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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 7 Mar 1945

Vol. 96 No. 9

Military Service Pensions (Amendment) Bill, 1945—Report and Final Stages.

I move amendment No. 1:—

In page 5, before Section 5 to insert a new section as follows:—

Section 5 of the Act of 1934 is hereby amended by the deletion of sub-section (2) and the substitution of the following sub-section:—

(2) The Government shall as soon as may be necessary after the passing of this Act and thereafter as occasion requires appoint on the recommendation of the Minister a person who held high rank in the Volunteers in the period 1918 to 1922 to be the Referee, and any person so appointed shall hold office during the pleasure of the Government.

I want the House to realise that the Minister when speaking in support of this Bill pointed out that the board was weighted in favour of the applicants because there were two high officers of the Old I.R.A. or Volunteers on the board. I contended, against that, that the proportion was three to two—the Referee, a representative of the Department of Defence and a representative of the Department of Finance—and that under no circumstances could the board be regarded as being weighted in favour of the applicants. I want, by this amendment to give concrete effect to the Minister's assertion that the board was so weighted.

Before doing so, I want to say that I am perfectly satisfied that the existing and previous referees have discharged their duties faithfully and well. They have been fully impartial in their administration, and this amendment is not to be taken in any way as a reflection upon them either separately or collectively. I submit, however, that with all their legal training and knowledge they have no knowledge of the conditions under which our people operated in the years 1918-1920, 1921 and 1922, and that, although they are judges and experts in what constitutes evidence, and although having the best intentions in the world, they have not been able to judge accurately the services which people rendered at that time. I maintain that, by having the type of person suggested as a referee, the board would be weighted in favour of the applicant who would get a fairer or more sympathetic hearing.

It is true that the applicant has been expected to fill his form of application accurately and to give in great detail the service he rendered. He is also expected to have the gift of being able to explain his service. That gift is very rare, and in soldiers particularly. They can say in a broad way that they did so and so, but to give the details is not an easy matter for them. If a senior officer were the Referee he would, of his own knowledge, be able to assess himself what type of service an applicant had given, even without the applicant proving it. If an applicant said he was a section commander, a first or a second lieutenant, a battalion O.C. or a battalion adjutant, that officer would be able to assess, with a fairly definite idea in his mind, the type of service which that applicant had rendered without forcing him to give details of the duties that he performed whilst serving in one or other of these ranks.

This proposal of mine has the further advantage that it would leave the applicant with more confidence in the Referee. He would be able to explain quite freely the service that he had given to one who, he would expect, would be sympathetic towards him. He would be able to do that in a more clear way when speaking to an officer than he would to a judicially-minded person such as a Circuit Court judge, a district justice, or a barrister of ten years' standing. Therefore, what I am proposing is that the section in the 1934 Act which makes it obligatory on the Government to appoint to the position of Referee a High Court judge, a Circuit Court judge, a district justice or a barrister of ten years' standing, be repealed, and that this proposal of mine be substituted for it. The Miniforme ster may repeat the argument that be used on the last occasion, namely, that justice has been done to the I.R.A. I contend that is not so. Justice has been done to the number of people who have qualified, but not to the 5,000 or 6,000 who have not qualified, largely because a judicially-minded Referee first surrounded himself with a set of rules and regulations defining active service. If I may use the expression, he tied himself up in such a knot that he could not go outside those rules and regulations. The result, as I have asserted here before, was that the Referee had to alter his procedure. I have here a memorandum sent out from the Referee's office, in which we have set out the number of changes that took place in the set of rules prepared by the Referee himself.

The Minister played a good deal on the 28 days' notice which was given to the brigade committees. I would remind him that, at a certain stage, the 28 days' notice was withdrawn. The justification given for the withdrawal was that the brigade committees did not co-operate. I dealt with that before, and pointed out that the brigade committees were not even part-time bodies. They were voluntary bodies, without any statutory authority, working in country districts, and could not, in the time at their disposal, deal with 300 or 400 cases, or even with 60 or 80 cases in a period of 28 days. Therefore, I contend that if you had as Referee a person of the kind described in my amendment he would have such a clear appreciation of the duties performed by each applicant, that the obligation of proof for every detail of service would not rest on the applicant.

I do not know if the Minister is prepared to accept my amendment. I have no hesitation in saying that any high ranking officer who was in the Volunteers in the period 1918 to 1923 would know what constitutes service, and what it would be reasonable to expect from an applicant. The Minister himself knows that even the records are not accurate. Some of the brigade records that are extant were hidden away in 1918, 1919 and in 1920. There were alterations made in some of them between 1920 and the 11th July, 1921. I am aware myself of a case in which a divisional O.C., in giving a certificate for 1922, described himself as a brigade O.C. If he were before the Referee to-day one of the first things he would be asked is this: "How did you come to describe yourself as a brigade O.C. on the 30th June, 1922, if you were a divisional O.C." The answer would have to be that we were not too particular in our descriptions of ranks in those days. The point, however, is that at this stage these records can be challenged. I think that if the Minister were to examine the matter he probably would be able to identify the person who gave the certificate I have referred to. Referees, of course, will not appreciate the difficulties under, which records were kept in those days or the designations that were given to men serving. I am prepared to admit there was a good deal of carelessness in the description of ranks and appointments held by men at that time. I ask the Minister to accept the amendment as something that will tend towards doing what he himself wishes, something which he said already exists but which I hold does not exist.

I was very glad to hear Deputy MacEoin's references to the former referees. It was clear to me anyhow that the Deputy paid a tribute to those referees, a tribute which, I think, was not only deserved but was due to them.

Were it not for what the Deputy said, I would be inclined to think that there was the implication in the amendment that all was not as it should be in the adjudication of the cases which came before the various referees. However, as I have said, the Deputy has himself cleared the air on that point. I want to say again, despite what Deputy MacEoin has said, that the board was, in fact, weighted in favour of the applicant, because acting with the board, and behind them, you had four examining officers, three of whom were men with outstanding national records. I would imagine that, in any consultations that took place with the board proper, the views of those men were rather balanced over to the side of the applicant rather than against him. Because of that, I still maintain that the board was in every respect weighted in favour of the applicant. As regards the board proper, two members of it were high ranking officers of the I.R.A., and two were civil servants of high rank, so that you had a fair balance on it. The fair balance was that you had a Circuit Court judge, sitting in judgment on the evidence, prepared to hear the views of the representatives of the I.R.A. and of the two Departments. I think a judge, especially one who had been actively engaged on the Bench, would be well fitted to decide on the written and oral evidence, taking the views of the representatives of the I.R.A. and the Departments together.

Deputy MacEoin seemed to suggest that I had made a misstatement when I was talking about the brigade committees having been given 28 days' notice. They were given 28 days' notice. In the documents from which he may have been quoting are used the words: "Broadly speaking, therefore, the position was that in every case dealt with by the Referee and the Advisory Committee the following procedure was adopted — (1) 28 days' notice of intention to reject was issued to the brigade committee...." It may be possible, no doubt it is probable, that when the Referee sent a list of the individuals to whom he was granting a certificate to the brigade committees and gave them 28 days in which to let him know if they were interested in any particular cases, and when the brigade committees returned the full list, intact, showing, thereby, that they were interested only in seeing that everybody on the list got a pension, and were not prepared to say that one individual was not entitled or that another individual was entitled, the Referee, naturally, would lose confidence in that manner of dealing with his request. We know that in a very large number of cases where the Referee was willing to deal with the particular, specific type of cases which became known as "key-men cases" practically the same thing happened. Brigade committees were talking about the restricted number of these men but when the Referee asked for a limited list of such individuals he was given a list of several thousands and, of course, the Referee was so appalled at the result of his effort to bring in some of the people in whom these brigade officers were interested that, for the time being, he more or less lost interest in them and went on with the ordinary cases before him.

I do not propose to accept this amendment because, first of all, the Act lays down what is required. The Referee should be a member of the Circuit Court, a district justice or a lawyer of not less than ten years' standing. I think every Deputy will agree that it is very desirable that we should have men with at least the experience which we described as being necessary in the Act. The suggestion contained in this amendment is that it might be possible to get a person who held high rank in the Volunteers and who was also a legal man. It is quite possible that that is not what is in the mind of the Deputy.

Oh, yes. Shall I send the Minister a list of them?

However, I do not propose to alter in any way the section of the Act which deals with the appointment of the Referee, which, to my mind, has given entire satisfaction to all concerned. So far, anyhow, no charge has been levelled that the referees have been guilty in any respect of any injustice in respect of any application made to them. Therefore, in my opinion, the amendment is unnecessary.

Question—"That the proposed words be there inserted"—put and declared negatived.
Question proposed: "That the Bill be received for final consideration."

We have done our best to meet the wishes of the Taoiseach and of the Minister and to amend this particular Bill. The Minister has been resolute in his opposition to every amendment, however reasonable. I think, therefore, that the House should not pass this Bill. One reason for asking the House not to pass the Bill is that one of the arguments used in favour of the Bill by the Minister was that in ten years the I.R.A. had received £2,000,000. I suggest that the Minister should have taken 20 years and said that in 20 years they would have received £4,000,000, and that if we all lived for one hundred years from 1934 the total amount we would receive would be £20,000,000. It would look bigger. That sort of calculation was used, in my opinion, solely to arouse the cupidity of the people of the country against us and I think that is very bad treatment from a Minister who is a member of the I.R.A. and who, like myself, came to his present position on the shoulders of those people. It is the last thing that he should do.

I should like again to remind the House that one of the chief arguments against a Pensions Bill was that no young person who was not wounded or suffering some disability should get a pension. I pointed out that a very small section of the British Forces here in 1920-21, namely, the Black and Tans, are in receipt of £1,300,000 a year from the British Government. I know the argument will be that the British Government is a wealthy Government which can afford to pay. But a Black and Tan who joined in June, 1921, 11 days before the Truce, who never left the Depot and never fired a shot, and who was demobilised in January, 1922, has a pension of £46 16s. per annum, while every member of the I.R.A. who got £5 a year pension must have had continuous service from 1st April, 1921, to 11th April, 1921. When the State are paying a section of the Volunteers a sum like that and you multiply it by ten, it shows how well treated the I.R.A. are. But the Black and Tans were only one section of the forces which were beaten in this country at that time. You had the R.I.C., the Auxiliaries, the Black and Tans and the military forces, plus the civil administration. If you add up what the British Government are paying in pensions to all those people, it would be a respectable sum. I know that comparisons are odious, but when you compare with that sum the few hundred thousand pounds that will be paid to our people who beat the whole lot of them, the sum is miserably low. It would be much better if nothing was paid and that we should get a lump of bronze to wear on our breast as a certificate that we served this country in its hour of need. When the Minister multiplies by ten the sum that is paid, we have an astonishing situation. The Minister said that brigade committees refused to accept responsibility and sent back the whole list of names. I do not wish to say that the Minister is untruthful in that, but I will say that, while that may be true of some committees, it is certainly not true of others.

Is not that what I said?

Very well, I will take it that that is what you said. Why then penalise those who tried to comply with the regulations? Why not deal with the brigade committees who did comply and not withdraw the whole concession? The Minister said that owing to committees sending back all the lists in their entirety in some cases the Referee withdrew the concession. That was the argument that the Minister used, that the brigade committees got the opportunity of saying whether or not the 28 days' notice should go out to applicants and that the applicants got every chance. What are the facts? The brigade committees tried to meet all the cases. They had to have an investigation themselves. Sunday evening was about the only time they had to deal with the matter. The notice was sent out on a certain day and it would be impossible to have the first meeting on the next Sunday. Therefore, the first meeting was on the following Sunday week. They might be able to notify or deal with 30 or 40 cases on that Sunday, but within 28 days they had the task of examining 80, 150 or 160 cases, and were supposed to do justice to all. It would be physically impossible to do that within the time. It was not that the committees did not want to co-operate. They felt that within the time at their disposal they could not reasonably deal with all the cases. They had only one alternative, and that was to send the whole list back. They should have stated that the reason for sending them back was the shortness of the time given to consider them. I would be surprised if some of them did not say that.

The Minister says that justice is being done. Justice has been done so far as was possible within the rules made by the referees. The Minister, on my amendment, said that he took a different view of it. I suppose he meant that, by innuendo, I was attempting to cast some reflection upon the previous referees. That was not so. The referees at all times gave justice to everybody within the rules. But I insist that they themselves drew up the rules. They did what the Minister is doing in this Bill. The Minister is tying himself up by statute not to return any case for reconsideration by the Referee after the 1st January, 1946, so that where an error has been committed that error cannot be corrected. It is very easy for the Minister to say afterwards: "I am bound by statute". That is the argument he used to-day—that he could not accept this amendment because he is bound by statute under the 1934 Act. The moment any statute becomes embarrassing to the Government, they will amend it. But when it is a question of any benefit to a citizen or an applicant, they have no hesitation in refusing to amend it. I think that is unfair. Where obvious errors have arisen and an amendment can be put up to remedy them, I think it should be accepted.

On the question of definition of service, the Referee can declare that any report he makes is binding and any service that he wishes can constitute active service. I only hope that the Referee will have the courage to interpret "active service" in the way it ought to be interpreted. If he does, many errors can be eliminated. But, if he is bound by regulations which the Minister may make, then he is tied as much as ever. If the amendment which I tabled defining active service were accepted by the Minister, it would make statutory the regulations governing active service. One of the most important personages in any army is the cook, although he never fires a shot. According to the Act, a cook in the I.R.A. can never get a certificate for a pension, although he may have run as much danger and gone through as much hardship as the fellow with the rifle. In connection with any army in the world was it ever said that the cook was not serving in the army? Yet, the cook is excluded, according to this definition of service, by the present administration. The Minister said the brigade committees were asked to send in lists of people who had key service or dangerous and essential service. Our brigade committee sent in a list of an average of four persons from each of the six battalions, that is, 24 people out of the brigade. In some battalions, it was two and in others it was six, but the matter was carefully considered. That list was lost and, to my knowledge, it never came before the Referee. Like everything else, after some time people got to know that this list was being prepared and I admit that the brigade committee, against my advice, sent in a larger list; but list No. 1, as we called it, was our key service list and should have been adhered to. We have the strange situation then that list No. 1 was adhered to for one battalion or two and for the other four it was not adhered to. There was then the extraordinary situation that people with the same type of service in two of the battalions got service certificates and those in the other four did not get them. That in itself is bound to create criticism. It does more than that: the men say the brigade committee could get the service certificates for them if they liked and they ask why Paddy So-and-So can get one and say: "Did not I do the same thing?" That makes the members of a brigade committee, in any part of the country, inclined to throw their hats at it altogether and forget all about it. Even at this late stage, I suggest that the Minister should reconsider the matter. He should withdraw this Bill or bring in whatever amendments he himself considers necessary.

On the Pensions Vote, last year, the Minister promised that the Schedule would be amended in regard to the deductions from people who are in Government service. This Bill has not done that. Are we not entitled to ask, since it is not in the Bill, when it will be done and under what circumstances a new Bill will be introduced to amend the Pensions Acts again? It should be done now. Let me warn the Government Party Deputies that, once this Bill goes through, there will be an end to legislation in regard to military service pensions by this Parliament. There will never be another Bill brought in, as no Government will run the gauntlet that the two previous Administrations have run on this question. Therefore, this is the last time there will be a chance to do what is fair and right by the people on whose shoulders this Government and the previous Government came into office.

There are throughout the country some men who did not apply at all for military service pensions, but who would definitely come within the Act. Would the Minister consider, in another place, making provision to extend the date for applications in the case of those who have not applied at all before?

Those who have not applied up to the present, even though we have extended the date on several occasions?

Yes, these people have not applied up to date, for one reason or another, even though the period was extended. I would ask the Minister to consider that matter at a later stage. I was interested in Deputy MacEoin's reference to the R.I.C. and the Volunteers. It is wrong to make that comparison. The British Government took good care under the Treaty to provide for the R.I.C.

Do not mistake me. I talked about the Black and Tans only, not the R.I.C.

They were all the one.

No, no; let me make that clear. The Deputy will find it in Command Papers. It applied to the Black and Tans only and the agreement was that the British Government would pay the Black and Tans and that the Irish Government would pay the R.I.C. They are two completely separate bodies. The amount as given in Command Papers in the British House of Commons—there is a copy in the Library—is, for a Black and Tan who has under one year's service, a pension of £46 16s. 0d. per annum and it runs from that to £510.

We know what the British Government did for their minions in this country at that time and we know what they did through all the ages, in '98 and '47 and so on— they paid the people who did the dirty work, and paid them handsomely. That should have no influence whatsoever on what an Irish Government should do and no comparison should be drawn between them. I would not like to hear any Deputy suggest to the Minister that he should compare any body with the other, as it would be an unfair and an unnational comparison.

Regarding the key men, the Minister said that the brigade committees threw at the Referee thousands of key men. I can speak on behalf of one brigade committee and can say that is not so. The number in all for the brigade was about 30 and not one of that 30 was accepted by the Referee. The reason was that, at that time, the whole thing was being steam-rolled through to get rid of it and bring it to an end. It is unfair to say that all the brigade committees produced thousands of key men. Deputy MacEoin points out that his brigade did not do so and I say the same on behalf of another brigade. In our case there was nothing like 1,000 or 100 or even 50.

In connection with this measure, it has been contended from some sides of the House—and Deputy MacEoin has made reference to it again—that men who were not involved in active service were not entitled to compensation by way of pension for the voluntary service they rendered to the country. I wish to remind those who have raised that matter once more that the service in which they acted and risked their lives was a volunteer service. They gave eight to ten years' voluntary service to establish the independence of their country, they lost time and opportunities in so doing and interfered with their future prospects in life in many cases. A little recompense in this way would be, to my mind, only a small recognition of their self-sacrifices for the freedom of their native land.

Mention has been made of brigade committees and I ask the Minister once more, where appeals come forward, to give special cognisance to the fact that during the period of reorganisation, of which Deputy MacEoin has made mention, whole battalions were changed from one brigade area to another and put under different divisional commanders. That means that those men, in the course of their military activities, were transferred from one area to another and, in consequence, it will require the verification of more than one brigade committee to give a proper estimate of their services. When these matters come up on appeal between this and the end of the year, I trust that point will be taken special note of, so as to do justice to those men. I know that the vital officers in many of those areas were killed and they were the officers for whom Volunteers had done special confidential work and to whom they gave special services and nobody now can adequately estimate the value of the military services of any of these men. In these circumstances, sympathetic consideration should be given to their cases.

Another point to which I wish once more to refer is that of major engagements. I will refer once again to the railway workers. Many of these men have not got what they deserve under this military service pensions scheme. I hold that when those men refused to transfer troops and refused to raise the flag to signal out the train, sometimes in the presence of big sections of military on the platform, that should be regarded as tantamount to a major engagement. In very many cases those men, apart from that, gave great service by carrying information from one brigade area to another.

Then there is the other question to which I referred, of full-time service from 1st April to 11th July, 1921. I saw a local company officer who fought at Crossbarry ploughing in the fields the following day, just the same as two days before. He had to do that, otherwise the whole local military organisation would collapse. Men had to go back and carry on the duties they were doing days before in order to keep the organisation going in their own battalion areas. That aspect has been too strictly interpreted.

I feel that, in view of the knowledge that has come to light during the discussion on this Bill, the Minister is as sympathetic as I am sure he always has been and, further, that he will, in the months that lie ahead, when reconsideration can be given to all those cases—the cases of men who gave years of faithful service—deal with them in as favourable a way as possible. I trust that all the cases that will be heard in the months ahead will be reconsidered sympathetically and, wherever possible, that these special circumstances will be taken into account, so as to reduce the number of grievances that exist. Of course, no matter how an Act is applied, there will be grievances. It is impossible in the ordinary human scheme of things to do justice to everybody, but in so far as we can we must give sympathetic consideration to the appeals that will come forward. There will be at least this satisfaction, that they will all get before the board. That is the No. 1 point I am stressing—that they will be examined and, as far as the circumstances and the evidence permit, these cases will be dealt with in accordance with the services the men rendered.

Mr. Corish

Is this the Fourth or the Fifth Stage?

I should like to point out that on this, the Report Stage, the Chair has been somewhat lenient, because the questions raised were rather important. As the House knows, on the Report Stage Deputies can deal only with specific amendments. In this case the Chair has allowed something in the nature of Second Reading speeches.

Mr. Corish

If the Minister speaks now, does that mean that the question will then be put: "That the Bill do now pass"?

No. This is the Report Stage.

I was under the impression that we were on the Fifth Stage.

No. The Minister to conclude.

I think Deputy Corish is very unreasonable in asking one Cork man to rule another one out.

Mr. Corish

I did not rule anybody out.

On this stage I am concerned only with correcting what I regard as a gross misstatement by Deputy MacEoin in relation to myself. When I talked about £2,500,000 odd I never, at any stage in the discussion, suggested that that was too much or too little to pay to the Old I.R.A. What I did set out to do was to show that we had paid over £2,500,000 in pensions to Old I.R.A. men who came within the 1934 Act. I made that statement to refute the suggestions that were widespread that the Government had thrown the Old I.R.A. on the scrap heap. That is a fairly valuable scrap heap on which to throw them, a scrap heap that has cost the people of the State that sum. I never suggested it was too much or too little. It could have been twice that amount.

Could the Minister not say that he was paying so much a year instead of making it look good—painting a picture?

I set out the total sum. It would be a simple matter for any individual to make a calculation.

Could you not save them that trouble?

All I am concerned about at the moment is to correct any suggestion contained in Deputy MacEoin's statement to the effect that I was regarding this sum as being too much for the men of the Old I.R.A. That is all I have to say on this particular stage, if I except the question raised by Deputy Allen with reference to additional applications. That is a matter for Ministerial consideration.

Will the Minister indicate where I said that he declared it was too much? I did not do that. I stated that you multiplied, and put up £2,500,000 as a picture. I did not say that you said it was too much.

Question put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 61; Níl, 35.

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Allen, Denis.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Blaney, Neal.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Boland, Patrick.
  • Bourke, Dan.
  • Brady, Brian.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Breen, Daniel.
  • Brennan, Thomas.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Buckley, Seán.
  • Burke, Patrick (Co. Dublin).
  • Kilroy, James.
  • Kissane, Eamon.
  • Lemass, Seán F.
  • Little, Patrick J.
  • Loughman, Frank.
  • Lydon, Michael F.
  • Lynch, James B.
  • McCann, John.
  • McCarthy, Seán.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Moran, Michael.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • O'Ceallaigh, Seán T.
  • Butler, Bernard.
  • Carter, Thomas.
  • Colbert, Michael.
  • Colley, Harry.
  • Corry, Martin J.
  • Daly, Francis J.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Fogarty, Andrew.
  • Fogarty, Patrick J.
  • Furlong, Walter.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Healy, John B.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Kennedy, Michael J.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • O'Connor, John S.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Rourke, Daniel.
  • Rice, Bridget M.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Mary B.
  • Sheridan, Michael
  • Skinner, Leo B.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Ua Donnchadha, Domhnall.
  • Walsh, Laurence.
  • Ward, Conn.

Níl

  • Beirne, John.
  • Bennett, George C.
  • Blowick, Joseph.
  • Byrne, Alfred.
  • Cafferky, Dominick.
  • Coburn, James.
  • Cogan, Patrick.
  • Coogan, Eamon.
  • Corish, Richard.
  • Dockrell, Henry M.
  • Dockrell, Maurice E.
  • Donnellan, Michael.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Dwyer, William.
  • Everett, James.
  • Fagan, Charles.
  • Finucane, Patrick.
  • Halliden, Patrick J.
  • Heskin, Denis.
  • Hughes, James.
  • Keating, John.
  • Larkin, James (Junior).
  • MacEoin, Seán.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Mongan, Joseph W.
  • Morrissey, Daniel.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Murphy, Timothy J.
  • O'Donnell, William F.
  • O'Driscoll, Patrick F.
  • O'Reilly, Thomas.
  • Pattison, James P.
  • Redmond, Bridget M.
  • Reidy, James.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies O Cíosáin and Kennedy; Níl: Deputies Doyle and Bennett.
Question declared carried.
Question proposed: "That the Bill do now pass."

I have not very much to say on the final stage of the Bill because I am confined to what is contained in the Bill as it stands, but I think I could describe it as the lock which is put on the door against all further applicants. The fact that Deputy Allen asked the Minister to give a further opportunity to applicants gives one a picture of what Fianna Fáil speakers are going to say down the country in defence of this Bill, namely, that they did their best. If Deputy Allen wanted another chance for those applicants he would vote against the Bill. If Deputy Seán McCarthy wanted to see that justice was done, he also would vote against he Bill, but they do not. They are both doing exactly what Deputy Allen has said—they are steam-rolling the Bill through the House with the Fianna Fáil Deputies on the engine driving for all they are worth. In my opinion this Bill is a mistake, so far as the Government is concerned. Notwithstanding anything the Minister may say to the contrary, I think it is unfair to his comrades and mine. I think it would be a good thing if, instead of the rigour of the law, a fair opportunity were given to every applicant. I have done my best against the Bill. Every amendment that we have been allowed to move has got support in the Lobby from all the members of the Opposition Parties. The Minister has rejected every amendment. He was adamant in his desire to do so, while at the same time saying that he wanted a solution and help. But, when help was offered, he would not take it. I am opposing the Bill in its final stage. Even at this eleventh hour, I would appeal to Deputy McCarthy and to Deputy Allen to vote against it, so that the people they are interested in will have an opportunity of making the application which, as these Deputies say, they are entitled to. There are such people in the country and they ought to get more time. The Minister is seeing to it that they are not to get any further time. At any rate, in the case of those who have applied, this is the last word that the Government has to say to them.

In my opinion the strongest speeches in opposition to this Bill came from the Government Benches. One such speech was delivered during the last 15 minutes. Deputies on the Government Benches marched into the Lobby every time behind the Minister. Deputy MacEoin says that this Bill is locking the door. In my opinion it is not because the people will see through what is happening here. They will put people in here who will give a fair crack of the whip to those who were responsible for creating the position whereby we have a native Government in the country to-day. The Minister may pass his Bill and may look for solutions until doomsday, but the day will come when a Government will come in here and will hold a sworn inquiry as regards the administration in this country. That inquiry will bring out many a thing. It may refer to the debates on this Bill. It will teach the lesson that there were many denied rights that they were entitled to. As regards the closing of the door by the Minister and the Government, it is my opinion that the door will be reopened by the voice of the people. They will see that the men who were responsible for giving us our freedom will be treated in a fair, decent, honest and honourable way and that it can never be said that the Black and Tans—those who were the murderers of our people—got better treatment than our own who won for us our freedom by driving the Tans from the country.

I intervened in the discussion of this measure following the speech, which was made on a particular stage of the Bill, of the Taoiseach. He made it clear that the Government were in a serious difficulty. He spoke in such terms of that difficulty that I, as Leader of the main Opposition Party, felt it was my duty, on behalf of the Party, to step in and offer, in a completely non-Party spirit, any help that we could possibly offer to the Government to deal with a problem which the Taoiseach said put the Government in a serious position. The offer that I made was contained in the suggestion that the Taoiseach would place his difficulty before the members of the Defence Conference which is composed of a group of men drawn from every Party in the House: that he would state to the members of the Defence Conference not only what the Government difficulty was but the details of it. I did it because, when we have an Irish Government in a difficulty that it feels is a serious one, I think any Party in the House would be prepared to discuss the Government's difficulties with it and to see in what way they could help towards a solution. Speaking for myself and for this Party, I was prepared to discuss the details of the Government's problem and their difficulty with them and to proceed, to the best of our ability, to a solution in which we would not as a Party claim any credit or look for any Party advantage or any Party position arising out of any of our actions. Our attitude was that we were prepared to realise that a difficulty for the Government in this matter, which involved to a certain extent the atmosphere in which a certain amount of politics is being carried on in the country, is a problem at the present time for the whole country and we are prepared, whether the results would be agreeable or not to any particular class or classes in the country, to sit down with the Government and to discuss a solution of their problem, thereby taking our part of any responsibility that there might be for dealing with a matter which the Government said was a problem and in respect of which they had a difficulty.

It is just typical, I think, of the Government's carelessness in regard to the way in which it does things and the results of its action that the offer should be spurned and turned aside in the way in which, apparently, it has been spurned and turned away in the subsequent discussion here. All I can say is that I regret it. The Minister now has in the measure the proposals that he set out to get. He has heard criticism from these benches. He has heard suggestions and amendments put forward from these benches. They are not put forward for any Party advantage of any kind. We have done the best we could, either to induce the Government or to guide the Government in the matter but, apparently, it has been of no avail. I want to say how much I regret the Government's attitude and, in the various difficulties we have to get through, politically, economically and socially, how much I distrust the Government's approach to these matters if they are going to approach them with the lack of understanding and of co-operation with other Parties which they have displayed in their approach to this measure.

Mr. Corish

Like Deputy Mulcahy, I think it is a pity that opportunity was not taken by the Government when this Bill was before the House to do something to relieve the situation which exists in the country. We all know that there is a great deal of discontent amongst members of the I.R.A. There are people, of course, who say that only those who are entitled to pensions have been awarded them by the board or the Referee or whoever is responsible for the administration of the Pensions Act. I venture to say, and I think I will be borne out by members of the Government Party, that there are some people in this country who have not received pensions who have given service equivalent to service given by those who have been given pensions. This Bill, as far as I can see, seals the fate of those members of the I.R.A. who feel that so far they have been treated unfairly.

During the Second Reading of the Bill, the Taoiseach, in a lengthy statement, asked for suggestions from the Opposition Parties. It has been said, and we know it to be true, that it has never been known at any period since Fianna Fáil got into office that they have taken suggestions from any other Party in the House. They have been adamant in their rejection of amendments and suggestions by members of this House in any business they have brought before the House. They considered that they were able to get their business through without the aid of any other Party. I think it will be agreed that this is not, or ought not to be, a Party matter, that it should be, and is, a national matter and, in order that it should receive proper consideration, the suggestion made by Deputy Mulcahy on the Second Reading should be adopted, namely, that a committee something like the Defence Conference should be asked to deal with the applications for pensions which have been made to the Government by members of the I.R.A.

Much has been said during the course of this Bill, and since legislation was first introduced to give military pensions, about the question as to what constitutes a major engagement. Deputy MacEoin submitted an amendment which was not acceptable to the Ceann Comhairle. In my opinion, if that amendment had been accepted by the Ceann Comhairle, and, in turn, by the Government, it would go a long way to solve the difficulties with which the Minister and the tribunal are confronted in dealing with applications from members of the Old I.R.A. I have already discussed this matter of a major engagement. I think Deputy Seán McCarthy agrees with me to a certain extent that there are men in this country who suffered severely but who have not been in what is recognised in Government circles or in tribunal circles as a major engagement. I suggest, as I have often suggested, that a young man who left a university or who left apprenticeship to a trade, who was on the run, and fought with the I.R.A. for a number of years and who, as a result of time lost, is now unable to earn his own livelihood, has given service that is tantamount to taking part in a major engagement. There were young men in this country who went out prepared to take part in major engagements, who ran great risks, whose lives were in danger and who were prepared to offer their lives in the interests of their country, and who have not received pensions. I believe very definitely that there are men in receipt of pensions to-day who did not take part in any major engagement, and if the evidence submitted on their behalf were compared with the evidence submitted on behalf of some of those who did not receive pensions, it will be found on careful examination that a number of those who have been rejected have been treated unfairly.

I would like to add my voice to what has been said by Deputy Seán McCarthy in connection with railway-men. We all know the part taken by railwaymen in the trouble. They refused to take military on their trains; they refused to move trains out of the station; they refused to give the flag to enable the engine driver to move on. There are men in this country to-day who lost their jobs in consequence of the attitude they adopted at that particular time. They have been forgotten. They have been badly treated. No provision has been made for them. I think that, even at this stage, the Minister should take some steps in order to ensure that these men, who not only jeopardised their positions, but jeopardised their lives, should be rewarded. We all know that on isolated stations at that period it would have been quite easy for a Black and Tan to draw his revolver and to shoot these men because they took action which, in the eyes of the military authorities at that time, would be sufficient to warrant them in shooting them.

Does the Deputy say that these men can be dealt with within the scope of the present Bill?

Mr. Corish

They cannot, but I think others have dealt with matters that are not in the Bill.

At this stage we are confined to dealing with what is in the Bill. I do not want to suppress the Deputy.

Mr. Corish

I think other Deputies have dealt with matters that are not in the Bill, but, however, I leave it there. As I said at the beginning, I think it is a pity that advantage was not taken of the opportunity presented by this Bill.

This Bill was bad enough when it was introduced, but it is infinitely worse now. It has been amended by the Minister to such an extent that the position is worse than when the Bill was introduced. One amendment introduced by the Minister, while not preventing an individual from going before the High Court, makes it impossible for anybody who has not money at his disposal to do so. The Minister is having it both ways. According to the amendment, no costs can be given against the Minister in any such case. I suggest that that is unconstitutional; that it was not alone an amendment of the Bill, but an amendment of the Constitution. Even now I think the Minister ought to take other members of the House into his confidence. He would be able to get Deputies from every Party in the House who are familiar with the position that prevailed in this country during the time the Black and Tans and the Auxiliaries were operating here. Everybody here wants to be helpful. I am perfectly certain that such a committee as I am suggesting would be unanimous in meting out justice to those people but for whose actions we would not be here to-day in the Parliament of the nation.

Ní chun giorrfhaidh chur ag preabú agus ag rás trasna páirc na díospóireachta atá fúm a dhéanamh ach rud beag atá im intinn a rá ar an mBille seo agus táim chun é a rá anois.

The primary purpose of this Bill was to put a stop to vexatious litigation which would not benefit any Old I.R.A. men and which would lead nowhere. Out of the very long debates which we have had on the various stages of the Bill there stands forth the fact that there is a unanimous House here to do justice to the claims of the Old I.R.A. While I do not agree with a lot of the things said by Deputy MacEoin in this debate and some of the amendments which he moved, I think that he has laid down in these amendments a basis for future legislation for fair treatment of the I.R.A. En passant, let me say, as one who lives in the next brigade area to that of Deputy MacEoin and who often disagrees with him in matters political, that so far as any man could be fair in dealing with the claims of those who fought against him in the Civil War, no man or no officer could be fairer. I said that we have a unanimous House. But, if I were in the Government's shoes, in view of what happened in the courts I would have done nothing but what they have done. I came across a case recently where a prisoner was illtreated by the Black and Tans and died as a result shortly after his release from jail. He was the sole support of his father and mother. The father, who made a claim in connection with his death, died, and the mother also died a short time afterwards. There is a married sister who is very well off and she has continued the claim. The House will agree that, in equity, that claim should be met, irrespective of need or want on the part of the survivor. But that claim could go on for generations.

Can it be brought within the Bill?

No, but I want to point out that we have a parallel in the pensions claimed after the American War of Independence and the American Civil War, where claims were handed down from generation to generation. If we have no safeguard, and if certain things which the Opposition asked should be done were done by the Government, these claims might continue from one generation to another. That is the difficulty that the Government are up against. There is a case of a survivor of the American War of Independence who lived to be 104 years of age. On the day he died he was married to a child of four years old and the pension claim was handed down to her. She died only recently. If you can safeguard against such a position as that, and if you are agreed to safeguard against it, certainly you can bring in new legislation——

The Deputy must not advocate new legislation on the Fifth Stage of a Bill.

I thought it was only on an Estimate.

On the Fifth Stage of a Bill, the Deputy must deal only with what is contained in the Bill.

Deputy Cafferky referred to getting positions for Old I.R.A. men. Many a man who was a good soldier would not fit into any position. I suggest to the Government and to the House that when men pass 60 years of age there should be provision, as there is in every other country, to sustain these men at the end of their days out of some fund.

On all stages of this Bill we have heard a lot of dishonest expressions used; at least I think they were dishonest. One phrase bandied around was that this Bill was taking away the constitutional rights of the citizen. My idea about this Bill is that, firstly, it regularises the position created as a result of the decision of the Supreme Court with regard to pensions already being paid. Secondly, it takes necessary steps with regard to certain operations set on foot by some people for the purpose, in my opinion, of using the I.R.A. as a pawn in a game to bring their names before the High Court by way of securing an order similar to the orders already secured by 80 members of the Old I.R.A. The Minister had to introduce an amendment to this Bill to prevent 400 of these cases being brought to court which would have mulcted the taxpayer to the extent of £23,000, not one farthing of which would go into the pockets of the I.R.A. men on whose behalf the money was being expended; it would go in other directions altogether. I think the Bill is absolutely necessary from those two points of view alone. In my opinion, this Bill does not alter the status of any Old I.R.A. man under the 1934 Act. They have still the same rights. In fact, one of the sections of the Bill opens the way for all Old I.R.A. men to make a claim. He can make his appeal up to the 31st December, provided he has the necessary evidence to show that his case had not been fairly dealt with heretofore. The discussion on this Bill, summed up, means that we are all agreed, on all sides of the House, that there are some individuals who had not reached the standard to qualify but who were on the outer ring of the circle. Deputy MacEoin put the number at 6,000 but, personally, I do not think it is near that amount. However, that does not say the Deputy is wrong. He may have based his calculations for the 82 brigades on the amount of men in his own area. In my area, I know we could not reach anything near that amount. If I take the number whom we consider in our areas to be as fully entitled to pensions as those who got them, and multiply that by 82, I would not have near 6,000. However, Deputy MacEoin may have more in his area than we have in ours.

Deputy Corish believed there are men in receipt of certificates and pensions who were not in a major engagement. He is right in that, but those men may have been brigade or battalion officers and probably the work they carried out was of such essential importance to the general work of the battalion or brigade in their area that the board considered they were fully entitled to a pension. Active service was really never defined. I always think of that buck, the elusive Pimpernel, when I discuss active service. You get a general impression of being inside a certain standard before you can get a certificate, but I have not heard yet an actual definition of active service. This discussion has brought out the fact that we all agree, including those chief spokesmen against the Bill on the Opposition Benches, that there is a certain number who have not qualified and who should receive certificates.

Thinking over the administration of the Act by the Referee and the board, in general, it strikes me that, after ten years of working under this Act, we find in almost every brigade area that there are some men who have not got inside the circle and have not reached the standard set up by the Referee. Those are border-line cases. At present, we have almost an equivalent number of men in each brigade area in that way as border-line cases. I do not rise to throw bouquets to the board in any way. I have had my differences with them as a verifying officer and I still maintain that, unconsciously—I will not say consciously— they have done an injustice in some cases. That is my opinion and, of course, their opinion is quite a different matter altogether. Since we now have almost the equivalent number in each brigade area in this difficult position, that proves conclusively that the board has at least been consistent in its administration of the Act.

Whatever methods are adopted to bring in under the Act those who are outside the scope I hope the Minister will succeed in having their cases reopened. Let us hope that if they are reopened, both sides of this House will eventually be satisfied and those to whom the standard set up by the Referee applies will receive the justice to which they are entitled.

I fully appreciate the position the Government was confronted with following the recent court decision. The Government could easily have taken the line of least resistance and allowed the whole pension position to be reopened. That would mean, in my opinion, the rehearing and re-examination of all the 60,000 applicants, including those who had already been given awards. In doing that, the Government would not be facing up to its responsibilities, nor would this House be facing its responsibility if it agreed to that proposal. We all know that such a position would be completely impossible. I can claim to have a certain amount of knowledge of the conditions of those times, being a company commander during the whole period of the Black and Tans and the civil war and operating in a brigade area, and I estimate that there were about 30,000 of those applicants who would never have applied in the first instance if there had been anything like a clear definition of active service. We had not that in the 1934 Act, unfortunately. I appreciate the difficulty of arriving at a cut and dried definition of active service by reason of the varying kinds of service that men had to perform. It varied in the different brigade areas, as well as in the different units concerned. Deputy MacEoin referred to that, as far as the front-line men were concerned. For that reason, I believe it would be very difficult to arrive at what would be regarded as a cut and dried definition of active service.

If the applicants were as wise then as they are now, and if they had all the light that has been thrown on the position and on the 1934 Act through these debates, I would be inclined to say you would not have more than about half the applicants. It is a good thing that all the knowledge that has come out of these debates has been brought home, because I believe there will not be so much dissatisfaction amongst those whose claims have been rejected. They must now realise that the 1934 Act could never apply to the type of service they rendered. As regards the application forms——

The Deputy is now going beyond the terms of the question. The question is that the Bill do now pass, and the Deputy can deal only with the merits of the Bill as it is; he may argue that the Bill do pass or do not pass.

If the Deputy made that speech on the amendment relating to active service it would be all right.

The lines on which I am going are somewhat similar to the speeches that have been made already on this stage of the Bill. I believe it has been pointed out that these outstanding claims that could be regarded as genuine will have an opportunity now, under this measure, of an appeal to the board before 31st December. I believe that if the board and the Advisory Committee would adhere to the earlier interpretation put on active service — that would be during the earlier years of the administration of the 1934 Act—the majority of these men would succeed in their claims. Therefore, I appeal to the board, when they are dealing with these appeals, to adopt the most liberal interpretation of active service that they possibly can adopt and in that way I believe that full justice will be done under this Bill between now and the appointed day — full justice to the majority of the Old I.R.A. whose cases could be regarded as genuine.

I wish to reiterate what I stated in my opening remarks and throughout the discussions on the Bill; that practically every case in which an application has been made for a service certificate has been dealt with. That very vital factor has been completely, or almost completely, ignored throughout this debate. An instance of that is the amendments which Deputy MacEoin tabled continuously on the Committee Stage. He completely ignored the fact that there were no applicants to be dealt with, or practically none, other than those who came in as a result of the Supreme Court's decision, or appeals which were listed for hearing. If that fact had not been ignored, this debate would probably have taken about one-third of the time that it has taken.

We heard a speech to-day from Deputy Donnellan and, indeed, one might regard Deputy MacEoin's own speech as a speech more worthy of the hustings or the cross-roads than as a contribution to this discussion. Deputy Mulcahy spoke of the Government's difficulty. He seemed to suggest that the Government was in a tangle, that it was in a mess of some kind or other. There was never any suggestion of the Government being in the slightest difficulty in respect of this particular question.

The Taoiseach says differently.

The Taoiseach says nothing of the kind. The Taoiseach asked for a solution of a specific difficulty which still confronts us, but there was no question whatever of the Government being in any tangle. Our own Party discussed this question at length without finding a solution. We have gone through three weeks of discussion here and we are still as far away from a solution of the difficulty of which we were seeking a solution as we were at the beginning.

You would not accept a solution.

We will not accept something that is not a solution, and the difficulty for which we have not found a solution is simply this, that we were told during the course of the debate that there were varying figures from 3,000 to 5,000 people who were just as much entitled to pensions as people who had already received pensions. If that were so, then there would appear to be some machinery wanting, and what that machinery is it was difficult to find out. We have in the Act a clause which provides for an appeal, provided that additional evidence can be supplied. That seems to me to be the way to meet many of these difficulties, because we must remember that the case has already been heard, that it has already received the full consideration that cases of successful applicants have received, and if some form of evidence has been omitted, that the error can be rectified by appeal. That is the only solution that I can see for the difficulty, unless we do what has been suggested here in the course of the debate, to rehear the 60,000 cases. That is what we were not prepared to do, and it was to find a solution other than the solution already available there through the medium of the appeal section, that we were seeking.

I cannot see how these individuals can be brought in unless they have additional evidence. If we did attempt to bring in these people on the mere voice of an individual who states that one man's service is as good as another's, that one man has got a pension and the other has not—if we were to accept that as a solution, we would have to admit these 60,000 cases, and I say here we have failed throughout this debate to produce anything in the nature of a solution. Deputy Mulcahy seemed to think he had solved all the problem when he suggested that the matter should be referred to the Defence Conference. I should like to know what qualifications the Defence Conference has over those of any other group of individuals in the House, or what particular knowledge they possess which is not possessed by the ordinary members of the various Parties. If the various Parties in the House have failed to produce anything in the nature of a solution, I am pretty certain that the Defence Conference will not produce it.

Deputy Corish said that this Bill seals the fate of all I.R.A. men. I want to reiterate what has been said by other speakers, that is, that this Bill does not in the slightest interfere with the rights of the individual I.R.A. man. Every one of the 60,000 applicants has already either been heard by the interviewing body or has had his application forms thoroughly and sympathetically examined, and if he failed to convince either the Advisory Board or the Referee that he had a case, this Bill does not in the slightest interfere with his rights. If he has any additional evidence to supply, if he can produce some evidence which he was unable to produce on the former occasion, this Bill does not prevent him from producing that evidence to the Referee and having his case reheard. As I mentioned in the course of the Committee Stage discussion, more than 500 people have successfully taken that action. More than 500 people who were originally turned down as not having sufficient evidence to secure a certificate have since, through the medium of additional evidence, convinced the Referee and the board that they were persons to whom the Act applied, and, as a result, are to-day recipients of service certificates and a pension. Every individual who can produce the necessary evidence is in a similar position.

On a matter of personal explanation, arising out of the Minister's statement, at no time did I advocate——

Is the Deputy entitled to make another speech, Sir?

A point of explanation.

Even a point of explanation. Is the Deputy entitled to make it?

I am permitting him to do so.

I do not think it is allowable.

On a point of order then. The Minister charged me with having made a statement, and I think I am entitled under the Standing Orders to make an explanation, but if the Minister for Finance thinks it wise that a Deputy shall not have the right to reply to a charge made against him, I bow to him.

Question put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 62; Níl, 34.

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Allen, Denis.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Blaney, Neal.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Boland, Patrick.
  • Bourke, Dan.
  • Brady, Brian.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Breen, Daniel.
  • Brennan, Thomas.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Buckley, Seán.
  • Burke, Patrick (Co. Dublin).
  • Butler, Bernard.
  • Carter, Thomas.
  • Childers, Erskine H.
  • Colbert, Michael.
  • Colley, Harry.
  • Corry, Martin J.
  • Daly, Francis J.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Fogarty, Andrew.
  • Fogarty, Patrick J.
  • Furlong, Walter.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Healy, John B.
  • Hiiliard, Michael.
  • Humphreys, Francis.
  • Kennedy, Michael J.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Kilroy, James.
  • Kissane, Eamon.
  • Little, Patrick J.
  • Loughman, Frank.
  • Lydon, Michael F.
  • Lynch, James B.
  • McCann, John.
  • McCarthy, Seán.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Moran, Michael.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • O Ceallaigh, Seán T.
  • O'Connor, John S.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Rourke, Daniel.
  • Rice, Bridget M.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Mary B.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Skinner, Leo B.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Ua Donnchadha, Dómhnall.
  • Walsh, Laurence.
  • Ward, Conn.

Níl

  • Bennett, George C.
  • Blowick, Joseph.
  • Byrne, Alfred.
  • Cafferky, Dominick.
  • Coburn, James.
  • Cogan, Patrick.
  • Coogan, Eamonn.
  • Corish, Richard.
  • Davin, William.
  • Dockrell, Henry M.
  • Dockrell, Maurice E.
  • Donnellan, Michael.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Dwyer, William.
  • Everett, James.
  • Fagan, Charles.
  • Finucane, Patrick.
  • Heskin, Denis.
  • Hughes, James.
  • Keating, John.
  • Keyes, Michael.
  • Larkin, James (Junior).
  • MacEoin, Seán.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Mongan, Joseph W.
  • Morrissey, Daniel.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Murphy, Timothy J.
  • O'Donnell, William F.
  • O'Driscoll, Patrick F.
  • Pattison, James P.
  • Redmond, Bridget M.
  • Reidy, James.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies O Cíosáin and Kennedy: Níl: Deputies P.S. Doyle and Bennett.
Question declared carried.
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