bad or indifferent, or whether proper drainage schemes or necessary road repair work had been carried out.

I suggest to the Minister for Local Government that, when he is next discussing matters of this kind with the county managers or county officials, he should urge upon them the necessity for carrying out a classification of turf bogs. When cutting turf for sale to county institutions, to Fuel Importers, or to others, they should concentrate upon bogs where they are likely to get the best class of turf. If they do so, they will get a good class of turf, which will be cheaper to the persons who are buying it; the cost of transporting it, if it has to be carried long distances by rail or road, will be much cheaper than the cost of transporting a very low type of turf over long distances to the cities of Dublin, Cork and elsewhere. I myself have seen railway waggons in my own constituency loaded with a very poor type of turf. On one occasion I saw 6-ton railway waggons which contained less than three tons of turf. Wherever you have to carry a low type of turf of that kind over long distances, either by rail or road, you are adding to the cost of transport for the people who have to buy it at high prices in the City of Dublin and other places. That class of turf should not be cut by the local authorities for sale to people at long distances from the county concerned. I would urge the Minister, therefore, to consider—if it has not already been seriously considered—the question of classifying the turf bogs for the purpose of getting the best results for all concerned. He should urge the county managers and surveyors to concentrate upon cutting turf in the bogs where the best possible class of turf can be found.

Some time ago, I raised here in the House with the Minister, by question, and also on a previous occasion on the Estimate, the policy adopted by a certain local authority in my constituency of letting labourers' cottages to unmarried persons. In answer to one question which I raised here, the Parliamentary Secretary admitted that, although there were several applicants for a labourer's cottage in a certain district in the County Offaly, the cottage was let to a single girl who had not previously been in occupation of a cottage, while married men with large families were turned down. I understand that, following the raising of that question here and its answer by the Parliamentary Secretary, certain steps were taken by the Minister's Department to put it right with the local authority concerned. What happened? The county manager concerned took the necessary steps to secure possession of the cottage which had been let to a single girl but not occupied by the party concerned. The case came up before the district justice and was adjourned because the county manager concerned had not instructed his legal advisers to appear before the court. He sent the rent collector before the justice, the justice would not take his evidence, the case has been adjourned, and the cottage is still in the possession —at any rate legally or nominally in the possession—of this single person, while several suitable local applicants, married men with large families, are waiting for suitable housing accommodation.

Another case of the same kind came under my notice recently. In another part of the same county a cottage is nominally or legally in the possession of a single girl, while several married men with families are still waiting for suitable housing accommodation. I raised the matter with the county manager concerned, and he informed me that this particular case had been brought under the notice of the Department of Local Government; in other words, the letting of the cottage to a single person had been sanctioned by the Minister for Local Government. I would ask the Minister or the Parliamentary Secretary, in view of the fact that this is the second case which has been brought under notice, to see that whenever one of the Department's inspectors is next in the county he will inquire into the question as to whether there are any other labourers' cottages in the county legally in the possession of persons who are not qualified under Departmental regulations to secure possession of such cottages. I think the Parliamentary Secretary, with his knowledge of housing and public health matters, will agree with me that it is quite unjust that cottages should be let to single girls while married men with large families are awaiting suitable housing accommodation. I will furnish him with particulars of the second case if he will give an undertaking that he will have the matter inquired into by one of his Departmental inspectors.

I should like to raise here the question—it is a policy question, and that is why I am raising it—as to whether it is right and proper under Departmental regulations for the labour exchange in a town to order town workers to go a long distance into a rural area for employment on relief schemes, and to pay those persons at the rural rate of wages.

On a point of order, this has nothing to do with the Department of Local Government.

This is a case brought under the notice——

I have nothing to do with the administration of employment exchanges.

All right. I would also urge upon the Minister the necessity for his housing inspectors, whenever they are visiting the different counties, to enquire into the position regarding the present system of carrying out repairs to labourers' cottages, and whether satisfactory arrangements have been made, especially during the last couple of years, for carrying out what are regarded as urgently needed repairs. I have received repeated complaints in regard to the failure of local authorities in my area to carry out essential and urgent repairs to labourers' cottages, and in some cases it is stated that they cannot get suitable local contractors to carry out the work. If they cannot get suitable contractors to carry out urgent repairs to labourers' cottages, there is another way of getting the work done, and that is by direct labour. The cottages should not be left with slates off the roof and needing other urgent repairs of that kind, while the responsibility rests upon the local authority to get the necessary repairs carried out either by contract or by direct labour.

Progress reported; the Committee to sit again to-day.
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