Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 18 Apr 1945

Vol. 96 No. 20

Committee on Finance. - Vote 32—Office of the Minister for Justice (Resumed).

Question again proposed:—
That a sum not exceeding £35,631 be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending the 31st day of March, 1946, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Minister for Justice.
Debate resumed on the following amendment:—
That the Estimate be referred back for reconsideration.—(Deputy Costello).

When I was speaking on the last day that we had the Estimate for the Office of the Minister for Justice before us, I was stressing the need for some change in the existing system, to see, if at all possible, by introducing a new system of policing our country, whether we may not be able to find means by which we can police it at less cost. I suggested that some system could be evolved, by combining mobility, radio communication, telephonic communication and a system of central reserves, local and at headquarters. I feel there is an opportune time approaching for the Minister to take his courage in his hands and get a committee together to investigate this problem. The cost of policing the country is not only excessive, but it has reached saturation point.

On this question of a change of system, I think that we should couple with any contemplated change some scheme of housing for the Gárda. As most Deputies are aware, housing accommodation as such does not exist for the Gárda in many rural areas and particularly in most of our cities and towns. Such of the older barracks as provide accommodation provide it more or less on the garrison principle, a system from which I am averse, and if a housing scheme is to be embarked upon at some future date, it should be one which not only will make the lives of the Gárda more happy and comfortable but will also provide a better system of acquiring local knowledge for the police. In the first place, the Gárda barracks should become an office in the modern sense rather than a bridewell, a barracks or garrison, or place which people fear to enter. In the minds of our people in the past, the local police station was associated with dark and evil things. We should, if you like, glamorise our police stations to the extent that people will have no hesitation in going into them with their troubles. At the same time, I do not want to provide a paradise for the wrongdoer.

It would be better if houses for the Gárda were staggered in a locality throughout a sub-district rather than built together in one block. I would not suggest that we should have, as it were, a police quarter in any town or village. It would be better from the private point of view of the Gárda and the members of their families and from the public point of view that, if a housing scheme for the Gárda can be linked up with housing schemes generally, the houses should be scattered throughout the locality; in other words, that the Guards should have the right to settle down as members of the community amongst the community and be regarded as citizens of that community there, not to spy on their fellow-men, but rather to assist them in their troubles.

The scheme would, of course, be a costly one, but we hear of £100,000,000 about to be spent over the next ten years or so for housing, and opportunity should be taken to link up whatever schemes the Minister may have in contemplation for the Gárda with the housing schemes proper. The rent allowance which the Gárda of any rank is paid is inadequate to provide him with a suitable house. In certain areas, no houses at all are available. In many cities and towns, no houses are available, and even the increased rent allowance which the Minister was good enough to procure for them is inadequate to provide them with any decent sort of living accommodation. There are towns and cities in which a Guard at present would not get more than one or two rooms for the rent allowance approved by the State. It is because of the inadequacy of the rent allowance that I press for serious considerátion of the housing problem of the Gárda and for coupling it with any change of system which the Minister may see fit to introduce.

A good deal of praise can be given to the Gárda for the work they are doing, but there is a good deal of criticism of the force abroad at present. Deputy Dillon mentioned some points, and I do not wish to stress them, but there are definitely rumours of things being wrong in certain areas. Whether these rumours are well-informed or not, I am not going to say, but there is a general looseness in certain areas. There is a certain evidence of indiscipline and a certain amount of evidence that unsavoury practices are creeping in. In voicing these matters, I feel that I am giving effect to the wishes, desires and outlook of every decent member of the force who wants to see these things ended once and for all.

There are, as Deputy Dillon pointed out, black sheep in every flock and a certain number of black sheep at the moment require looking after. I feel, however, that if these black sheep exist, it is because of the war situation, because, owing to the war situation, the inspection system has, to a large extent, broken down. To my knowledge, there have been few inspections by headquarters officers and the inspections by local officers have been reduced to a minimum. The effect of there being no inspections is that the Gárdaí in rural areas are inclined to take things easily, and, even though it may cost more to provide petrol and cars to enable officers to get about, the old system of quarterly and monthly inspections by divisional and district officers should be restored.

Headquarters inspection should also take place at least once a year. I go further and suggest that, while formal inspections have their effect in getting the personnel to study police duties, to clean up their stations and to make themselves, presentable for inspection, an odd surprise inspection by headquarters has a very good effect. Several Deputies since I came to the House have mentioned matters to me which put me thinking on these lines. I have no desire to criticise the Gárda personnel, but I feel that there is not enough supervision from the top, not enough supervision by the local officers and that the time is ripe for a drastic change in the matter of inspection.

I mentioned on the previous day that the Gárdaí are top-weighted with extraneous duties and I want to reiterate that statement. They are being loaded with all sorts of miscellaneous administrative duties by every Government Department. In relation to practically every Act that passes through the Oireachtas which means inquiry outdoors, the Departments concerned invariably suggest that the Gárda Síochána should undertake the particular duties. I cannot emphasise too strongly on the Minister that he should resist any further encroachment on the time of the Gárda for purely administrative work and should not only resist such further encroachment but should endeavour to rid the Gárda of such duties as can properly be shed and performed by other outdoor civil servants.

The Gárda, by virtue of the present trend of legislation and the present policy, is being converted from a police force proper to a mere outdoor Civil Service machine. It is not so much that they have inquiries and outdoor calls to make in relation to these duties, but every one of these inquiries necessitates a report to some Department. The report goes through the usual channels: the sergeant, the superintendent, perhaps the divisional officer, up to headquarters and then on to the Government Department concerned—a system of circumlocution which succeeds in creating nothing very often but a deadweight of paper. The Guards are loaded down with reports and with a deadweight of paper, a good deal of which could be cut out if there were some attempt made to rectify the present system. The Minister, I am sure, is aware of all these problems and I want to emphasise that, in my experience, they have a detrimental effect on the performance of police duties. The police force exists primarily for the prevention and detection of crime and not for assisting the administration of routine matters.

Deputy Dillon had a good deal to say on the question of promotion, particularly in relation to the prison service. I do not want to go into the matter in great detail, but Deputy Dillon seemed to favour a cadet system, and, at the same time, felt that advocacy of a cadet system might be regarded as introducing a caste of officers into the Gárda Síochána, or any other service, for that matter. There is this to be said for a cadet system as for any other system, that it is not a question of the system, but largely a question of the fitness of the particular individual for promotion; in other words, his fitness for command. The test of fitness to command should not be whether he was a socialite, whether he came from a certain respectable family of a higher social status than, say, the ordinary individual, or that he was a university man and was better educated than a man who had served in the ranks. You may get an individual who has not had the opportunity of a university or secondary education who is quite the ideal man for the job. On the other hand, you may get a university man, a man who is probably highly educated, who would not suit at all, and who has no fitness to command. I suggest, therefore, that if any change is contemplated it should be a mixture—not the social status of the individual for promotion —of educational qualifications, combined with a capacity to command. I believe that could be brought about by combining, more so than is being done to-day, a system of competitive examinations with service qualifications.

In the Dublin Metropolitan Division, particularly, you have a system whereby a man is promoted largely by reason of his seniority—seniores priores. That very often means that the individual next on the seniority list may have been divorced from the proper performance of police duties for very long periods. He comes out of his set, as it were, and he gets promotion despite the fact that he has not been performing police duties for many years. I think that type of thing should cease. If there is a case for promoting a man of that type, then he should be brought from the particular post that he is in—clerical or otherwise—and be placed on outdoor duty for 12 months or two years before he goes on to promotion. Seniority may count in certain cases, but there is the fact, in the area mentioned, that men may reach the higher ranks of inspector or superintendent when they are really too old. They are then marking time towards pension and are not concerned so much with the important matters around them. You can get away from that system by enabling young men to get promotion early in life, certainly at not less than 35 or 40 years of age, to the higher ranks. Otherwise, you will have a dead weight of time servers, so to say, at the top who will squelch all initiative and energy in the ranks beneath them.

Deputy Dillon referred to a recent case in Monaghan about which I would like to give my view. This was a case in which two district justices disagreed. Deputy Dillon seemed to convery the impression that in a case of that kind there should be a fresh inquiry, a disciplinary inquiry, held by the commissioner. I do not agree with that principle. If a Guard is charged before the courts and is acquitted by the courts, it would be contrary to all legal principles to put him in jeopardy a second time by having a disciplinary investigation. If there is any question of a disciplinary investigation, a decision should be taken in the first instance to have it, and end the matter there. If you decide to take a particular individual to the court and charge him with a specific offence and the court acquits him, that also should end the matter. I think it would be contrary to the Constitution to put a man in jeopardy twice. If you bring a man in a disciplined force like the Gárda Síochána before a disciplinary inquiry, the penalty there may be far heavier than that which would be inflicted before an ordinary court. I would like to have myself recorded as being in entire disagreement with the principle put forward by Deputy Dillon.

There was a good deal said the last day about complaints. I do not want to go over that ground again, but I do seriously suggest to Deputies, and to the Minister, that when people come forward with complaints and allegations the best and wisest counsel to give them would be to remind them that they have legal rights and should go to a solicitor and assert their legal rights. If members of the public complain that they have been wronged by the action of the Gárdí, and that the Gárdaí have abused their powers, I do not see why Deputies should be twisted into a machine for the ventilation of these allegations. The proper course for such people to take is to seek legal redress, and if they have a case they will get their legal redress. The alternative might be to advise them to report their case to the Minister or the commissioner. If they do so, I have no doubt that such allegations as are made will receive impartial and fair investigation.

Suggestions were thrown out on the last day that Deputies should have the right, more or less, to investigate these complaints and pass them along to the Minister. I think if you were to allow a system of that kind to grow up you would upset the entire administration of the Gárda Síochána. I am satisfied that it has now reached the stage where you have impersonal and impartial administration and where personal considerations—private opinions and that kind of thing— have no influence whatever. I think it is only right, when the machine is working on that purely impersonal basis, that it should be allowed to continue and should not be interfered with, particularly by Deputies. My advice to people who have grievances is that they should ventilate them in the proper manner, and that is in the courts of the land, or by way of complaint to the Minister. Everyone, I suppose, has the right to make representation to the Minister to ensure that there is the pure administration of justice and the impartial enforcement of the law. It is the right of every citizen to bring anything affecting him to the Minister's notice. It is the privilege of Deputies to bring these matters to his notice, but what I have in mind are cases of personal spite and spleen when the law happens to hit a particular individual on the knuckles. That sort of thing should not be done, and the machine should be allowed to work as the Civil Service machine works.

In June last I raised with the Minister the question of the Land Registry fees. I again direct his attention to the matter. I agree entirely with the remarks of Deputy O'Connor on this subject. The fees at present being charged are considerably more than the 100 per cent. increase represented by the Minister. In some cases the increase runs up to 300 per cent., 400 per cent., 500 per cent. and even 600 per cent. I want again to impress on the Minister that it was never the intention that the Land Registry should be a means for collecting revenue, or that it should be a self-sufficient unit of administration. It was never intended that the registry fees would pay for the machinery of registration. The whole principle underlying the setting up of the Land Registry was to provide a ready, accessible and cheap means of registering title. In fact, the fees were made so low as to induce people to come forward to have title registered. Now we are getting to the opposite position. The Minister says that the fees have been increased largely for the purpose of balancing up the cost of running the service and that sort of thing. This is a considerable hardship, as the Minister must be aware, on solicitors. In nine cases out of ten, it is the solicitor who has to put up the money to pay these fees and very often he has to wait 12 months, two years, or even longer before he gets his money back. To compare the fees under the old scale with the new scale, in respect of a purchase price of £1,000, the old scale fee was £3; the new scale fee is £5 6s. 0d. In respect of a purchase price of £3,500, the old scale fee was £6 5s. 0d.; the new scale fee is £13 1s. For a voluntary transfer, say, from father to son, the old scale fee was £1 10s. 0d.; the new scale fee is £5 6s. 0d. For a marriage settlement, the old scale fee was £3; the new scale fee is £5 6s. For ordinary transmission to devisee under a will or next-of-kin on intestacy, the old scale fee was £1 10s.; the new scale fee is £5 6s.

I regard these as very excessive charges, which are a burden upon the solicitors, who have to put up the money in the first instance, and a crippling burden upon the farming community. I would stress again that the registry was never intended to be anything but a cheap and ready means of registering title and was never intended to pay for itself. The present increases are contrary to the whole principle upon which the registry was originally set up. If there is no other way out, I would seriously suggest to the Minister to consider Deputy O'Connor's suggestion, that is, to amalgamate the Registry of Deeds and the Land Registry and see whether or not a cheaper service can be evolved. Deputy O'Connor has quoted the figures and there is no comparison between the fees under the Registry of Deeds and those under the Land Registry.

A good deal has been said about the courts and the administration of justice. I do not want to go over the ground covered by Deputy Costello and Deputy Cosgrave, but there are a few points to which I should like to direct the Minister's attention. One is the question of vesting the High Court on circuit with full criminal and civil jurisdiction, subject to the right of any party to seek a change of venue. At the present time people from the most remote parts of Ireland have to come to the High Court in Dublin and in serious criminal cases this involves considerable expenditure of public money. A good deal of that expenditure could be avoided if the High Court on circuit had jurisdiction and if, in addition, there were a winter assize, such as there was in the old days. I believe the jury system in certain areas might require a certain amount of revision if we were to attempt anything like that, but in the long run it would be a fairer and cheaper means of justice for the people than to drag them from Dingle or Donegal to Dublin. At present the High Court on circuit is badly arranged. As a rule, it sits in March and July. These months are too near each other, and, if at all possible, I would seriously suggest some alteration in the arrangement to provide a longer interval between the two sittings.

Litigants in some cases in Circuit Courts are at a considerable disadvantage in not being able to have a jury for certain civil actions. That is a matter that might be considered, particularly in respect of borough areas and the larger towns; such as Galway, Kilkenny, Clonmel, Wexford, Sligo. I should prefer to see the old jury system in operation in these larger towns. I am afraid that the principle underlying the present system of having a jury of seven is to ensure convictions, and it would be fairer to the accused if the old system of having 12 jurors were in operation, particularly in the boroughs and the larger towns.

The matter of the ground rent agitation in Carndonagh has been already discussed in the House and I do not want to refer to it in any great detail, but I should like to know from the Minister under what authority the Gárda officers and members acted in the case of the recent seizures in Carndonagh. We had the extraordinary spectacle there of Pressmen's cameras being seized by Gárda officers. Not only were their cameras seized, but the negatives were taken and, as I am informed, destroyed. The Press was not allowed to publish pictures of the seizures. I know that the Gárda have powers, under Emergency Powers Order, to seize certain photographs of ports, military barracks, military areas, and that kind of thing. I doubt if they have power to seize cameras, as was done in the case of the evictions at Carndonagh, and I should like to know whether the members concerned acted on their own authority or on instructions from headquarters. This matter has caused considerable feeling in the area concerned and has caused considerable apprehension throughout the country, particularly where branches of the United Irish Leaseholders' Organisation are functioning. I wish to stress the importance of Carndonagh in this matter. It took a Carrickshock in my constituency to end the tithe war and we are beginning to find some rumblings of serious trouble brewing which may come to a head if the matter of the relationship of landlord and tenant is not tackled in a practical fashion.

It would require legislation, which may not be advocated on this Estimate.

It probably would require legislation.

And therefore may not be discussed on the Estimates.

He has already used the Emergency Powers Order.

He has used the Emerergency Powers Order to destroy photographs and he has used it to seize these photographs. I will have to fall back on this question of Carndonagh. I do not want to go into this question of Carndonagh. It is probably being investigated and there may be civil proceedings arising out of it, but I do understand that the Guards prevented members of families from assisting aged people in making an inventory of the furniture and stock or whatever was being seized by the sheriff. I understand that in certain cases that was done. I also understand that the solicitor for the tenants was denied access to the tenants during the evictions when the tenants sought his advice and, in fact, was assaulted. I mention these matters because I feel the time has come when the Minister must take up this question of ground rents. If I cannot advocate new legislation, perhaps I might express disappointment that the Minister has not seen fit to introduce the long-promised Landlord and Tenant Bill.

The Deputy, on an Estimate, may not advocate nor criticise the Minister for not introducing legislation.

Is it permissible to use the words "ground rents" at all without being charged with some offence?

If the Deputy mentions them in a certain connection and asks the Chair, he will rule. The Chair does not give hypothetical decisions.

I want, anyway, to impress on the Minister that from what I know of this agitation which is growing up throughout the country there is every reason to believe that it will make rapid progress in the near future and that unless the matter is tackled by the Minister we may have people being forced to take the law into their own hands.

The Deputy has reverted to legislation, directly and indirectly.

The Minister made a promise to the members of the Gárda Síochana about 12 months ago that, if and when legislation would be brought in, he would consider extending them the franchise. I cannot say if I am in order in this either, but it is a standing grievance with the members of the Gárda that they are denied the right to vote. They will have no right to vote at the forthcoming Presidential election. They have no right to vote at a Dáil election. They may only participate in the local elections; they may record their vote at a local election. Every lawyer who has studied this problem of the vote for the Gárda has come to the conclusion that it is unconstitutional to deny the Gárda the exercise of the franchise. The negro in the United States of America is entitled to exercise the franchise——

All that the Deputy may discuss on this Estimate is confined to policy, expenditure, and administration of the last 12 months.

And the Gárda Síochána.

Not to legislation which would be required to give Gárda the right to vote.

I am reminding the Minister of a promise which he made within the last 12 months.

The Deputy should not try to circumvent the ruling of the Chair.

Then might I ask for guidance in the matter? When is it possible to raise this matter?

That is not a matter for the Chair.

There is a Bill before the House at present which will be coming up after this Estimate and I wish to remind the Minister that he could have availed of that opportunity.

Mr. Boland

When proposals for the amendment of the electoral law are before the House the matter will be considered.

Have you any idea when that will be?

Mr. Boland

The Minister for Local Government will bring that in and that will be the time to consider the matter.

There are a couple of points affecting the Gárda Síochána of which I should like to remind the Minister. One is the question of the cleaning of barracks. I know that the Minister is sympathetic in regard to that matter and has done his best with the Minister for Finance, but I would again ask him to use his good offices and to make a further effort to get the necessary allowance for the Gárda. Deputies may not be aware that the members of the Gárda have to pay for the cleaning of their own superior's office and the public rooms in barracks, which all of the members of the force do not use, and, in certain cases in the rural areas, for the entire cleaning of the barracks. Up to recently that came completely out of the Gárda's pockets. The Minister was instrumental in getting an allowance from the Minister for Finance of 2/- per man per month. My information is that that allowance is inadequate in the case of the large stations; that it requires something like 5/- per man per month to be an adequate allowance for the purpose. It is very unfair that members of the Gárda have to contribute to the cleansing of public offices. They are the only public servants who have to incur expenditure of that kind from their own pockets. I think there is a good case to be made in this matter and I would again appeal to the Minister to try to remove this grievance. In the case of rural stations the Gárda are entirely responsible for the cleansing of the stations and such allowance as they have been able to get is not at all adequate. I ask the Minister, if at all possible, to raise this matter again in the hope that the Minister for Finance may see fit to increase the allowance. It is a hardship in present times when money is scarce and when men with large families have not any money to throw away, particularly when they feel that this should be State expenditure. I do not know of any case where public offices have to be cleansed at the expense of public servants except in the case of the Gárda. It is an anomaly which exists in the service and I ask the Minister to make a further effort to remove it.

The Minister in giving us the figures for the past year as to the various forms of breaches of the legal code indicated that in certain respects there has been a reduction as compared with 1943. Everyone appreciates that there are possibly a number of causes for that. First of all, the first wave of what one might call the onrush of emergency conditions has died down; people have become more steady. Secondly, the general machinery for enforcing the law in respect of offences against various emergency Orders and having them accepted by the people has become more practicable. What I am particularly concerned with is to what extent will we have a residue of these increased figures which have developed during the period of the emergency left with us when the emergency has gone. I do not wish to traverse the whole ground, but only to deal with one point which nobody else has referred to and which seems to be ignored largely both by the Gárda authorities and by those responsible for the supervision of the Gárda authorities and those under them. I want to refer particularly to a situation that is developing, so far as I am personally aware, in the City of Dublin. We have got a condition developing there which is not merely a breeding ground of ordinary breaches of the law, the ordinary wild spirits which are usually said to go with youthfulness, but of a type of viciousness and lack of respect for other human beings which was symptomatic at certain times of large cities on the other side of the Irish Sea and which we have been in the habit of reading about in regard to cities on the North American Continent. All of us are familiar through reading the papers with the lurid stories of so-called gangs and gang warfare in Dublin.

I wonder does the Minister realise that a position has developed in Dublin around certain dance halls, not run in any objectionable manner, but run on the basis of the utmost possible control by respectable groups of people and organisations; in which it is almost impossible to maintain any kind of order and, in certain cases, any kind of safety for ordinary decent people frequenting these halls? I speak with particular knowledge of one hall which is within 50 yards of the main Gárda station in this city. Within recent weeks four weekly dances had to be closed down because of this development within our city. In different parts of the city we have groups or gangs some of which may have a criminal basis, but many of which are only that kind of loose association common to groups living in the same street and congregating round the same corners. In those groups or gangs there has developed an atmosphere of viciousness and of complete disregard for any ordinary rights of people who may transgress or cut across the interests of the particular group.

This has developed in the particular neighbourhood in which they reside and has spread right through the city. When one reads of a decent, well-ordered dance hall being cleared by a gentleman with a butcher's knife, one realises that the atmosphere here may not pass away with the emergency. When we consider the swollen figures for various forms of crime, we take some satisfaction in feeling that the emergency conditions have given rise to many of these offences and that the figures will drop when the atmosphere improves. If we have an atmosphere in our main city, in which nearly a sixth of our population resides, in which we see the development of crime not merely from the economic and social causes with which we are familiar, but as a development of viciousness which has in many cases no relation at all to the economic conditions of the individual participating, then we realise that we are up against a very difficult problem. We know of the situations that have developed in Glasgow, Sheffield and other towns, when we recall the development of the razor gangs. There were many of those gangs completely dissociated from ordinary criminal activity and this same kind of development is taking place in Dublin. It is not that these people are associated to pursue criminal activities, but rather, by their association, by their lack of social consciousness and responsibility and understanding of their duties as citizens, all that is bad and wrong in the ordinary human character is cultivated and brought to the surface and is looked upon as something to be emulated, not only by members of these groups but by younger boys and girls watching their activities.

I do not know whether the Gárda authorities appreciate the magnitude of the problem or not. I think they do, but there appears to be very little in the way of effective steps to deal with it. Much of it is a type of problem that it is almost impossible for the ordinary police force to deal with. My own experience is that by the time the Gárda authorities are brought on the scene the people who created the difficulties have disappeared. Some attention must be given to it, if not by the law enforcement officer, then by the Minister and the Government, charged not only with the enforcement of the law and the suppression of crime, but also with the proper upbringing of young people in a decent ordinary way of life.

Attached to that particular problem is one to which there have been several references recently—the question of child delinquency. Some time ago I put a question to the Minister in the House as to whether he considered having an inquiry held into the general problem. He did not seem to be particularly sympathetic to that. It is a problem which requires more consideration than that which has been given to it by debates in this House or in the day-to-day administration of various State Departments and sections of the Local Government authorities concerned. Each one has his own idea as to the cause of juvenile delinquency. There is substantial agreement in regard to the social and economic causes, though there may be some difficulty in agreement regarding the lack of parental control, the effect of the cinema, and so on. One thing on which there has been no agreement is as to the type of solution which can be applied to the problem.

We have at present sitting a Government commission on youth unemployment. Surely, directly connected with that problem is the problem of juvenile delinquency? The official figures show that the largest number of cases requiring attention either by the Gárdaí or by the Children's Court lie within the age group 14-17. If the Government felt that the problem of unemployment amongst juveniles required the attention of a very representative and authoritative commission, surely the other question of the child as a possible delinquent does require some attention? It would not be out of place for the Minister to consider appointing a number of persons, not only interested but with expert knowledge, who might be able to find some partial solution. I do not see that any complete solution can be found as long as we have the present basic economic and social conditions, creating homes in which the child cannot grow up with the possibility of becoming a normal citizen, creating conditions of life for the parents that make it impossible for them to exercise proper control over their children and give them proper care and attention, proper schooling and a proper opportunity to start in life.

In many of the cases to which Deputy Dillon referred last week on another debate, medical and psychological treatment is necessary, but there are other forms of treatment that may be applied to many of these cases which, while not reducing the problem to infinitesimal proportions, at least would save it from developing on a larger scale. It would save many of these children from becoming part of a larger problem of criminals operating in city and country.

Another point which was raised before was the possibility of inquiring into the general provisions for providing free legal aid to people in poor circumstances who require it in order that they may avail themselves of their rights under the law or be able to defend themselves in regard to charges or actions in which they may be involved. This matter has been receiving fairly wide consideration in England. As far as I am aware, there are two inquiries going on at present or just concluded—one officially by the Lord Chancellor's Department and the other by the Incorporated Law Society. Their purpose was to improve the system and provide a much broader one than existed heretofore in that country, where the provisions even at present are much better than we have here. We are in an invidious position when we pass laws for the protection of citizens or to regulate their conduct, and then, because a poor man or woman has not got the wherewithal to obtain expert legal advice, they are unable to obtain their rights, especially in civil cases, or they are debarred or deprived of their rights because they are not able to defend themselves.

Those of us who take a certain interest and active part in ordinary social activities connected with the Labour movement or with charitable organisations of one kind or another know that, every day, we have the problem of men and women threatened with eviction from their homes over some clear legal point or some obscure legal point. They can get legal advice, if they are able to go to solicitors, but whether that is a good thing or not I do not know. The Minister for the Co-ordination of Defensive Measures and other members of his Party poured scorn on the legal profession some time ago, in another debate, and regarded its members as mere fee-chasers. I do not hold that opinion. There are very few exceptions in the profession as a whole and what may be the drawbacks of the profession are not the responsibility of the profession, but the result of the peculiar legal code which we have allowed to develop. It has reached a point where, in even the simplest legal action, expert legal advice is necessary if the plaintiff or defendant is to receive what he is normally entitled to under the law. That is something for which we should try to find a solution.

It should not be possible—and it has happened every day in the week— for an ordinary working-class family to lose possession of a home through ignorance or poverty. They are made the victims of the law, quite legally and properly, by the landlord or, possibly, in the case of disturbance or annoyance, by some other tenant living in the same house. We should have some method of providing free legal advice and of offering representation in court. There could at least be some bureau or central advice depot where, in a simple way, they could be informed of the legal position, so that, if they could not be legally represented in court, at least they would know exactly what they were facing and what steps they could take to protect themselves.

I wish to close by referring to another matter which is of a somewhat difficult nature. It has been referred to already in the debate and I believe it has been common in the last few years. It is in regard to certain prisoners now serving sentence in Portlaoighise Prison. Since 1943, when a debate was initiated in this House on the general question of the treatment of political prisoners, there has been some improvement; and we should, in a general way, compliment both the Minister and the Government on the change in their attitude. That change has been largely successful. During that period there has been a considerable reduction in the number of men detained. They were let out under varying conditions, some on parole and some unconditionally. So far as I am aware, I do not think the Minister has any complaint to make because of his more conciliatory attitude; I do not think he can say that it has not been justified.

As regards crimes arising out of the existence of unlawful associations, he told us, in his opening statement he was glad that the past year was peaceful. That, I think, is a justification of the policy he has been following since 1943 in relation to these men who were detained, the majority of them without trial. I think the Minister could relate that same policy to the position existing in Portlaoighise. He should not regard the situation from any narrow viewpoint. We are told that these men have refused to obey certain rules and regulations, but I suggest that we should look at the matter from a wider point of view. A good deal of progress has been made in the direction of encouraging citizens to engage in ordinary peaceful methods of political activity rather than adopt other forms of activity, and I do not think that the Minister or the Government should hesitate to take other steps if they will bring them nearer the goal of having that idea generally accepted. So long as we have a situation such as exists in Portlaoighise, I think it will be difficult.

I am not trying to argue that because of the association of these men in Portlaoighise with a particular organisation they are entitled to special treatment. I do not argue that, because I realise that the Minister has a completely contrary point of view. I will, however, put this point to him. If three men are tried before the same court for the same type of offence and they are sentenced, why is it that one is sent to Portlaoighise to become the subject of a particular set of circumstances there and is therefore in a certain way a sufferer, while the other two are sent to an internment camp where the conditions are not so objectionable? I am not suggesting, as has been suggested outside, that this was due to discrimination. I do not think that is the position.

The Minister gives us a total of 55 prisoners serving sentences imposed by the Special Military Court and 104 persons detained under the Emergency Powers Orders, making a total of 159. As far as I understand, some 130 are in the internment camp at the Curragh and we have about 29 between Mountjoy and Portlaoighise. Of those in Portlaoighise some are serving sentences for exactly the same type of offence—possibly they were tried by the same court—as men serving sentences elsewhere. That gives rise to a certain suspicion that should be removed. There is, as the Minister is aware, because of the documents he quoted in the House, a large number of complaints in regard to the treatment. I suggest, as he has found it possible to take a broad and human view in relation to the detention of certain prisoners, that he should be equally big enough to find a solution of the Portlaoighise problem.

It is very easy for members of the House to use words the Minister or members of his Party uttered in years gone by against them now; it may be a very good form of debate for some people, but I do not think it gets us anywhere. I suggest that in the cases of certain men serving sentences in Portlaoighise, whatever may have been their point of view and however unjustified their actions may have been, there can be no doubt that their motives were political. There may be some doubt in regard to men involved in the round-up, but in other cases, whether you are of the opinion that the men should be hanged or imprisoned, you cannot deny that they were prompted by political motives. When Deputies are in opposition it is possible that they have a different viewpoint from what they would have if they were associated with the Government. I think the Minister might try to look at this matter from the angle from which he used to view it when he was in opposition. I agree that the circumstances have altered as compared with 1924, but even so, I think we should try to appreciate what is in the minds of men who are serving sentences and, above all, that section of the Irish people who have not yet fully accepted the changed conditions in this country.

I do not deny that facilities are provided for visiting persons detained in Portlaoighise, even by members of my own Party, but I suggest in all sincerity that some effort should be made to get over the impasse there. Let us not have the position where a man, whose child dies through a certain foolish action on the part of his wife, is not able to see his dead child or wife and has no knowledge of what has occurred until some time afterwards. None of us would like to see that situation continuing. I appeal to the Minister, apart altogether from ordinary human considerations, to remedy the condition of affairs at Portlaoighise.

I have refrained from referring to certain other matters that I raised in the House some months ago, because I do not want to cause any irritation or get back to old grounds. I think it would be better to get rid of that atmosphere. Reference has been made to certain complaints in relation to the Gárda as a body and to individual members. I have no complaints of that nature. If I had any such complaints I would quickly bring them forward. I know that there is a general feeling of uneasiness, and because of the existence of that feeling of uneasiness, I think there should be closer supervision with reference to the discipline exercised in the police force. Above all, there should be a better sense of responsibility, because there are tremendous powers placed in the hands of the Gárdaí.

One incident was quoted by Deputy Coogan with reference to seizing cameras. That is somewhat similar to what I referred to months ago, when posters and other articles were seized in the city. That is a bad development in any police force, because it indicates that either the Executive or the police, on certain occasions when they feel it suits their particular end, can abuse the powers given for the protection of the citizens. What I regretted in that particular instance of the seizure of posters was not the general attitude of the Minister, but that, without even knowing what incidents occurred, he was prepared to say that he stood over everything the Guards had done in the city at that time. It is not a good thing. There should be, on the one hand, an acceptance that on every occasion on which a complaint is made against the Gárda a public inquiry will not automatically be held, but, on the other, very painstaking care on the part of the Minister and the Gárda authorities to see that all members of the Gárda, and especially the higher officers, are fully aware that there must be certain standards, that no departure from them will be allowed, that the main responsibility on them is not merely the suppression of crime in its more lurid forms, such as we read in the newspapers, but, above all, the protection of the citizens as a whole and the care and fostering of the interests of the citizens because they are not merely the people who pay the piper but the people who are entitled to call the tune and the people for whose protection the Guards and the whole system of law enforcement are primarily set up. No departure from that should be allowed, and where instances occur, such as one or two of those which occurred lately, which might give rise to a lack of faith on the part of the public, to a doubt as to the complete disinterestedness of the Guards either as a body or as individuals, even if it does mean, as Deputy Coogan said, a possible penalisation of the individual, some steps should be taken to assure the public that they are being fully inquired into and to satisfy them that nothing has occurred which cannot stand the fullest investigation.

With the bulk of Deputy Larkin's speech, I thoroughly agree, but with certain portions I find myself incomplete disagreement and to the extent to which there is complete disagreement, I think it can be explained by a different point of view. I look at things in this way: this State is nearly 23 years old and in the past there was very heated, very acute, political tension and a particular type of offences against the law in those days. There was a reasonable case for urging that there was a strict dividing line between ordinary crime and political crime in those days, but at this stage of our history I am inclined to get a little impatient when the case is put forward that, when two men rob a bank—one because his family is starving and the other because he feels encouraged by the fact that he belongs to a semiarmed organisation—more leniency should be shown in the latter case, where the individual has not the justification of a starving family, than in the earlier case.

I think we have reached a point when crimes against the person and crimes against property should be regarded as equal, no matter who commits them. I have, as a matter of principle, always faced up to the fact that whoever sits on the Government Bench, responsible for the administration of justice, for the safety of life and the safety of property, should be interfered with to the very minimum by Deputies or by debates in this House. There is a very grave and worrying responsibility on any person who finds himself responsible for depriving another person of his liberty, for keeping another in jail, particularly if the friends and family of the person in jail are decent, upright and exemplary citizens; but there is a much greater responsibility on the individual charged with the administration of justice, with ensuring respect for the law and the safety of personal property, if, in a weak moment, he too hastily opens the jail gates and takes responsibility for letting loose on the country again those who are a menace to the country.

I remember well sitting on these benches when an appeal was made to the Government—an appeal supported, I think, by all Parties—to release certain people because they appeared to be in danger of death through hunger-strike or defiance of prison regulations. The Taoiseach came in here and told us that if, because of the objection of everyone of us had to seeing any Irishman die, that argument was to be used, if regulations were to be defied and the people concerned released, it would mean the end of all law in the country, that one batch of prisoners would follow the example of another and that it was impossible to release such people. Unfortunately, the heart conquered the head subsequently, and the particular men were released. The outcome was that within a very short time we had a tragic shooting in Dublin in which three or four men lost their lives, the centrepiece being the man released before his time.

If we have a Department responsible for the administration of justice, if we have a Department responsible for the policing of the country, we have reached a point in the development of this State at which we should have enough confidence in them to close our ears to propaganda of all sorts and to allow the administration of justice to sail along on an even keel, without interference, no matter how well-intentioned or to what extent prompted by sentiment or emotion.

I listened to my colleague, Deputy Flanagan, a Deputy with whom I am happy to say I rarely find myself in disagreement, and I was sorry to find him in his emotional spirit being influenced by propaganda, and, because of the propaganda operating on him, making a thoroughly unjust attack on the whole administration in Portlaoighise Prison. The game of prisoner and jailer will always go on. Most Deputies at one time or another were on the wrong side of bars or the wrong side of wires, and we know the propaganda that flooded this country, and in fact a greater part of Western Europe, with regard to conditions in these jails and camps. It was such that, when we came out and read that propaganda, we began to think that we were thundering great men to have lived through that kind of thing without knowing it ever happened.

That is the ordinary legitimate game which goes on between those on the inside of the bars and those whose duty it is to keep them there. It is a perfectly understandable game. It is the function of the inmates to make as much difficulty as possible for those whose painful duty it is to keep them in, and reasonable people know that. Reasonable people, therefore, should evaluate propaganda at its proper worth and not on its face value. The suggestion contained in the Deputy's statement was to the effect that prisoners in Portlaoighise were kicked around like animals, that medically they were neglected by the medical officer of health, and that conditions were such that they were prevented from going to the Sacraments.

We have to remember that the governor, the warders, the doctor and the chaplains are decent, human, charitable Christians like ourselves. I knew most of the warders as boys. The balance I know as men. The idea that those decent, Christian warders, whose origins we know, are of that brutal beastly type that they would kick an unfortunate prisoner around the jail like animals, and it is only a brute that would kick an animal and it is only a real demon that would kick a human being about, and that we should have it declared in this Irish Parliament that those blood-brothers of ours are monsters and beasts of that kind, should not be allowed to go without challenge. It is like suggesting that a medical man would neglect his patients, and such a suggestion would only be made by a person who did not understand the implications of such a charge. It is the foullest charge that one could make against a member of the medical profession—that he had neglected his patients. No doctor would resent half as strongly the charge that he had murdered a hobo as that he had neglected the patients entrusted to his care. The rule in the profession is that if a charge of neglecting a patient were made against a member of it, and if it was found to be true, he would be deprived of his professional diplomas. Deputies hold a position of responsibility and should take their position seriously. Therefore, charges of that kind should not be bandied around here. In this House we have representatives from every county. We have the Press of the world taking down what is said, and that will be quoted as being true, merely because the charges were made by a Deputy in Parliament.

Prison regulations are, of course, severe. Within the prison there must be some system of dealing with those who defy the prison regulations. In other words, within the jail itself there must be further systems of punishment. They may be too harsh. That is a matter for the Minister and his Department to look into. By reason of the money voted by this House, the officers and officials of the prison are bound to carry out the regulations. There should not be confused thinking as between the regulations and the unfortunate human instruments that have to carry them out. I am perfectly certain from what I know of the governor and the staff in that particular prison, from what I know of the visiting chaplains and of the visiting medical men, that if even one man in that prison was subjected to any form of punishment, outside what the regulations define, they would throw up their positions rather than continue to serve. I will say this, that you have not to live six miles away from that prison to know what goes on inside. Every one of us has contacts, and we know whether there is a regime of humanity there under the rules or otherwise. There was the suggestion of demanding an inquiry. Of course, that is part of the game. If a prisoner is to get an inquiry every time he distributes pamphlets, let us examine what the effect of holding it will be. The inquiry is held and it exonerates the staff but, nevertheless, the mental impression that is left is that, if those in charge carry out the regulations, there will be an inquiry. That means that the honesty and effectiveness of the staff are undermined by the threat and the clamour for an inquiry.

I am opposed to the present Government, and, as regards many of the things they do, I thoroughly resent them. I am perfectly satisfied, however, that the services operating under them—in our police force, in our Army and our prison service—are carrying out their duties in a perfectly honourable and humane manner. In the course of this debate we heard a lot about the Civic Guards, about the administration and conduct of the Civic Guards. Reference was made to their pay. The general opinion was that it was too small since the cost of living is rising and salaries are not. I would be inclined to agree with that. At the same time, I would like to say that if the pay inside such a service is to be increased it should be done by effecting economies within the service, economies that would not interfere with its efficiency. I do not think I have ever seen any force run in such an uneconomical and unbusiness like manner as our police force. I can see in it ample room for carrying out sensible economies that, I think, would increase its efficiency. Suppose you go into any of the big barracks here in Dublin, what is the first thing that will hit you in the eye? You will see a fine strapping young Irishman, probably 6ft. 4in. in height, broad in proportion and about 30 years of age, putting in his life tapping a typewriter. Beside him you will see a bigger kind of man that should be out dealing with the turbulent elements in our community that Deputy Larkin referred to, and he is engaged writing records—census work or some other sort of clerical work. I ask Deputies to consider the lunacy of that. Suppose you had that sort of thing in an engineer's office: that you had to have an engineer typewriting and keeping diaries, surely the cost of engineering would be such that all of us would have to live in mud cabins. Suppose you had that kind of thing in a hospital, that every post from ledger clerk up had to be filled by a doctor, on doctor's pay, the cost of illness would be absolutely prohibitive, while the number of people that could get into a hospital would be nil. But in our police force, every single duty that could be carried out by a boy clerk is carried out by a fully paid policeman. While that is so, we have not enough men outside the doors of the police barracks to do police duty efficiently.

If one says that that system ought to be changed, it probably will sound revolutionary, simply because we have grown accustomed to it. The Army is as virile a body as the police force, and is a body that is expected to be far more mobile. There is no geographical fixation about the Army. The lighter and easier clerical work is done by clerks and typists, and not necessarily by soldiers, although those people are in most cases more costly than soldiers. But go to the depot or to any police headquarters in Dublin at lunch time, and you will see the manhood that pours out from behind typewriters—a body that would beat half the world physically. I consider that not only an insane, but an unbusinesslike type of administration. I consider it a type of administration that has no regard to the matter of giving taxpayers value for their money. If that is one side of the picture, and if the other side of the picture is that we have not enough men, available adequately and efficiently to police this country, then surely there is something wrong. I venture to say to the Minister that, at any given moment, we have not one-tenth of our police force engaged on police duties proper. Police duties proper, to my mind, are the protection of person and property, the prevention of crime and the detection of crime. Walk into any country barracks. Have a look at the diary. Find out how the four or five men are engaged on any given day. What will you learn? One Guard is out taking tillage returns. He is out ascertaining how many acres are under tillage, what stock the farmers are carrying and how many hens and ducks they have. Another Guard is four or five miles away, taking samples of food and drugs. Another Guard is at the far end of the parish hunting down particulars about some child who is absent from school. If I put down a question next week in Dáil Éireann to inquire from the Minister for Agriculture how many greyhounds there are in Ireland, the following week members of the Civic Guard will be traversing the country, like greyhounds, to get the material to answer that question.

I am not criticising. I am putting it to the Minister that he should look into the machine. Perhaps the Minister will be pleased to have my remarks and to pass them on to other Departments. The Irish police force is made the runner boy of every Department in this State. If there is any information required, the task of getting it is thrown to the Guards. So much so that, out of any five Guards in any town or village in this country at any time, not more than one of them is engaged on police duty. There must always be a man in the barracks. The man who is on night duty is entitled to rest in the day. That means one man sleeping and one man on night duty. One, if not more than one, of the three that are left is always engaged on duty other than police work.

Reference has been made to the increase in crime—a thing we all deplore. There have been discussions and debate after debate with regard to the increase in juvenile crime. I do not believe that the R.I.C. was a larger body than the Gárda Síochána but to the very greatest extent they were confined to police duties. There was very little extra work thrown on them. We had not at that time all the departments that we have now. We had not every department frenzied to get its statistics right, the easiest medium for getting statistics being the Civic Guards. In any one of our villages, at any time, there were two or three R.I.C. men apparently lolling about. There was one on the bridge in the middle of the town. There was another at some tough end of the town, and a third just exercising his cane, walking around the place. But those men knew the bad boys and the bad boys were good boys as long as they felt they were under observation. The mere perambulation of two or three R.I.C. men, singly, at different times, around different parts of our towns, the mere sight of them, prevented quite an amount of crime. They were not off checking up the number of greyhounds; they were not off finding out the amount of tillage; the school authorities, public opinion and the clergymen insisted on school children being at school and week after week it was impressed on the parents that that was their responsibility. It was not necessary to have a six foot Guard to tote the children into school. Police work was being done and, leaving out the times when it got mixed up with political movements in the country and lost the confidence of the people, that force was a particularly efficient force. It was recruited from the same type of people as we have in the Gárda. What is wrong with our Civic Guards is that they are not allowed, they have not sufficient time, to carry out police duties proper and when the wilder, more lawless spirits in any community, whether they are adults or juveniles, feel that there is not ample or adequate police supervision over the activities of individuals, all over their area, then it is a case of the old story, when the cat is away, the mice will play. The criminals play when the police are engaged in other duties.

Deputy Coogan urged the advisability of ensuring that no more outside duties will be thrown on the police. I would urge the Minister to have some kind of investigation as to how the police in rural barracks are employed from day to day. I venture to say that he will find on any given day he likes to take a spot check, that all those members are busy, they are all putting down a hard day's work, but not more than one in three is engaged on police work proper. The answer from the Government may be that it is necessary to get all the material to answer Deputies' questions, that it is necessary to know the amount of tillage that is being carried out, that it is necessary to know the amount of stock that is being carried by the farmers in different parishes, that it is necessary to have sampling of food and drugs, etc. I agree, but would it not be sounder economy to have a parish clerk paid 50/- a week for getting together all these statistics that are required than to have a big hefty, £4-a-week policeman doing it? Would it not be far better, more expertly, done by the person whose vocation in life is that of a clerk than by a man whose very physique gets him the particular post he has? You would be saving public funds and you would be carrying out more efficiently the purpose for which a police force is maintained.

As for sampling and that kind of thing, you have a development of posts of county sanitary inspectors; highly qualified men carrying diplomas, whose day-to-day duties take them all over a county; people specially trained in all forms of sampling. Surely somebody should investigate what duties now thrown on the police force should be taken off their shoulders and thrown on some existing officer of the State. You have three officers, one of them a policeman, covering the same road day after day. The policeman is not doing police duties, but doing some form of public health duty or some form of statistical duty. You can have the public health officer I referred to, the tillage inspector, and a member of the Gárda all belting along the same road on any given day, and the policeman going that road to do the duty either of the public health man or the tillage man and thereby forced by circumstances to neglect his duty as a policeman and to leave the public without the protection they are paying for and without the type of force they are entitled to expect, in view of the amount of money it entails. I am not criticising the Minister or his Department or the force in question. On the whole, I think we are entitled to be proud of the kind of force that has been brought about so early in the existence of this State. I believe it irritates these men not to be allowed to do the particular work of the particular profession they take up. Many of them find that for threequarters of their time they are engaged actively in some form of work that has nothing to do with police work.

Just one word with regard to the courts. I agree absolutely with Deputy Larkin in his advocacy of some assistance to poor people hauled before our courts. Any of us who has had experience of police courts time and again have seen people dragged up there. The whole atmosphere of the police courts paralyses their tongues. The charge is read out against them and they do not appreciate really what it is all about. There is a queue of hundreds of others to be dealt with. Sentence is imposed and, before they know it, they have been convicted. Sometimes it is a fine and sometimes loss of liberty. Then you will get a similar type of case coming up fifth on the list. The person concerned may be slightly better off and be legally represented and may be charged with a similar offence. The defence is put up by the legal man and the person concerned is not convicted. This may be a very expensive suggestion to make, but I think it is a thing that should be looked into; that unfortunates should not lose their liberty without being competently defended. The justices are working against the clock and now and then we become aware of very serious mistakes. The police get evidence that young John Brown did something. They collar young John Brown and he is brought before the court. His parents have never been in court before and the youngster is overawed by the court and is convicted. It may turn out that it is the wrong John Brown and that the wrong John Brown was elsewhere at the time the offence was committed. I am not putting a concrete case but the kind of thing which is liable to happen. A case is made and there is no answer to the case. There are alibis which are never brought forward. People have not sufficient self-confidence or courage to do it. That is one aspect of the matter.

Another thing about the courts, and perhaps it is not so revolutionary, is this. Departments have been engaged for the best part of five years manufacturing crimes, making crimes to-day what were not crimes before. Emergency Orders are being poured out like sausages out of a machine and these Orders have the effect of law. So much so, that we have reached the point that it is a major offence against the laws of the country to neglect , to use a fashionable word, to be slovenly in the keeping of books, or registers, or records. Day after day, traders and industrialists are hauled up before our courts for newly manufactured offences. A conviction by the court may mean loss of liberty or a fine; in most cases it means loss of livelihood, being deprived of the supplies through which they live. Obviously they must go to the last halfpenny so that they may be adequately defended. Frequently the charge is not proved against them and they are found not guilty and acquitted. But they are bankrupt as a result of the cost of the defence they have to put up.

Now, I would suggest, with full conviction, that where the State brings people before the court and these people are committed to very heavy expenditure in order to clear their name, to clear their character, to protect their livelihood, and a court of this land finds them not guilty then, just the same as in civil actions, the State should pay. It is no consolation to a man or his family to go out of court cleared of the charge but bankrupt and crippled in business. That matter should be looked into. It was not as urgent in normal times as it is now. But when we have traders and others brought up day after day for offences that were not offences a few years ago, then I think it is essential that the State should be made to be careful that, in fact, there has been a gross violation of the law before they put people in the dock. The only way to make them careful is to ensure that the State will pay the piper when the court finds that the person charged is not guilty.

As I am on that point, might I say, without any bitterness in my mind, that many years ago special courts were established because jurymen were been dropped in their tracks in the City of Dublin and because any of them who escaped with their lives were being intimidated and could not do their job as jurymen? In the face of the noisiest, but I would say well-intentioned, protest ever raised in Parliament, special military courts were established to deal with certain classes of organised crime, backed up by guns. It was an undesirable departure from every well-established legal principle, but the circumstances and the times made such an undesirable course necessary. There was never any idea that such courts would function for any class of crime except crime that was organised and supported by armed violence. Now we have reached the point where that type of court is being used to deal with traders who do not keep their books properly, who sell an extra ½ oz. of tea to a customer, or who secure an extra lb. of tea which is not shown in the ledger.

Of all the lunacy that ever was grafted on a country with a wild record in the past, that is the most exaggerated form of lunacy—that the ordinary courts cannot be relied on adequately and competently to try a woman or a man, a simple trader down the country, for selling or buying tea in excess of the allowance. Is there any defence under heaven for bringing these cases before a special military court, designed to deal with armed crime and armed conspiracy? If there is any excuse or defence for such a procedure, it can only be that it is easier to find the person guilty in a court that does not understand law. If that is the answer—and I can see no other—then the whole administration is rotten. If you cannot give the people law as decided by lawyers, if you cannot give the people justice as meted out by the courts of justice and the judges, then it is not either law or justice that they are getting in the other type of court.

There were references here to juvenile crime. One of the things that requires more serious attention than the actual increase in crime is juvenile crime. Every reference to it in the course of this debate naturally impinged on the Department of Education. I would point out to the Minister that where citizens are made, where citizenship is bred in every country, is in the schools. The school curriculum is so overloaded with instruction that every minute of the school day is booked up, from the time the school opens in the morning until it closes in the afternoon, and there is no half hour left for instruction in civics and in citizenship, for instruction of the type calculated to produce better men and women and better citizens. If we send them out of our schools, deliberately ignorant of their responsibilities as citizens, their responsibilities to neighbour or to State, then there is no good in our bemoaning the fact that juvenile crime is on the increase.

I well remember the old schoolmaster and the old school system, where there was not an overloaded curriculum. Whether the people were as well educated or not is a debatable point. The old schoolmaster and schoolmistress of the past always ensured that, when their pupils left the school, they were pupils which they were proud to own and to claim in the future as having been their pupils. They felt that it was a slur on them if their pupils misconducted themselves after school hours. They made themselves responsible, not only for the amount of instruction and for the conduct of the child at school, but also for the conduct of the child after school and for the conduct of the man and girl years after they left school. They were able to do that because they had ample time, now and then in the course of the week, to talk civics, to talk citizenship, to instruct as to how a neighbour should behave, how an employer should behave towards his employee and an employee towards his employer. That kind of instruction equips one better for life than a deeper and more intense knowledge of the capitals and the rivers of far away Asia.

Deputy O'Connor, who is a comparatively young and yet a very eloquent member of this House, paid a glowing tribute to the Minister during this debate in these words:—

"I cannot recall any period in the history of our State when there was in the minds of all decent men a more widespread confidence in the administration of the law than there has been under the Minister."

I accept that as a very sincere tribute from an eloquent member of the Fianna Fáil Party to his political friend, the Minister. However, when you go on further in the debate and read what has been said by a man with a wiser head and with much longer experience of the administration of law, you find that Deputy Costello, with practically a quarter of a century of experience at the Senior Bar,. says, as reported at column 1974 of Volume 96 of the Official Debates:—

"I feel that the rights and liberties we are supposed to have under the Constitution, the right of free speech and the right of trial by jury, are being corroded and eroded—perhaps in a manner that is not too manifest at the moment or that is clearly observed by the general public—and that in a very short time, unless the people wake up to the facts of the situation, they may find themselves deprived of many of the rights and liberties which are supposed to be stated in the Constitution."

Apparently, he was referring to the question of trial by jury and the attempt to get rid of that system, as, in another phrase, he says:—

"There has also been a sort of, shall I call it, unexpressed or at any rate partially expressed view, that juries ought to be got rid of, and some step was taken in that direction when the number of jurors in Circuit Courts throughout the country was reduced from 12 to seven."

I regard these as very important statements, coming from a man with wide experience at the Bar, from a member of this House who, in my opinion, expresses his views in a judicial way rather than in a politically-minded way. I am sure the Minister would regard statements of that kind, coming even from a lawyer who is one of his political opponents, as based on some sound ground. That is why I wish to ask the Minister, like Deputy O'Higgins, who is responsible for the policy of referring to the special criminal courts cases which were always intended to be dealt with by civil courts. I strongly support the concluding remarks of Deputy O'Higgins in regard to this particular matter. I regard it as a very dangerous development at a time when the country is in a comparatively peaceful condition.

I should like to know is it the Government as a body, is it the Minister advised by the Attorney-General, or is it the Attorney-General himself who is responsible for referring a very important case that has been at hearing for 13 or 14 days in the Special Criminal Court. I am not certain who is responsible and that is why I am asking this question. I hope the Minister will answer it. That kind of case, so far as one reads from the summarised version given in the daily papers, is one that should be dealt with by judges of long experience, assisted by a jury. I think it is very unfair that a big case of that kind, in which important legal points have been raised, should be handed over to a group of Army officers. I am quite certain they could deal out evenhanded justice without the knowledge of the law which they should have in dealing with intricate cases of that kind, but at the same time I do not think they are the persons most suited to hear such cases. Surely, experienced judges, whether in the Circuit Criminal Court or whatever senior court would be concerned, assisted by a jury, would be the proper machinery for dealing with those cases. I take it Deputy Costello's fears, as expressed in the words I have read out, are based on that kind of activity and that he fears—I have not had any conversation with him on this subject and I do not know—a further development of that kind and a complete departure from the democratic custom of having cases like this one tried by a judge and jury.

There is another very serious development which, I think, is noted by the average citizen, and particularly by jurymen in Dublin City who have been engaged for long periods in the trials of certain cases which have had to be retried by another judge and jury. Will the Minister give us the number of trials in the Criminal Court which had to be retried? Will he give us the cost of retrials?

Mr. Boland

You mean where cases were appealed?

Yes, and where they were retried. We had several cases of that sort in recent times. Will the Minister say whether the retrial was the result of incompetent legal advice or the incompetent way in which the prosecution put the case, or whether the retrial was due in any way to the original judgment?

Mr. Boland

The Minister will not tell the Deputy that—certainly not.

The judiciary is quite independent and the Minister could not discuss anything of that nature.

Mr. Boland

That would be expecting too much.

The Minister for Finance, on a recent occasion in this House, in my hearing, stated he regarded that kind of development as a very serious matter for the Government—I presume for the Government, or those responsible for advising the Government in legal matters.

I have read, as everybody else has read, a very long list of charges preferred against a citizen in the District Court some time ago. The charges were listed in the District Court and the case was referred to a higher court for trial by a judge and jury. The jury disagreed in regard to one section of these charges and there was a retrial. On the retrial, when a section of the charges had been dealt with, the person acting for the Attorney-General indicated that all the other charges against this defendant were being withdrawn. Were they withdrawn because the charges, in the first instance, were unfounded, or was it that they could not be proved in law? If so, such a statement should have been made in court at the time when the other serious charges, previously made in the lower court and listed and published in the daily papers, were withdrawn.

If a person is wrongly charged with a serious offence and that charge is withdrawn on the instructions of the Attorney-General, I think an explanation for the withdrawal should be given in court, or should be given in this House by the Minister. I will tell you why that should be done. People suggest that the charges originally made in the lower court have been withdrawn as a result of pressure of some kind or other on the Minister, on the Attorney-General, or on somebody else. That is why an explanation should be given if a case of that kind ever crops up again in the courts, when serious charges are made and then withdrawn. It is only fair to the citizen concerned that some statement should be made as to why the charges have to be withdrawn.

I have heard and read statements made here by Deputies with regard to the administration of the Gárda Síochána. I have been a member of the House since it was established. One of the things I made up my mind upon in the early stages of my political career was that I would not drag individual cases concerning the administration of the law by the Guards into the House, and whenever I had a complaint against a Guard I would send it to the Commissioner for investigation. I think I have lived up to that. I do not think I ever troubled a Minister with a complaint of that sort. I cannot recollect doing so. I may have sent a few complaints to the Commissioner for investigation. Generally speaking, I found that the Guards have done their duty, under very difficult circumstances at certain periods of their existence, in a satisfactory way. At the same time, I know that, as regards a certain type of sergeant, who believes in the red-tape administration of the licensing laws, whenever he carries out his duty in a country town or village in that red-tape way, complaints come to Deputies and others from the licensed traders concerned, but I have never interfered in cases of that kind. I cannot recollect having done so.

I know of at least one person—I cannot describe him as anything else except a political tout—who has been going round my constituency, particularly during the last two elections, boasting that he has succeeded in getting certain things done—Guards shifted and prosecutions quashed—and he has used the name of the Minister in connection with these matters.

That is so.

Mr. Boland

What is he?

A political tout.

Mr. Boland

It is not true, anyway, whoever has said it.

I warned the Minister already that it was going on and I gave him the name of the individual. I told the Minister that the individual was boasting that he would get a certain Gárda sergeant transferred and, in fact, the Gárda sergeant was subsequently transferred.

Mr. Boland

If that is the case I can give a complete answer to it. I did so on the last Estimate. Of course, if a thing is repeated often enough some of it will stick.

I am not referring to that particular case. I can refer to other cases in another portion of the same constituency where a certain gentleman has taken it upon himself to use the name of the Minister in matters of that kind. He is a gatecrasher; he goes into company where he is not welcome and he provokes political discussions and winds up by using the name of the Minister, indicating where he has succeeded in getting cases quashed. He is a constant visitor to the corridors of Leinster House.

Mr. Boland

He has never done that, whoever he is—nobody has done it.

The Minister, as well as being Minister for Justice, is one of the true bosses of the Government Party and, as such, naturally he must make himself readily available and accessible to political agents in every part of the country. If the Minister gets representations from political supporters in the country in regard to the conduct or misconduct of Guards, and if a case is made for their removal, I suggest, and I make the suggestion with the greatest possible respect, that to avoid things of this kind in the future, the Minister should return the complaint to the individual concerned and tell him he should communicate directly with the Commissioner, the person who is responsible. I accept the Minister's statement that this gentleman has no right to go around boasting, as he has done on political platforms and in public-houses, about the political "pull" he has not alone with the Minister for Justice but with other Ministers in matters of this kind.

I want to raise also a matter which has come to my notice not for the first time. During last week I received a complaint from four workers who were casually employed by a public authority and who were summoned as witnesses at the District Court that was held at Tullamore on 26th January. They were called away from their work and were brought there as witnesses in a prosecution by the State against a person charged with fraud in connection with the carrying on of his own work. Since that date these casual employees have not received the day's wages which they lost through having to attend the court. This is not the first case which has come to my notice of long delay in the payment of expenses and wages lost by men who have to attend court as witnesses for the State.

The four men concerned in this case furnished their bill on 9th February for their day's wages, plus bus fares to and from the court. Strange to say, in the recent past, they received 3/- covering their bus bares, but they have not yet received their wages, and I suggest to the Minister that whatever section of the Department— it may be some local representative of the Department—is responsible for dealing with and disposing of claims of this kind, it should be tightened up and workers who have to attend courts, on summonses served on them by the State, should receive the small sums due to them, if not immediately the case is disposed of, within a reasonable time.

On 13th March of this year, the Minister was asked a question here as to his attitude and policy in connection with certain cases affecting ground landlords. The question was addressed by Deputy Neal Blaney of Donegal and had reference to certain incidents which had taken place in that constituency. The Minister, in his reply, is reported at column 1189 of the Official Reports as having said:

"This is a most complicated matter and requires the most careful consideration before we enter into legislation."

He also said:

"I cannot give any indication of what the Government's decision is likely to be."

I want to address certain questions to the Minister in that connection. Is it correct that, as long ago as two years, he received a deputation from the Leaseholders' Association which supplied him with a long list of cases in which ground rents have been increased—in some cases doubled and trebled?

Has the Minister for Justice any responsibility in the matter of ground rents?

I understand so, because he answered the question on this particular occasion.

He answered a question relative to disturbances arising out of collection of ground rents in Carndonagh.

I am referring now to what transpired on the occasion of the deputation he received in connection with this matter over two years ago.

To discuss legislation dealing with ground rents?

In connection with the racketeering activities of certain ground landlords, who, since the emergency, have doubled and trebled——

For which the Minister has no responsibility.

Will the Minister deny that he has responsibility in connection with ground rents and the racketeering activities of ground landlords—not poor landlords, but landlords who have been able to increase their incomes from ground rents in 25 years by 100 per cent.?

That matter does not come within the administration of the Department of Justice.

The Minister is the Minister who introduced and sponsored the Landlord and Tenant Bill.

Quite, and the Deputy wants to advocate legislation, which is not permitted.

I do not. I was deliberately—I cannot do it as well as a trained lawyer—putting certain questions to the Minister. I asked if he received a deputation over two years ago concerning this matter and if that deputation furnished him with detailed information and evidence regarding the racketeering activities of these people. I ask now whether he is in a position to indicate when, if ever, he will deal with this very troublesome problem?

The Minister could deal with it only by way of legislation, as the experienced Deputy knows.

I do not know whether you, Sir, call it legislation or not, but the Minister, contrary to the intentions of the House, has since the emergency used the Emergency Powers Act to deal with certain activities in this respect. I suggest to you that this is a matter of urgent public importance.

The Deputy is advocating legislation.

I am not.

In the opinion of the Chair, the Deputy is. The Deputy cannot ask the Minister to interfere without advocating legislation.

I may have only a bog-man's outlook on the meaning of "legislation," but by "legislation" I mean the introduction of a Bill——

That is legislation.

——with all the necessary details. I am pointing out to you, Sir, that the Minister has used Emergency Powers Orders——

The Minister, I think, used them in connection with some agitation.

I want him to use them in the immediate future to stabilise grounds rents for the remainder of the emergency period until he has time, if he ever will have time, to bring in such a measure to deal with the bigger issues involved in this matter.

Having said so much, the Deputy will drop the matter.

I am not going to dispute your ruling, Sir.

Very few Deputies ever do, but they do not always respond immediately.

I am sure Deputy Blaney is deeply interested. He will probably say what I have left unsaid. Two years ago, I attempted—and was prevented at the time—to ask certain questions of the Taoiseach in connection with the matter of alien penetration. I gave notice of my intention to raise the matter on the Taoiseach's Estimate, and he wrote to me. I understand he got in touch with you, Sir, and told you it was a matter which did not come within his jurisdiction and that I should raise it on the Estimate for the Department of Justice. I hope I am not now out of order in referring very briefly to it.

The Deputy is not getting nervous, I am sure.

I should like to know if the Minister is satisfied with the machinery at the disposal of his Department for dealing with alien penetration. I notice from recent cases—I know other cases which are not published in the papers—that some of the flyboys, who came over here from Great Britain to escape conscription, shortly after they arrived—wherever they got the financial assistance—set themselves up in business under very good Irish names. I know that some of these aliens have even used the name of Boland, as well as the names O'Sullivan and Murphy. These are very good Irish names and I want to know if the Minister has any machinery at his disposal to compel these people to trade under their own foreign names, so that people who want to have business dealings with them will know the names of the individuals with whom they are dealing. Has the Minister any machinery at his disposal for dealing with matters of this kind? If he has, I would like him to look into it, especially in view of the large number of cases coming under notice every other day concerning the activities of gentlemen of this type.

There is one other point that I want to raise with the Minister. I have read in the newspapers recently of serious statements made by district justices arising out of the trial of certain cases, or rather, on the evidence in cases which have come before them. They said that they were satisfied that glaring perjury was being committed in some of those cases. I am told that perjury is quite a common occurrence in the district courts of the country. Am I to assume that, when district justices make statements of the kind that I refer to, their reports go to the Minister for Justice? If so, will the Minister say why no prosecutions are brought—because none are being brought so far as I can discover— against the gentlemen who, in the opinion of district justices, commit perjury? Speaking for myself, I only go to a mission once a year, the one that is held in my own parish. This question of the amount of perjury that is being committed in our courts is, I know, referred to by missioners at the missions and retreats which they conduct through the country. Where glaring cases of perjury occur, should not some steps be taken against the people who are believed to have been guilty of it? I know, of course, it is difficult to produce evidence to convict a person of this crime, but its prevalence through the country is causing a great deal of demoralisation. If the Minister has reliable evidence that, in some case, a person has been guilty of committing perjury then I think he should institute proceedings against that person.

Mr. Boland

That is not a matter for me. It is the Attorney-General who deals with cases of that sort. He prosecutes, and not the Minister for Justice.

Are reports in connection with these cases sent to you?

Mr. Boland

If any are sent, I send them on to the Attorney-General.

There is one other matter that I want to deal with. I am not sure whether it is the function of the Minister for Justice to give a final decision as regards granting licences to bookmakers in cities and towns. Recently a case in my constituency came before the court for the second time. It was an application for a bookmaker's licence. In passing, I may say that I have no personal interest in this kind of activity. The application, however, was turned down although the local Gárda Superintendent admitted in court that the applicant was a person of good character and had all the necessary qualifications to entitle him to a licence. The application was turned down on the grounds that there was an excessive number of bookmakers in this town. As a matter of fact, the number of bookmakers' premises in the town is two, and they are owned by the same bookmaker. That meant giving a monopoly to one bookmaker. Since that happened, additional licences have been granted to bookmakers in adjoining towns, although the population of the two adjoining towns is only half that of the town I have in mind, which is Birr. If bookmakers' licences are supposed to be granted on a population basis, then the same law should apply in Leix and Offaly as in Tipperary or any other county. I do not know whether there is a right of appeal in these cases or not.

Mr. Boland

Superintendents in different areas may hold different views with regard to these cases, but if an application is refused the applicant can bring an appeal to the court. I do not enter into it at all.

So far as I know, the superintendent in this case that I refer to certified that the applicant was a fit and proper person, and had all the necessary qualifications to entitle him to a licence. The district justice, however, decided that there were enough bookmakers' premises in the town while, as I have said, in the adjoining towns additional licences were granted. The matter is not a very important one, but if there was the right of appeal to the Minister I would advise the lawyer acting for the applicant to make such an appeal. I do not know what can be done if the Minister says he has no power in the matter.

Mr. Boland

He can appeal to the District Court.

The application was turned down there.

Mr. Boland

I cannot upset that.

Am I to understand that a fresh application can be made in a case of that kind?

Mr. Boland

So I understand.

If the Minister has not the power to do anything, I do not want to bother him further.

I want to join with Deputy Davin in the tribute that he paid to the fair and impartial way in which the Guards carry out their duties. From my experience, in my own constituency, I can say that they generally show fine commonsense and a wise discretion, notwithstanding the fact that sometimes they have to deal with rather difficult cases. The Estimate for the Gárda Síochána has been increasing year by year, although one would imagine that, with a progressive increase in efficiency, there would be a reduction in expenditure. This Estimate of approximately £2,500,000 represents a substantial portion of our national outlay. That is a rather large expenditure when we take into account that this State is now 23 years in existence. It has, in a self-governing sense, passed its majority, and one would naturally conclude that we had a sufficiently keen appreciation of the necessity for maintaining law and order, and that, therefore, there would not be the need for this large expenditure. It was inevitable, when the State was founded, that a large force of Guards should be scattered all over the country in order to enforce respect not only for the institutions of the new State but for the observance of the law. During the intervening years the tendency has been for the numbers in the Gárda Síochána to increase rather than diminish. That, to my mind, is an extraordinary development. It is strange that, since those early years of the State, no effort has been made to reorganise the grouping of the Guards, although there would seem to have been great scope for the carrying out of a scheme of that kind.

I admit that in the cities and towns traffic duties impose a severe strain on the personnel of the Guards, and that, consequently, you must have a large force in such centres. That, however, does not apply to the country areas. I think that, instead of having barracks dotted all over the country in which you have three, four or five men, a good deal of the work they are doing could be carried out by patrols from fairly large central stations, the patrols to be provided with motor cars and motor cycles when conditions allow that at the end of the war. As Deputy Coogan has suggested, they might also be provided with radio sets to enable them to carry out their duties more efficiently and keep in continuous touch with their headquarters. At the moment the Gárda force is scattered in small areas all over the country in groups of three, four or five. That to my mind is not only uneconomic but an unwise distribution of a police force. It seems to me that the time has arrived for reconsideration and reexamination of the whole problem. It is essential in the interests of economy and efficiency that there should be re-organisation of the Gárda force. If certain centres were selected, one or two in each of the smaller counties, and probably more in the larger counties, it would be possible from these centres to control large county areas by a mobile force equipped with motor cars or motor cycles and radio sets. I admit that at the present time it may be difficult to procure petrol for motor cars or motor cycles, but the war may be over very soon and petrol may be available again in the course of 12 months, or even less. Even if it is not available for two years, I suggest to the Minister that he should bear in mind the suggestion I have made, and reorganise the Gárda force somewhat along the lines I have indicated. I think the country would be much better served by a smaller and more compact, mechanised force, well paid, living under agreeable conditions, rather than by the present force, scattered as it is in isolated sections throughout the country. I imagine that such a rearrangement or re-organisation would inevitably lead to a very substantial decrease in expenditure, at the same time giving exactly the same degree, or probably a much higher degree, of efficiency than we have at the present time.

Reference was made in the course of the debate to the fact that many of the Guards are engaged on purely clerical work. It would appear to me from what I have seen in various Gárda stations throughout the country that the Gárda force is gradually being turned into a branch of the Civil Service. The qualities required by a civil servant are quite different from those required by a policeman. The first essential characteristic of a policeman is common sense. The second is a knowledge of the country and of the people amongst whom his lot is cast. If the Guards have to concentrate on purely clerical work, it is inevitable that they will not be able to acquire that knowledge which would help them to perform their work satisfactorily. It was mentioned to-day that Guards have to collect tillage returns. In this age of compulsory education, the farmers should be able, and it should be obligatory upon them, to supply these returns, and I am sure that if they realised it was their duty to supply such returns they would do so and thus relieve the Guards of one form of clerical work. There are various other types of clerical work imposed on the Guards which could very well be performed by the Civil Service. As I have said, the Guards are gradually being turned into civil servants and, because of that, there has been an increase in the standard of examination for recruitment to the Gárda Síochána. In my opinion, at all events, it does not follow that because a recruit is highly educated, he will make an efficient policeman. In fixing the standard of examination for the Gárda Síochána, consideration should be given to the type of candidate likely to apply from the rural areas and to the type of education they receive in the schools they attend. In any event, the standard of education required by recruits to the Gárda Síochána is increasing year by year, and in order to become a Guard at the present time one would want to go through a more or less specialised course of education. The standard is approximating more and more closely to the standard required for the Civil Service. In other words, the Gárda Síochána is approximating more and more closely to the Civil Service, which, in my opinion, is a bad thing for the police force. If we want to maintain an efficient police force in this country, the Guards should be relieved of a considerable amount of the clerical work they are at present obliged to perform.

In introducing the Estimate, the Minister gave certain figures relating to increases that have taken place in certain classes of crime from 1939 to 1944 and from 1943 to 1944. The most abnormal increase is that which has taken place in respect of offences against property without violence, larcenies, etc. There is no question about it that there appears to be a lessening of respect for the rights of property. I do not know what the cause of that may be. It may be that our moral standards are not as high as they were 20 or 25 years ago. It may be that, because of the peculiar circumstances of the times in which we are living, or of the peculiar psychology engendered by the war, the minds of many young people—because these are the people who are engaged mostly in these crimes—have become somewhat abnormal. The fact, however, is, that there is a lessening of respect for the rights of property. Deputy O'Higgins has suggested that it may be due to the fact that our educational programme is so overcrowded that the teachers have no time to instil moral precepts into the minds of their pupils. It may be due to a variety of causes, but, whatever the cause of it may be, I suggest to the Minister that, in the interests of the State and of the Government, he should cause an inquiry to be instituted as to the reason there has been such an abnormal increase in such types of crime, especially since 1939. I do not believe that it is due to the peculiar psychology engendered by the war. I believe that there has been a definite lessening of moral standards, the cause of which I am not in a position to say.

Reference was also made to the increase in the number of prosecutions for summary offences. There has been an increase in the course of one year of 40,000. Because of my associations, I know, as a matter of fact, that from 1943 to 1944 there has been an increase of 40,000. Some of these prosecutions are ridiculous and reflect no credit on the Government Department concerned. People are dragged into court for the most trivial offence and in the majority of cases they are let off. The case is dismissed, or they are let off under the First Offenders Act.

But it is a scandal, in my opinion, that the State Department should be responsible for dragging innocent people, in many cases, into court on a trivial charge. Presumably, the charge has been formulated on the report of some inspector, who may not have taken the time or the trouble to go into the circumstances, but proceeds to make a report to his headquarters. Automatically, the higher officials at the headquarters institute prosecutions against unfortunate people. I know numbers of such people who have been dragged through the courts and subjected to a lot of unnecessary expense and odium. I know that the Minister is not entirely responsible for that type of case, but I think it is up to the Minister to represent to the different Government Departments that some more severe form of investigation should take place before people are dragged into court in this fashion and subjected to the odium associated with an appearance in court.

I meant to refer at some length to the abnormal increase in Land Registry fees, but that subject has been very extensively, dealt with by Deputy Coogan, who has given the figures that have operated until recently and the new figures. I do not propose to travel over the same ground again.

With reference to the District Courts, complaints are frequently made of lack of suitable courthouses and accommodation for district justices. I admit that the accommodation should properly be provided by the county councils, but I suggest to the Minister that he should see that the county councils discharge their duties in that respect. In very many parts of the country the accommodation is exceedingly primitive and numerous complaints have been made to the Minister on this subject and numerous letters have been written to the Press about the very bad accommodation provided for district justices in many areas throughout the country. I think he has had representations from my own county and from the neighbouring county of Leitrim in respect of three, four or five different areas, and I hope he has represented to the county councils that they have been negligent in discharging their duties in that respect and that he will keep on the pressure until something is done to improve the accommodation.

Some time ago the Minister made a pronouncement that he was prepared on behalf of the Government to make provision for a scheme of recognition of acts of gallantry, particularly when associated with life saving. So far as I am aware, no effort has been made to implement that promise. I gather from the Minister's indication now that he is going to introduce that scheme, but he might intimate the form that the recognition will take and, particularly, that there will be compensation given where personal loss is incurred. I gather that this is not the appropriate time to refer to the interesting question of ground rents, and I do not propose to infringe the rules of the House beyond suggesting to the Minister that he might take serious note of the growing volume of opinion which demands readjustment, to say the least of it.

On a previous occasion I made a suggestion in connection with juvenile delinquency that there should be an increase of probation officers in Dublin and that that scheme might be extended to large centres throughout the country. I gathered from the Minister that he would prefer to see an expansion of the scheme along the lines of voluntary organisation rather than an increase of probation officers. I should like to know from his experience of the last 12 months what assistance he has received from voluntary organisations along these lines and if he is still of opinion that the suggestion which was made from more than one side of the House should not be taken into consideration, namely, the increase of probation officers. My own experience is that that is an ideal scheme for dealing with juvenile delinquents and is calculated to give the most satisfactory results.

On a previous occasion I drew the attention of the Minister to the very immediate possibility of a very large retirement so far as the personnel of the Gárda is concerned; that a number of these would be retiring at a comparatively early age and many of them would find themselves in a position in which it would be difficult for them to reinstate themselves in civilian life because of the small amount of their pension and, generally speaking, of their domestic circumstances. I suggested to the Minister that he might consider adopting the principle which applies to the Army and the Civil Service and that a capital sum, say a year's salary, might be given to the retiring officers and men to meet that particular position. My recollection is that the Minister did not indicate the attitude of the Department on that matter, but, as it is a matter affecting a very considerable number of the Gárda officers and men, I would be glad if he would give attention to the matter.

There is another point I should like to make so far as the administration of the Gárda generally is concerned. We congratulated the Minister last year, and we do so again very cordially and sincerely, on the fact that he has such a very efficient organisation under his control. Taking the force as a whole, it is one that the country can be proud of. Early in the debate I understand that Deputy Dillon pointed out, so far as the administration of the Gárda was concerned, that the sole control should be under the personal jurisdication of the Minister, and, of course, the Commissioner, so far as discipline and domestic policy are concerned. I think that is a point of view that will meet with general approval, that promotion and advancement in the force should not be due to any outside influences, or to any influence on the part of members of this House. Acknowledgment of that principle—and I personally subscribe to it—puts a very serious responsibility on the Minister to ensure that adequate machinery will be at the disposal of all ranks to bring their grievances before the appropriate officers for the purpose of adjustment. I make that statement without any specific knowledge that the present machinery of the Gárda Representative Body is not receiving the recognition to which it is entitled. But, in accepting the principle that the control of domestic policy is vested in the Minister, it is all the more important that a body like the Gárda Representative Body should have the machinery to which I have referred. Secondly, an acknowledgment of the principle that the Minister and the Commissioner should have sole control of the Gárda does not entitle individuals—a very small percentage, fortunately, of the force—particularly in small towns and villages and in rural areas, because they are clothed with the garb of authority, to set themselves up as a sort of field marshals. They constitute in themselves a nuisance to the general public and to their own personal colleagues. That type of individual is not unknown throughout the country. The suggestion that excessive zeal or the pursuance of trivial and vexatious breaches of the law should bring a man to the notice of the Department for promotion should not be tolerated, much less encouraged. There is that type of individual abroad, and it would be a pity if the good name of the force as a whole were damaged in that way.

Finally, may I remind the Minister that I have brought to the notice of the Department some minor matters in connection with the staff in Mountjoy Prison, in regard to expenses in attending court cases and, in particular, in regard to the duty that attendance at those cases entails. I think I know sufficient of the Minister and of his Department to feel that these particular matters will receive consideration.

Mr. Corish

For a number of years past, I have been referring to the question of the housing of the Gárda, and other Deputies have mentioned it here during the present debate. The position is absolutely disgraceful, and the Minister knows it. It was pointed out to his predecessors on various occasions when the Estimates for the Gárda Síochána were under consideration. When a Gárda is transferred from a district and a new man comes in, there is no house for him and, in many cases, these men have to take up occupation of rooms, for which they have to pay a fabulous rent. It is not at all fair that some provision should not have been made for them before now. I have suggested on various occasions that the Department of Justice, or whoever is responsible, should build houses in various areas for the Gárda. I suggested that money should be available from the Local Loans Fund for that purpose, in the same manner as it is available for the building of houses for the working classes. I am satisfied that the rent allowance given to the Gárda would almost pay the interest and sinking fund required to finance a scheme of that kind.

I went to the trouble at one time of submitting a scheme to the previous Commissioner, which showed conclusively that that could be carried out and that it would not be a greater expense, either on the Department of Justice or the Gárda, than the amount of money given as rent allowance. Certainly, the position to-day is different, as the cost of building has increased enormously since the beginning of the war, but I think the Gárda would be prepared to meet the economic rent of a house built under such a scheme as I suggest. It is disgraceful that a Guard and his family should be living in a back room in a town or city.

The public generally can have very little respect for a man in that position, who must occupy premises of that kind. One would expect that the Minister would have considered dealing with this problem long ago. If we want to create respect for the Gárda, we must house them properly. I would ask the Minister to go into this matter within the next 12 months and find out if money can be made available from the Local Loans Fund to build houses for Gárda, so that, when a Guard is transferred from one district to another, there will be a house available for him.

Last year, I referred to what I considered to be an infliction on the Gárda—the question of the cleansing of barracks. I pointed out that they were expected to subscribe every year, or every month, a certain amount of money to pay for the cleansing of certain rooms in the barracks. I understand that, during the past 12 months, the Minister has come to their aid to some extent so far as that matter is concerned. However, I still say that it is absolutely wrong in principle that a Gárda should have to pay out of his salary or wages each year for the cleansing of a barrack, which is a public institution used in the public interest, and I consider that the Government should arrange to pay that cost. One could imagine the outcry there would be if a civil servant were asked to contribute to the cost of cleansing one of the Government offices here in Dublin or if a teacher were asked to contribute to the cost of cleansing a school in the country.

This is an absolute infliction on the Gárda and, even though the Minister has made some contribution towards the cost, I am not yet satisfied. The thing is absolutely wrong in principle. This grievance of the Gárda should be removed definitely and I hope the Minister will approach the Department of Finance again with a view to doing away with such a very objectionable practice.

These are the only two points I wish to raise. I hope the Minister will consider, in the very near future, the question of the proper housing of the Gárda in various parts of the country and that he also will remove this infliction on the Gárda of their being asked to pay for the cleansing of the barracks, which is really a Government job.

Mr. Boland

Several Deputies raised the point about the housing of the Gárda. I assured the House last year that this matter was one of the things we would take up post-war. It is not a question of money. We quite agree that it is very necessary and desirable but, as every Deputy knows, housing is practically impossible now.

Mr. Corish

Now, it is.

Mr. Boland

Practically since I became Minister, and I have been Minister during the whole of the emergency, that has been so. That is one of the proposals which have been sent to the new building committee of the Department of Industry and Commerce. If I am Minister when they are free to act, I will press all I can to have the grievance removed, as I realise it is a big handicap in more ways than one. There is something in the point raised by several Deputies, that it may then be possible for the Guards to be moved around more often than they are. One of the things which militate against that is the lack of housing. I can assure Deputies that that is being attended to and I believe it will almost pay for itself.

Mr. Corish

It would, and you would not lose much by it.

Mr. Boland

The other matter the Deputy mentioned was raised by the Representative Body every time they came to see me. We have got somewhere already and, in the future, we may get the rest of it done. It is there a long time and I do not know why it was there at all. Apparently, it was an old custom and these customs die very hard, especially when it means getting money to meet them.

One of the points raised by Deputy Morrissey was in regard to the increase in crime. He wants to know the official view as regards the causes. Opinions may differ on that, and while I, myself, may be a bit complacent, I am satisfied it is due very largely to the conditions in which we are living. There is no question about that. I am not prepared to admit that there has been any loosening of our moral standards at all— at least, I hope not. I think the emergency conditions have brought about a state of affairs where people who, in ordinary circumstances, would not break the law, have done so. I suppose there is in everyone a selfish strain, and if they are expected to do without things which they have been in the habit of getting, they are tempted to do something which they should not do. That is in every one of us. When war conditions end and things become more plentiful, I believe that will disappear—I sincerely hope so—and I am not prepared to say it is a policeman's job.

Education has a lot to do with it. I do not know if Deputy O'Higgins is right, that the teacher has not time. It is not a question for the teacher alone, though he has to do with it. Most people think the parents are not taking their responsibilities as seriously as they should, and I really think that there is a lot in that. There is not the same parental control as there used to be. Some people say it is due to the cinema, but others say it is not. If we had an inquiry I think we would have a different opinion from nearly every member, and would not get an agreed opinion.

I think it is a very good thing to see this question being raised by practically every Deputy and discussed so much by the people generally. When people become conscious that such a state of affairs exists and that such a problem is growing, then I feel sure some way will be found to deal with it. I can get no more information from officials than I can get here or outside. Officials have their own views. My views are somewhat the same as the official views I get. I feel that the existing circumstances are due largely to a shortage of supplies. There are certain offences that were not usual here in other years; they are offences that have been created by the war.

As regards the keeping of records, that may seem a trivial thing, but really it is not. There was a big demand from all sides of the House for a rationing system. The Minister resisted that demand as long as he could, because he foresaw difficulties. The essential part of a rationing system is the keeping of records; otherwise you cannot have a rationing system at all. If the Minister for Supplies did not deal severely with people who were not observing the regulations, then the black market for tea and sugar would be widespread and people with small means would probably have to go without. Although these things seem harsh, they are absolutely necessary if the system of rationing is to be carried on successfully.

Deputy Morrissey asked about prison conditions. He wanted to know whether they are any better now than they were, say, 20 years ago. There is not very much difference, except that prisoners are not locked up as early as they formerly were. The hours used to be 4 o'clock p.m. until 7 o'clock in the morning. Now the hours are from 7.30 p.m. and there is definitely an improvement there. Then, there is wireless in the jails. We try to make conditions tolerable without making the place a palace or an hotel. Of course, it is essentially a place of punishment; people are sent there to be punished for crimes and we cannot make the jail an hotel.

I did not suggest that.

Mr. Boland

I am not suggesting that the Deputy did. There is not very much of a change otherwise. As one who has been locked up for 23 hours of the day, or more—my first experience in 1916 was being locked up for 23½ hours—I was able to fill up my time all right, but the same experience drove others almost mad. One of the worst things is to have people not very well educated locked up for such a long time. When I became Minister, one of the first things I asked was to have the people in prison allowed out of their cells for a longer period. It involved an increase of staff, but the Minister for Finance did not object. Prisoners at the present time also get an extra light meal, and to that extent there has been an improvement. Those who know the inside of a jail will recognise that as a considerable improvement. That is my own opinion, anyway.

As regards reforming people, you cannot do that in six months; it would be impossible to do it in such a short time. The Borstal Institution is Deputy Dillon's pet subject. I admit we have not provided facilities for a proper system yet. We did the best we could in Cork jail. We know the grounds were not sufficient to enable the boys to get exercise, but the university authorities kindly made their playgrounds available for football and other games, and the boys are brought out for bicycle runs and that sort of thing. I agree the jail is not a suitable premises, but I cannot get a suitable institution out of my hat, any more than I get a Gárda station. When the proper time comes we shall have all those things.

So far as recruitment to the Gárda is concerned, there are advertisements published in the Press, and application forms may be had at every Gárda station. Of course, it is confined to members of the Defence Forces or the Auxiliary Defence Forces. As regards the standard of education, I do not agree that it is anything like what Deputies have suggested. It was found to be a bit high, and it has been reduced. A boy who has gone to the ordinary national school and is a few years out of it will have to brush up his knowledge. But a boy who has gone through the whole course in a national school and who has carried on his studies should be able to pass the examination.

The syllabus can be got in the Gárda Review, and any Deputy who looks at it will see that it is not nearly as difficult as some seem to think. I agree with the remarks made by one Deputy last year, that it would not be desirable to insist on too high a standard. If every applicant has a university education he will be inclined to think that he should be the Commissioner, whereas if a man has a fairly good education he realises that there are avenues of promotion, and he will know where he fits in.

The question was raised whether every applicant should not be brought up for examination. I do not know whether that would be desirable. Last year there were 160 recruited. This year we expect 200 from those who were examined in February. That will mean that 800 or 900 will be disappointed. The Commissioner gets the list of applications examined and he tries to select a quota for each area. He likes to give every area a quota.

I should like to mention that on Saturday afternoon I met a young man who was in the Army. While in the Army he could not apply to join the Gárda Síochána. He is now over the age. Would such a young man be eligible—would the age limit be extended in such a case?

Mr. Boland

We are considering increasing the age limit for those who have been in the regular Army. As I have stated, that is the system followed by the Commissioner—the men are picked out for each area. I think it is a fair system. It might look as if there could be some discrimination in the selection, when you have 1,000 men going for 200 vacancies every year, but there is nothing of that sort. We shall see what can be done about having everybody called. It may result in most of the selected persons coming from the one area, and there may be discontent. Every district like to have some of its men in the Guards. We all know where the cleverest people come from.

Where do they come from—Roscommon or Cork?

Mr. Boland

Maybe not. Every year an examination will be held. There was one held last February. The Civil Service Commissioners set the papers —I suppose everybody knows that.

Will the Minister say that preference will be given to men who have had service in the Army or in some of the voluntary forces?

Mr. Boland

No others are eligible, as a matter of fact. Deputy Flanagan was dealt with very well by his colleague, Deputy O'Higgins. I do not know where he got the story of the man's head being cut off. I think it happened once in England about 40 years ago, but it did not happen here. Somebody must have been pulling his leg. I have never gone after Deputy Flanagan or any other Deputy. On one occasion before he was elected, I received complaints that he had sent threatening letters to a bank director, and when the complaint was made to me twice, I thought it best to have the Deputy and others who had signed them advised to be more careful about what they did. Apart from that, I have never interfered with the police or asked them to look after anyone. That is their job. Deputy O'Higgins knows all about Portlaoighise and will understand that the Deputy was using his imagination. No one was driven mad there. One man in Mountjoy was committed to Grangegorman and I think he escaped twice. I do not know whether he is mad or not, but he was certified, so I suppose he must not be "all there".

With regard to the question of all the work the police have to do, which was raised by Deputy Hughes and many other Deputies, it is a very big question. I think the system is a good system. It will be admitted that, taking the country outside the cities and big towns, there is practically no crime. Any crime that does take place is very easily detected. The Guards are used for a variety of purposes and, as I say, I regard it as a good system. I do not know what the Commissioner may say, but I think it a good system. It is useful to have Guards living amongst the people. They know everybody, and, as time goes on, the people will come to rely more on them, and will, as Deputy Coogan suggested, treat them as they ought to be treated, as protectors and friends.

They can do this work for Government Departments better and more cheaply than it would be done by a system of officials. It will be admitted that we must have these figures. We have to know what tillage is being carried out, and other statistics in relation to unemployment assistance and matters of the kind. The Gárda barracks are very convenient for the purpose, and, taking it all in all, I think there is a very good case for not discontinuing the system. In the cities and towns the system is not necessary and is not in operation there, but in country districts it is very necessary. The statistics must be made available, and I do not think anyone can do the work better or more cheaply than the police.

One sees Guards knocking around a village, and some Deputies spoke of their collars being open, but it must be remembered that these men may be off duty. They are supposed to be available when wanted, but normally a Guard is not expected to be on duty for the 24 hours. He must have his off-time, too, and, on the basis of an eight-hour day, there is only one effective man for ordinary work, if they are to get their time off. They are not too numerous, and in the cities quite the contrary is the case.

Practically every member of the Dublin Corporation who is a Deputy waited on me last year and asked me to have the number of Guards in the city increased. There is a slight increase this year, but I very much doubt if it will meet the requirements of Dublin, which has grown so big. The Bill introduced to-day provides for extra station-sergeants and other officers for Dublin District, and in the cities, instead of a reduction, we shall probably have to have more police. In country places, it must be remembered, that the Guards are not doing purely police duties all the time, and to have these statistics collected by other sets of officials would probably cost more than it costs by having the work done by the Guards. I have considered whether we could do away with some of these other inspectors and give the Guards more pay to do more inspectorial work. It might be more satisfactory. That is just a personal opinion, but I think there is something to be said for it.

I was intrigued by Deputy Roddy's speech, because I remember saying the very same thing myself on the Gárda Vote in 1928. I thought mechanisation and sending patrols out an ideal system. I asked the Commissioner about it, and he said that it had been gone into exhaustively, and they were satisfied that it would not suit, and since I became Minister I have been satisfied that it would not work, and would not be desirable. If the country areas are to be visited by patrols, the Guards will not know the people, and the people will not know them, and they could be "humbugged up to the two eyes." Apart from that, the Guards are very useful, and they will be more useful as time goes on, because the people will appreciate them more and become more friendly with them. It will cost more, naturally, but if other services can be got to cost less, it will balance out.

With regard to pay, a great number of Guards are now on full pay, and those who are married have marriage allowances. Perhaps the increase was not as much as they should have got, but the last increase meant another £250,000. We cannot increase pay without increasing costs, or at least we know of no way of doing it. I was asked what the purpose of the provision of £14,000 for the L.S.F. was. It is designed to provide for any contingency which might arise, and is more of a token Vote than anything else.

Does it mean that there are considerable debts to be met?

Mr. Boland

That is a question I cannot answer now, but in case we required it we made this provision. With regard to the Registry of Deeds, a committee composed of two civil servants and two representatives of the Incorporated Law Society, with the Senior Taxing Master as chairman, was set up to examine fees. I believe the majority report was that the fees were not exorbitant. The two solicitors dissented from that view, but I understand that the original idea was that the registry should be self-supporting. I do not know whether there can be any reduction. I have not had time to study the report and there may be some reduction in the charges, but some increase certainly is warranted. It is a fact that the service was intended to be self-supporting.

Deputy Costello referred to the delay in bringing men to trial. I dealt with that matter in my opening statement when I said that in the Circuit Court there were 49 cases as against 138— which was very bad, no doubt—last year, and that only ten are to be proceeded with. The situation is fairly satisfactory now. We come now to the big question of the Special Criminal Court and why certain cases are brought before it and not before the ordinary courts. It is a fact that this court was set up to deal with a particular type of offence—offences against the State—but, as the emergency continued, it became quite clear to the Government that if we were to preserve the people's food supplies and petrol supplies, we would have to take very drastic action. Consequently, the Government gave a direction that any case of a serious or widespread black-marketing nature should be dealt with by this court. I say there was no alternative. We had to let people see that we were determined, so far as we could, to keep this black market down and to prevent people taking advantage of the emergency to enrich themselves, as a good many have been doing. The Government takes responsibility for it. It is the Attorney-General who decides the question on the general lines laid down by the Government. I do not think there is the slightest danger of its being extended when the emergency is over, but I am quite satisfied that it was absolutely necessary if the Minister for Supplies was to carry on at all.

I do not propose to blame district justices in the matter of the imposition of only nominal fines. That is the way he saw the thing. Probably he had an eye only on the local shopkeeper and saw that he did not keep records. He can be pardoned if he did not see that, if every shopkeeper in the country did not keep records, the position would be very unsatisfactory for the Minister for Supplies as regards the enforcement of the rationing system. An example has to be made of people. I stand over this, and I do not think there is any danger or uneasiness so far as the general body of the people are concerned. I think they are satisfied that those who try to get away with black marketing operations, and to beat down the rationing system, should be dealt with. Sometimes there may be borderline cases, but these are matters for the Attorney-General to deal with. I think that, on the whole, he was justified in bringing the cases that he did to that court.

There was a good deal said about juries. Deputy Costello and Deputy Davin practically said that we were trying to do away with the jury system by the reduction of the number of jurors to seven. That, I may say, is a purely emergency measure. We had all sorts of protests made here on previous occasions about jurors not being able to get home, and we were asked to restrict the area from which jurors would be drawn. It was said that jurors had to spend the night in some of the county towns, and in that way were put to a good deal of expense. I do not think there is any real objection at all to the reduction of the number of jurors to seven. That reduction does not apply in capital cases.

Deputy Costello talked about patronage in the appointment of State solicitors, county registrars and others. I frankly admit that there is patronage in the making of these appointments. The State solicitor is appointed by the Government, and, generally, if he is a good solicitor and a supporter of the Government, he gets the job. I do not deny that. That was always the case, and I do not know if there is any better system. As I have said, that has always been the practice. I frankly admit it, and I think it is quite all right if you get a good man.

If there is a better man in the district who is not a member of the local Cumann, what happens then?

Mr. Boland

There are very few of them members.

It happened under the previous Government.

Mr. Boland

It was always the practice. If you can get some better system, we will listen to it. I think, in regard to this, that we can stand comparison with the last Government, that we have been pretty fair, and that we have tried to give every side a chance. In the main, they are supporters of the Government, and I am not making any apology.

There was something said about prison treatment and the need for an independent visiting committee. We have that already. Deputy Dillon said some very strong things in condemning Deputy Fogarty in connection with a recent case. Deputy Fogarty and Deputy Coogan also referred to that case. I am glad that the case was raised. I think that Deputy Dillon handled the case better than either of the other two Deputies. He made it clear that he wanted to have the thing cleared up. As well as I recollect, the district justice on that occasion said that this sergeant was removed so as to put as great a distance as possible between himself and Deputy Fogarty. I want to say that Deputy Fogarty had nothing whatever to do with the transfer of that sergeant. What happened was that complaints were made by four residents in the district. I say that it is the duty, and the right, of every Deputy or of citizens in any constitaency, to make complaints if they think that a Gárda is doing something that he ought not to do. We all admit they have the right to do that. What happened in this case was that four residents in that area made complaints to Deputy Fogarty and he simply forwarded them to me, as any other Deputy might do, without any comment, for investigation. I passed them on to the Commissioner. Any representations that I got in the case were on behalf of the sergeant and not against him. Deputy Cosgrave said that he did not come near me, but he came to my Department on behalf of the sergeant. Other people also came to me. I met two deputations on the sergeant's behalf, and I assure the House that Deputy Fogarty had nothing whatever to do with the transfer of this sergeant.

As regards what the district justice said, he had no grounds whatever for saying it. I wish that some of these district justices would confine themselves to the cases before them and not be making speeches, especially in regard to things they know nothing about. I would like some of the district justices to take notice of that, and if they do they will be giving more satisfaction. It causes me great concern and worry to find district justices saying something that is not correct. Naturally, when a district justice says something people assume that he has evidence for what he says—what he says will carry conviction—and will say: "There is Boland, simply a politician, trying to whitewash himself." The fact is that there was no connection whatever between Deputy Fogarty and the removal of the sergeant except that he was the medium for conveying the complaints of the four residents in the area. It was for irregularities that the sergeant was removed from that area.

Was it on the representations of those four residents?

Mr. Boland

Yes, and there was a disciplinary inquiry carried out. The allegations made against him were not substantiated, but it was found, in the course of the inquiry, that there had been certain irregularities which did not justify the retention of the sergeant in that area. Several Deputies have raised matters of this kind with me—the conduct of the Guards. I invariably send them in the same way as I did in this case, to the Commissioner, and he treats them in the same way as he did this case. If he finds that there is no substance in the complaints he will say so, and if he finds that there is he will deal with them. Neither Deputy Fogarty nor any other Deputy has ever influenced this Commissioner since he became Commissioner, and he was there before my time. Any Guard removed since this Commissioner was appointed was removed either in his own interest or in the interests of the force. I take it that is accepted. It has been said that justice should be done, and not only that but that it should appear that justice should be done. I do not know how I am going to make it appear that justice is done if Deputies will misrepresent the position. I hope they will not do it. I admit that on several occasions Deputy Fogarty has been a bit of a nuisance, but I want to say that in this particular case he had nothing whatever to do with the removal of that sergeant. As I have said, in any case in which a Guard has been removed, his removal was purely and solely in the interests of the force after an inquiry, or for the Guard's own good. I hope the House will accept that because I could satisfy any Deputy that it is so. Neither I nor the Commissioner has ever been influenced by anybody. No Guard who has done his duty has ever suffered because of interference by any T.D. either through me or through the Commissioner. I would like the House to accept that as absolutely true. I admit that people have tried to do it, but it has never happened. On that, I agree with the remark that was made by Deputy Dillon that Guards will do themselves more harm by trying to use influence. He was quite right in saying that that would be the net result, so far as the Guard was concerned, even though he might happen to get something temporarily. To attempt to do such a thing would not do him any good ultimately. The Guards have their own police machinery for getting their grievances attended to.

Deputy Dillon spoke about the verminous state of Mountjoy. I know it is very hard, where you have people going in and out of jail all the time, to keep a place clean. I do know at the same time that every effort is made to keep it clean. No complaints on this matter have been made to me. I move to report progress.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
Top
Share