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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 26 Apr 1945

Vol. 96 No. 24

Committee on Finance. - Vote 52—Lands (Resumed).

The debate went over such a length last night that I was precluded from completing my remarks in reply. If I could have continued, it is possible I could have replied in a reasonably adequate manner to the points raised in the debate. Starting off from scratch again is very difficult for a nervous and timid individual such as I am. I was saying that I foretold in relation to the debate that this year's criticisms would be exactly the same as the criticisms that were directed at the Land Commission activities last year. I have had before this to make a prophecy of the same nature and once again my prophetic soul was on sound ground.

Some Deputies ranged over the world looking for examples wherewith to demolish the Land Commission, and they spoke of America. There is a system in the American Senate and House of Representatives whereby a Senator or Representative may insert in the record a speech he wishes his constituents to believe he had made. Judging by the type of speeches that were made here last night, it is nearly time we would save the time of the Dáil by adopting the principle of inserting, without discussion, matters that have been already adequately dealt with. Whatever may be said for the age of chivalry—and when I hear Deputy Dillon talk I must assume it is dead—the age of miracles is still with us. In the Land Commission, according to its critics in the Dáil, we are confronted with a miracle of human perversity—a Department that is completely obsolete, ineffective, with a vested interest contempt for public opinion. We have the further miracle of the possibility of the continuance in being of a Department which is completely unwanted by Deputies in the Dáil.

Oh! Only by ignorant Deputies.

Long ago such a Department should have succumbed to the accumulated consequences of its, more or less, catastrophic errors. However, it is still in existence and, in spite of all the criticisms, it is, in my belief, doing its job as well as any human organisation could do it in very adverse circumstances.

Last night a matter was raised here to which, before I take up the various criticisms made by Deputies, I should like to refer. That is my refusal to see a deputation. Deputy Flanagan, Deputy Davin and Deputy O'Higgins were very wroth about it. Now, the position of a Deputy, as I see it, is an honourable and responsible one.

A Deputy has certain rights and privileges which Ministers and Departments should recognise and which Deputies should very jealously preserve. Among those rights is the right, within reason, to get an opportunity of discussing with a particular Minister a matter of concern for the Deputy's constituency or of the public interest. In relation to this deputation, I met Deputy O'Higgins here in Leinster House and he told me he had certain criticisms to make in regard to Land Commission activities in his constituency. He said he was anxious to meet me. I informed Deputy O'Higgins that he could meet me at any time and that arrangement still stands.

A year ago, however, Deputy Flanagan came along to me and asked me to see a deputation from his constituency in regard to the sale of an estate with which he disagreed. I pointed out to him that there was really nothing I could do in the matter of which he spoke. I pointed out to him that, even if it were a matter for the Land Commission, it was not a matter for the Minister; but in the existing circumstances it was neither a matter for the Minister nor for the Land Commission. After discussion, Deputy Flanagan agreed that that was so and agreed that it would be merely a waste of time if I had met that deputation. He went on another tack then and he said: "There is a house in that estate that I would be most anxious to have preserved; it might be constructed into a hospital or a sanatorium; I would like you to discuss that matter with me." I said: "Very well." The deputation came, but there was no mention of a house. The whole discussion took place in regard to the sale of the lands, which Deputy Flanagan and I agreed beforehand was not a matter in which the Land Commission or the Minister should intervene. This deputation was a costly one. It brought a number of men up from Laoighis and Offaly, at a waste of time and money, yet as a result of that deputation nothing effective of any kind could be done.

Deputy Flanagan was not satisfied. He raised this matter by way of question in the Dáil afterwards. He further raised it on the Adjournment the same evening and did his best, in the Adjournment Debate, to impress on the Dáil that I was not doing my duty in regard to the work of the Land Commission in his constituency. A Deputy's position in this House is a responsible one, an honourable one. We should jealously preserve a Deputy's rights, so that we might bring respect on this House. If a Deputy has rights, he also has duties, and when a Deputy wilfully misrepresents me, very definitely I will refuse to meet him in a deputation.

The facts are not as Deputy Davin put them. I did not say that no useful purpose would be served by the deputation. I refused point blank to see Deputy Flanagan. Deputies will find that, as far as I can be helpful in the office I hold, I am more than willing to be of help to each of them. They will find me more than approachable and in every way obliging, irrespective of what point of view they represent; but I think that I am entitled to the respect which my office demands. It always has been the rule in the Land Commission that there shall not be political interference with its work. In the 1933 Act, with the insertion of Section 6, the present Government made that rule still more specific and still more binding. Deputies should be familiar with Section 6 of the Land Act of 1933; they should familiarise themselves with its terms and there would be less pretence then about the question of the division of lands and the suggestion that their division and allotment everywhere throughout the country are in the hands of the Fianna Fáil clubs.

Deputy O'Higgins, very wroth, referred to a speech I made at a Fianna Fáil convention some years ago. Now, members of every Party here— National Labour, Labour, Farmers, Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil—are all familiar with the nature of political conventions. They know they cannot hand-pick the delegates, they cannot choke them off; they know that statements are made at every type of convention which responsible officers of a Party have to meet. In defending the correctness of the Land Commission attitude, in defending the inspectors of the Land Commission, in defending the existence of Section 6 of the Land Act of 1933, I used certain words. I have been criticised in my own constituency by supporters of my own for using those words.

Naturally every word a Minister uses is liable to be misinterpreted and misrepresented. A very famous French statesman, when he became a Minister of State, pointed out that Ministers were fair game for abuse, misrepresentation, slander and libel, that it was part of the perquisites of his office. I do not mind abuse or misrepresentation when it comes meaninglessly from Deputy Dillon or wilfully and bitterly from a member of the Labour Party. However, I said on that occasion in the Mansion House that the business of the Land Commission, as far as land division was concerned, was to create farms and to put farmers in possession of them.

When an attack was made on inspectors of the Land Commission and when they were accused of political bias, I guaranteed that the political affiliations of any suitable applicant for land would not debar him from consideration by the Land Commission. That is what I said. I am quite satisfied that that represents my viewpoint; I do not care how it is misrepresented. Charges are often made against inspectors of the Land Commission that they are politically biased. They are not confined to the Fine Gael Party or to the Labour Party. I hear them from my own Party time and again. Land Commission inspectors are like every other body. They cannot all be perfect. Some of them may not be as wise in their generation as others. Deputy Flanagan mentioned a Land Commission inspector who was sent down to Laoighis-Offaly to him as secretary of a Fianna Fáil club, to get instructions as to how estates should be divided in Laoighis-Offaly. If we have an inspector in the Land Commission that would go to Deputy Flanagan for advice on any subject, I would like to know him, because I would like to sack him. The Ceann Comhairle has made a ruling here that we must not utilise certain words, botanical and ichthyological. In America they have a saying: "Barnum was right." The reason the Americans say Barnum was right is because Barnum said: "There is a sucker born every minute, and I keep my eyes skinned for him." If Barnum was over here we would say Barnum was wrong: they are born oftener. In American coastal waters there is an abundance of fish and there is one particular fish which small boys love to angle for. He will take their bait, a piece of an old boot, a piece of a shirt tail or even the opinion of Deputy Dillon or Deputy Flanagan. I would not attempt, in view of your ruling, Sir, to refer to Deputy Flanagan by the name of any fish but certainly, he is so capable of accepting any official statement that his mental mouth must be as wide open as the mouth of that American fish to which I refer, and he comes along and expects that we belong to the same finny tribe, that every statement he makes here must willy-nilly be swallowed by every single member of the Dáil.

I will not leave America for the moment and I am drawn to refer to America because so many Deputies, like Deputy Hughes and Deputy Cogan, have been urging experts in American farming methods, and so and so, on us. I do not understand the Laoighis-Offaly mentality. It seems to me that Laoighis-Offaly must be the Irish Kentucky — a dark and bloody ground. In my constituency we are a tough crowd; we are good fighters and in elections or elsewhere we can put up a very pretty scrap, but when an election is over, Deputy McAuliffe, Deputy Skinner, Deputy Halliden and I are quite very good friends. We are not always suspicious of every word and action of those who are opposed to us politically but in Laoighis-Offaly it seems to me we have year after year a continued scrap here in the Dáil as to what a particular Deputy has done, how he has offended against the beliefs or morals of another and, incidentally, if they merely took their own scalps, mine would feel safe, but they start taking mine. I refused to see the deputation for the reasons stated. It has been said that then, having refused to meet the Deputies, I met a Fianna Fáil county councillor. Certainly I did not meet a Fianna Fáil county councillor. I met nobody in relation to the matter or I met nobody in relation to any other matter in Laoighis-Offaly and the only deputation I ever received was the one sponsored by Deputy Flanagan last year, which is the cause of the trouble.

I hope that Deputies will regard what I have said in the matter of the deputation as a full, frank and fair explanation and will accept my assurance of my desire to be helpful to Deputies of any Party, accessible to them and respectful to them.

I will not make any botanical or other reference to Deputy Blowick but Deputy Blowick's statement sets the tenor of the whole debate. He spoke like the man who knew Coolidge, and gave us quite a lot of stuff about the slackness of the Land Commission in regard to correspondence. Deputy Flanagan, with his usual honesty, got up and completely exploded the statement made by Deputy Blowick. In the period mentioned by Deputy Blowick, we received in the Land Commission 61 letters from him. Thirty-nine were applications or recommendations of applications for land and turbary and all of these were acknowledged in the usual way. Nothing further than an acknowledgment can be sent or will be sent in reply to such communications. Deputies will understand why. All the applications for land and turbary made by Deputy Blowick are noted, considered and investigated and they cannot be made the subject of correspondence. In 18 instances, his letters of another kind were fully answered.

I would like to raise a point of order if the Minister will allow me. Are we to take it hereafter that if in the course of our public duty we address a letter to a Department or to a Minister, it may be read out in the House? I do not mind but I think we ought to know where we stand.

On the point of order, if it is such, the Minister is answering a statement made that no replies were made to letters. That is precisely what is being answered. No letter has been read out.

Are we to take it that letters addressed by Deputies to Ministers are liable to be read out in the House?

They will not be read out.

I have no objection, but it is just as well that we should know where we are.

There may be occasions——

By leave of the Deputy.

Yes, or in relation to some matter in dispute.

Am I to take it that the Minister says all my correspondence was answered?

The Minister has not finished.

Irrespectcive of Deputy Dillon's opinion of me and my Party, I have a high sense of honour, and I would not dream of reading out the letter of any Deputy in the House. I think I would be entirely wrong in doing so.

But the Minister has indicated the subject matter of some of the letters.

Of course, if the Deputy objects——

I do not.

I think it is reasonably fair.

Personally, I do not object.

The Deputy made a certain challenge and I am trying to answer it. The stuff I am giving is general, but if the Deputies object, I am willing to give Deputy Blowick the benefit of the doubt.

I do not object to the way in which you have done it.

We got 61 letters, of which 39 are admitted to have been answered. In 18 instances, his letters were of another kind. They were fully answered, and the Deputy called at the Land Commission's office on 31st July last regarding the terms of one of the replies he had received. After a discussion, he agreed that the reply was reasonable and nothing was heard from him about the other 17 replies. The Deputy challenged one and left the other 17 go. In another case, on a rather delicate matter, involving the private business of certain constituents of his, the Deputy did not get a reply, and we cannot give him a reply. That accounts for 58 of the 61 communications which Deputy Blowick addressed to the Land Commission.

Of the three remaining letters, in one case we cannot give him the information, and the other two are being investigated with a view to giving an early reply. What becomes of Deputy Blowick's challenge that he has been writing to the Land Commission for 15 months and has been unable to get a reply? Of course, he has got replies. We cannot stop people writing letters. Perhaps it would be inadvisable, but we have to keep a tremendous staff in the Land Commission solely for the purpose of replying to letters. In my own office, I have three typists who are engaged full-time and all the time, and if we could get less correspondence, I think we would be able to devote more time to dealing effectively with the matters out of which the correspondence arises.

Deputy Blowick spoke about giving pieces of land at a distance from the parent holding. He gave the distance as 2½ miles and Deputy Donnellan gave it as 4 miles. The Land Commission does not now give, and has not for quite a long time given, land at more than 1½ miles distance. I think it is wrong myself. I would far rather try to provide an integrated holding for every farmer. There is always some savour of rundale about divided farms, but we have one difficulty in the Land Commission: we differ very much from the Deputies who criticise our activities. They are perfectionists; we are not. We take men and things as we find them and do the very best we can with them.

I have already raised this question of the distance with the Land Commission and have pointed out that I would prefer an integrated holding. The Land Commissioners, whose advice I must take because they have a lifetime experience of the matter, tell me that, while it is highly desirable that we should get this thing done, it is not always possible to do it. Time and again, we have Deputies making representations that men two, three and four miles away from an estate about to be divided did not get a portion of a holding. I think a portion of a holding given to a small farmer which is over a mile and a half from his farm is pretty useless to him.

Deputy Blowick gave us a very doleful picture of conditions in the congested districts and I agree that everything he said in that regard is perfectly correct. I have had the same tale from Deputy Beegan, Deputy Walsh and many other Deputies, and I hope, in speaking on the matter of general policy, to say a few words in that connection. We have a saying in the South—I do not know if the Deputy has heard it in the West—"You cannot have goats and cabbage." You cannot do two things at once: you cannot relieve this desperate condition of congestion and, at the same time, go in for hot and cold water laid on in all the houses, as Deputy Blowick advocates. It is an ideal which we may hope at some time to reach, but we in the Land Commission should not concern ourselves with matters of that sort, while the conditions which really need to be investigated and put right remain unsettled. The Deputy pointed out that, for £15, adequate sanitation could be provided in all these houses. The Deputy is talking in the wrong place, because I was a building contractor. I happen to know what it costs to put in plumbing and sewerage systems, and I can assure him that £15 would go a very short distance in providing such amenities as he believes in.

Deputy Fogarty made the statement that no building contractor can be induced to take a contract for the Land Commission. That is not unnatural. It is very difficult to get a really efficient building contractor to take contracts for the generally small houses that we have to build in isolated areas in the country. Many of the contractors that we do get are not, as far as I have investigated the results of their labours, by any means satisfactory. I have been urging on the Land Commission the idea of having Land Commission houses built by direct labour. It is generally more costly, but it is far better that the added cost should be expended at the beginning rather than double the amount should be spent in repairs over the years afterwards while the tenant in the holding lives in the house under conditions that are not reasonable.

It was very hard to follow Deputy Hughes — he travelled so far — to America, England, Scotland and Denmark. The Deputy says that there is not sufficient co-operation between the Department of Agriculture and the Department of Lands. I do not know that that is correct. Each Department has its own particular job to do. I am not satisfied that the inspectors of both Departments live in entirely watertight compartments. I have suggested that, for the sake of successful working by the Land Commission in the placing of allottees, we might at that point have more definite co-operation between the Land Commission inspectors and Department of Agriculture inspectors. I think we ought to have, when we have an allottee on the land, farily frequent inspection, if possible by the Department of Agriculture inspectors, so as to advise and help him. We ought to have an inspection of his efforts, and if he is a capable farmer we ought to put him properly on his feet. If he is not tending to become a capable farmer, the sooner we get rid of him the better.

Deputy Hughes also spoke about the size of an economic holding. I cannot do better than repeat what I said last year. There is room in this country for holdings of very diverse size. We can use the big farmer, the small farmer and the farmer with a middle area of acreage. The trouble that I see with big farmers is that we have more big farms in the country than we have farmers capable, or sufficiently capitalised, of working them. I believe that. Deputy Dillon's speech is like Browning's poetry. When you have read through a lot of turgidity, you come upon some brilliant piece of commonsense now and again. If you wait for Deputy Dillon, he produces an idea now and again. I will come back to him later. Deputy Hughes mentioned the question of the selection of allottees. No matter how carefully you select allottees, even if you were to get Deputy Oliver Flanagan to select them, or a really efficient sensible man to do it, there is always bound to be a percentage of error. Human beings, being what they are, our judgments cannot always be correct. The Land Commission inspectors are experienced men; they are honourable men; they are men who know their job thoroughly, and they are as good judges of character as other men. It is the business of the Land Commission inspectors to select allottees.

Hear, hear.

There are all sorts of checks on the selection of allottees. The Land Commission inspector makes the first list; the head inspector goes through the list and checks up on it; the divisional inspector is responsible for going through the list again, and then it comes before the Land Commission. With all the facts and opinions before them, they finally decide. With all these checks mistakes occur. There are bound to be mistakes. When Deputies last night spoke about the resumption of land division as about to be a fact one of these days, they were labouring under a slight error. The question of land acquisition and land division was suspended, the main reason being the shortage of staff. With the return of the staff to the Land Commission, they have got rid of certain orders that were in existence, and as far as it is possible with the accrued staff, the Land Commission are now dealing with matters which were suspended for several years. Deputies, however, must not expect that there will be a resumption of land acquisition and land division in the immediate future. As far as I am concerned, Deputies must never again expect that land acquisition and land division will assume the volume it did before the war.

Hear, hear!

It is impossible that it should do so. The acquisition of land and the division of land is something that must come to an end somewhere. Deputy Dillon last night said something which I forget at the moment.

The Minister should never forget what I say.

Unfortunately, I do.

Fortunately it is written down, and the Minister should read it.

Deputy Hughes mentioned the destruction of fertility by the holding over of land by the Land Commission. The Land Commission had to participate in the production of food, just the same as any other land holder. It is with no wilful desire to destroy the fertility of the land that the Land Commission has been holding on to land. The Land Commission, like every other land holder, has done its best to preserve the fertility of the land and the value of the land. Again it has not been always successful, but it has done the best it can.

Deputy Hughes and Deputy O'Reilly also mentioned the question of revesting. Deputy O'Reilly has some views on revesting with which I cannot agree. If we are completely to rehabilitate farms, put the houses into perfect condition, paint and paper the houses, almost provide the furniture for the houses, and not expect that during the time before revesting the tenant will do something to get the land and the house into condition, I think that is altogether wrong. The Land Commission will do what is reasonable to hand over the farm and the house to the tenant in the soundest condition possible. While the Land Commission has its duties, so also has the tenant, and the tenant who has not done something to keep his farm in heart and his house in good condition is a very unworthy allottee of the Land Commission. I think this question of revesting, raised by Deputy Hughes, is one of the most important with which the Land Commission has to deal. I mentioned figures of 45,000 and 70,000 holdings without revesting. I think it is essential that the Land Commission should undertake with its fullest strength the question of revesting the holdings already given to the tenants in the tenants. If the Dáil demands that we should embark on a policy of wholesale land division, we shall never get revesting done. Something like 1,600 farms were revested last year and that was a record. I think it was Deputy Coogan said that it would take about 50 years before revesting was done. I think it is most essential that a large portion of the staff of the Land Commission must be concerned with the revesting of tenants from this forward and I propose to try to get it done so far as possible, irrespective of what effects it has on future land division.

Deputy Hughes and Deputy Dillon also raised the question of giving permission to allottees to sell. Land division is naturally slow and must be slow. The selection of allottees must be most careful. We must try to have what I may describe as the creation of farms and the putting of farmers into them. That must be our aim. Now and again we have failures. I am altogether in favour of getting rid of those failures ruthlessly. Men who get land and houses from the Land Commission and who refuse to live in these houses, who let the land to former owners, who merely regard as a legacy and a windfall accruing to them the amount they can get out of the land by setting it and by letting the house, are a menace. I think that we should have no pity for them. We hope to bring a short Bill into the Dáil which will give us powers to deal adequately with these people, with no ill-will and no malice, but in the national interest, because we cannot afford to carry dead-ends. Land is too valuable, and if it is not worked, this country goes down. I hope for the full support of Deputies of all Parties in getting that Bill through, because we know thoroughly well that we have cases of men who have been hopeless allottees. We have taken them into court and the court often decides against the Land Commission. Now we must try to make the law so clear that the Land Commission will be enabled to get rid of these recalcitrants, who will not work and will not utilise their land. I notice that all the Deputies who spoke here in relation to migrants were very much in favour of migrants as long as the migrants do not come into their own constituency.

Just like wheat.

Deputy Davin, like the player queen who protests too much, protested too much. He was altogether in favour of migrants. Deputy Flanagan wanted migrants. They went back to the Land League: "The land of Ireland for the people of Ireland; the land of Offaly for the people of Offaly." Because people in a badly-congested area in Galway were brought half-a-mile across the Shannon, Deputy Flanagan and Deputy Davin looked upon them as if they were sent over by the King of Liberia. Surely that is a parochial outlook. We had this parochialism again from Deputy Spring of the National Labour Party—all in favour of migrants, but send them into some other body's constituency. Now we had, in all decency and Christian charity and with a sense of duty, to take these Galway people out of a festering sore of congestion. We had the land in Offaly. We satisfied all the uneconomic holders in that place. The argument was used that we merely gave 12 acres to the uneconomic holders in Offaly and 30 acres to the Galway men. We gave 12 acres in addition to their holdings to the uneconomic holders in Offaly. We gave 30 acres as an economic holding to the Galway men who surrendered their holdings in Galway. I will defend that action of the Land Commission everywhere and anywhere, irrespective of its effects on the Presidential election or the local government elections.

Deputy McAuliffe spoke about the giving of land to cottage tenants and Deputy Spring also mentioned the giving of land to cottage tenants. Our job is to make farmers. I think it was Deputy Hughes or Deputy O'Higgins —somebody from the Fine Gael Party —and Deputy Beirne who spoke about the provision of credit for allottees who get land. Deputy Beirne pointed out that there was in Roscommon a number of people who had land but had no money and no cattle. If that is so, these people got land from the Land Commission under false pretences. They got the land because they proved to the Land Commission, before they got it, that they had cattle. Now we discover that they have neither cattle nor capital. The State does an awful lot. It gives a piece of land to a farmer, a house and certain outhouses. It is a going concern, if a man has cattle, capital and plant. Surely it is altogether too much to expect the State to set him up completely in business. I would be altogether opposed to it and, therefore, I do not think that the method of helping cottiers is by way of giving them little patches of land in addition to equipping them.

Deputy Donnellan did not mean to misrepresent me; I know he would not do it. I did say, and I will say it again, that the man who can rely on himself is a much greater national asset than the man who has to wait for State help. If a man, by his thrift and energy, is able to purchase a farm and to work it independent of any State aid, he is undoubtedly a better man for the nation than the man who has to be helped.

A farm that should be given to uneconomic holders.

Maybe the Deputy has me there. However, I shall come back to that.

On a point of explanation. I do not want to misrepresent the Minister in any way. I shall ask him this question. Is it his point that, as regards a piece of land in an area where there are congests and uneconomic holders, it is the policy of the Land Commission to allow that land to be sub-divided into holdings of 30 and 40 acres and sold by public auction, or is it their policy to take over that land and divide it amongst the congests in the area? I do not know how far I would be from misrepresenting him, but I assure him that his statement was that the people who are able to buy land are a greater asset to the State than the people who have to be helped by any Department of State. Surely the people who are able to buy land can get it where the land is plentiful, and it is the duty of the Land Commission, in congested districts, to see that the land there is given, together with State aid, to the uneconomic holders who are not able to help themselves. I think that should be the duty of the Land Commission and I would like the Minister to be straight about it.

Deputy Donnellan and I appear to be correcting each other on different points. I shall come to that later on. The point that I made, and that I still hold, is that I think the man who is able to do things for himself is a greater asset to the nation than the man who has to be helped. Deputy Bartley spoke last night and suggested that the intentions of the Land Commission inspectors should be made known to Deputies. I disagree altogether. I do not think that it would add anything to the working of the Land Commission if the inspectors went around and discussed their decisions before they were made publicly. It would be very wrong.

Deputy Spring spoke about houses that are vacant in Kerry. I take it those are the houses that have been vacated in the Maherees. We took from the Maherees a number of congests so as to make the remaining holdings there reasonably economic. The people in that district were exceptionally good farmers; they are among the best farmers I have ever seen. I do not know whether they went to Kildare or Meath, but there are a number of holdings in that district now which have to be rearranged and, until the rearrangement is made, there is nothing we can do about the houses. Our real business is with land. Our purpose in migrating numbers of people out of the congested districts in the Maherees was to try to give the remaining people holdings of sufficient size to enable them to make a living. We may have to consider the greater need and do that rather than provide houses for somebody in Castlegregory.

Deputy Dillon spoke about lay commissioners. I have met the lay commissioners over the past couple of years. There are six of them. I find them all to be honourable, decent men, men of integrity who want to do the work they have been appointed to do and who are trying to do it. I have nothing but good words to say for every commissioner in the Land Commission. Every man there is a man of honour, energy and integrity.

Deputy Dillon also spoke about evicted tenants. I have my own views about evicted tenants, and they might not coincide with the views of farmers. Since 1903 there were 3,515 evicted tenants reinstated and, so far as I can see, even in 1944 two evicted tenants were reinstated. Wherever it has been possible to find a man with a reasonable claim, a man who claims that his forebears were the subjects of eviction, the Land Commission has always striven to make adequate provision for him, and will continue to do so. While saying that, the Land Commission cannot do impossibilities, and I hope that is not expected. You must remember the reason I am not a member of the Farmers' Party or of the Labour Party is because I think a Party that is to be effective in a Government must be a Party that considers the merits of every class. One would think, by the way farmers speak nowadays, that it was they who won the land war. Farmers get the benefit of it.

And they fought it.

The labourers and the craftsmen in the towns, particularly the shopkeepers, were as much to the fore in the land war as any farmer, and they had nothing to get out of it and they never looked for anything. The Land Commission will do its best to place any descendant of any evicted tenant, to honour the bond that was given. Let us not forget, as sometimes the Farmers' Party are inclined to forget, the work of the labourers and the craftsmen in the towns in the land war.

Do not forget New Tipperary.

I have a few other words to say in regard to a matter which was not raised here this year, but which is generally raised and is subject to some misrepresentation.

Before the Minister departs from my modest observations, does he propose to deal with the question of policy, of continuing to sell land to tenant purchasers at half what it cost the commission? Is that to go on for ever?

I will probably come down to that. I suppose the Deputy is in a hurry.

Deputy O'Higgins stated here last year that the Government was committed to the continuance of a land division policy. No Government can be committed to the continuance of a policy when the need for that policy has become nonexistent and when the conditions are so changed that its continuance might be of doubtful value. I have said here always that we must envisage a time when the major activities in regard to land acquisition and division must come to a close. Government policy must be based on a consideration of its effect on human beings, their characters, their welfare, their reasonable security. The hard economics of mechanisation, which Deputy Hughes preaches with such fervour, would hardly be in line with a policy that must be devoted to the consideration of human beings. At the same time, no policy, no matter how well devised or how well directed to our social betterment, can ignore economic laws. When Deputy Dillon puts me that question, I would say in answer that Deputies must never again expect a wholesale acquisition or division of land and that, as the years go by, the activities of the Land Commission in regard to that matter must grow less and less. The amount of land that we may reasonably expect to remain for division is now very limited. I think the amount that would be saved by changing the present financial policy would not be worth the disturbances that would be created. This is my view of it.

I would like to say something in relation to security of tenure, which has been a matter of concern to Deputies and people generally throughout the country. I was speaking to an old parish priest down near Deputy Halliden's parish a few months ago and he said to me:

"I am old enough to remember hearing Michael Davitt being called a Communist."

In relation to this question of fixity of tenure, I have browsed amongst various documents and have come across a letter addressed by Bishop Nulty of Meath to the priests and people of Meath Diocese in 1881. If Bishops cannot quote Ministers with approval, at least a Minister might have the honour of quoting a Bishop with approval:

"The land of every country is the common property of the people of that country because its real owner, the Creator Who made it, has transferred it as a voluntary gift to them, from which it follows that the great problem that Government has to solve is what is the most profitable and remunerative investment they can make out of the common property in the interests of and for the benefits of the people to whom it belongs. It is because the principle of private property fulfils best this objective that it has become a necessary social institution under all forms of government. The arguments which prove that, in strict justice as well as in the interest of the nation at large, a landholder who is constantly improving and increasing the productiveness of his farm has a right to the continued occupation of it, prove, too, that a non-improving landholder has no right to be left in possession of it at all. The people of a nation have too deep an interest in the productiveness of the land of the nation and in the amount of human food it will yield to be able to allow any portion of it to remain in the hands of a man through whose criminal indolence and incapacity it either produces nothing at all or what will be much less than it is capable of yielding. I infer, therefore, that no individual or class of individuals can hold a right of property in the land of a country when the people of that country in their public corporate capacity are, and always must be, the real owners of the land of their country—holding always an indisputable title to it, in the fact that they have received it as a free gift from the Creator and as a necessary means for preserving and enjoying the life He has bestowed upon them. The general interests of the community are hardly distinguishable from the private interests of the usufructuary..."

In support of this thesis, the Bishop quoted a number of publicists whom we, in this age, choose to regard as rather hard-boiled, such as J. A. Froude and John Stewart Mill.

Strange theologians.

I cannot argue about theology with Deputy Dillon. I made a note myself: The obiter dicta of a judge is always regarded as forming a basis for the rule of law. Deputy Dillon is a barrister and he can deal with that. It might therefore be accepted that the statement of a responsible Minister in the Dáil on a matter of such public concern as security of tenure could also be regarded as emphasising the procedure to be adopted by his Department in this matter and of laying down certain limits within which the activities of his Department are defined. The Minister for Lands, on the 9th August, 1933, said:—

"We have set out that so long as a man is providing adequate employment, taking the situation of the whole country into consideration, and is producing a sufficient amount of food supplies, again taking the situation of the country into consideration, that man shall not be disturbed in the use of his land."

The Minister for Lands, on the 16th June, 1939, said in the Dáil:—

"On these amendments the point has been raised again that we were taking, have taken and will take, properly and well worked farms. I have said all through and I repeat that no such farms have been taken. The undertaking that was given by the Minister in the debate on the 1933 Act has been kept both in the spirit and in the letter, as I said on the Second Reading of this Bill, and on that occasion I asked any Deputy who knew of any case to the contrary to let me know but no Deputy has mentioned a case. I repeat that no farm that was even moderately well worked was taken or will be taken."

On the 26th August, 1944, the present Minister for Lands said:—

"There is absolute fixity of tenure for any man who is working his land in the proper way. If any man sets out to destroy land or to take it out of production, then that man is not entitled to any fixity of tenure."

Does not everybody know that, apart from any legal fixity of tenure in this country, there is an ultra-legal fixity of tenure? It may be a good thing and it may be a bad thing but one effect of the ultra-legal fixity of tenure that exists here as a product of the Land League operations is that land is not security for money in the bank, which just shows that there is an outstanding security of tenure in this country by the force of public opinion. If any man, after what Ministers have said repeatedly in this House, after what we know of the situation throughout the country, argues that there is no fixity of tenure, I do not think he quite realises what exactly he is talking about.

I think I have dealt fairly reasonably and too long with the whole question of the Land Commission. While Deputy Dillon was out I said that Ministers are fair game for abuse and for attack and misrepresentation. I do not object. Deputy Dillon knows that too but there may be some innocent people in the Dáil who really believe what they say when they talk about Fianna Fáil clubs dividing the land throughout the country. Deputy Giles has repeatedly made that statement.

I said they tried to divide it.

Deputy Flanagan mentioned that in the happy days when he was secretary of a Fianna Fáil club in Laoighis the then Minister sent down directly to him an inspector to consult with him as to how the land in his district was to be divided. That was six or seven years ago. We know what Deputy Flanagan's form is today, when he is six years older and has two years' experience of the Dáil and if we have a Minister who sent down an inspector to Deputy Flanagan six years ago for advice as to how to divide land in Laoighis-Offaly, that Minister should be sacked also. I was not secretary of a Fianna Fáil club. I was the chairman of the organisation for many years in my constituency, never dreaming I would be here in the Dáil or speaking for the Land Commission, or having any desire for it, but I was a man of reasonably good standing and repute in the constituency, a man who was concerned with public affairs and the public welfare. I never saw a Land Commission inspector. I never saw a Land Commission inspector until I was about six or seven years in the Dáil. The only Government inspectors I ever met were several school inspectors, who had a very poor opinion of me and one Revenue Commissioner inspector, who had too good an opinion of me. But I never did see a Land Commission inspector until I went to the Dáil and I know very few of them. There is Section 6 of the Land Act, 1933, which completely prevents the Minister from interfering in any way in regard to what land shall be taken, how it is to be divided and who are to be the allottees. The commissioners are men of capacity, of strong will and integrity, and they would naturally resent any interference by the Minister. As long as the law is there, it is not my intention or desire to interfere with the commissioners and I wholeheartedly approve of Section 6 of the Land Act, 1933. So, whatever we think ourselves or say ourselves, let us give the public the assurance that the commissioners of the Land Commission are the final arbiters in the matter of land acquisition, division and selection of allottees, that they are advised solely by their inspectors and that the recommendation of every Deputy will have due weight, consideration and investigation.

Vote put and agreed to.
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