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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 5 Jun 1946

Vol. 101 No. 10

Committee on Finance. - Vote 29—Agriculture (Resumed).

I move:—

That the Estimate be referred back for reconsideration.

While the trade of the world is still in a fluid state and while the plans and the new ideas for the production, distribution and allocation of food and for the provision of an adequate diet for all the peoples of the world are in course of formation and not likely to crystallise for some years, it is right and proper that we should hear from the Minister what plans he has evolved for our primary industry and what opportunities he has sought and what opportunities are available in respect of the marketing of our surplus production. I listened to the Minister's rather long and monotonous speech yesterday evening and I was interested, too, in the address he gave to the Dublin Chamber of Commerce recently. I am forced to the conclusion that, so far as a policy of expanding production is concerned, the Minister has no plans, and, I am afraid, is not very concerned about our potentialities in that respect.

The Minister in his address to the Dublin Chamber of Commerce clapped himself on the back in regard to achievements in recent years and he stressed the attention given to, and the importance of, the home market. It was rather significant that, in dealing with that matter, the Minister dealt with values and not volume, because with the very steep rise in the value of food commodities, it is not so easy to assess what occurred here during the emergency. The Minister indicated that our net production had gone up, that there was a very substantial increase in output, so far as value is concerned, and a substantial increase in consumption and in the value of the home market. He indicated that we had captured that home market. In the matter of net output, we are given in the White Paper on National Income and Expenditure the value of agricultural output in terms of 1938 values. In 1938, it was £41.1 millions, and in 1943, it was £43.2 millions, while the gross output fell from £50.8 millions to £47.3 millions. I am afraid that I cannot agree with the Minister in the satisfaction he expressed regarding our progress in that respect.

It is obvious to anyone interested in this question of production from our primary industry that the big problem we have to face is stagnation, and that our achievement during the most favourable period for food production was ignominious. I do not think that is any reflection on the individual farmer. It is due to the fact that we made no attempt to organise agriculture, to organise the industry and to harness it to production. The outlook of the Minister was not satisfactory and one could not refrain from comparing his outlook, as expressed in the speeches referred to, with the outlook of the Minister for Industry and Commerce and the plans he has adumbrated and the opportunity he sees for industry. As a matter of fact, he envisages a future in which we may have an export trade in industry, but I think that Minister is overlooking one fundamental matter which is essential if we are to have that expansion, that is, that an expanding industry must come as a natural corollary to an expanding agriculture, and that, before we can achieve any expansion in industry, we must have, as a precursor, an expanding agricultural economy.

I think it is obvious from what the Minister told us yesterday and from the White Papers he has issued on some aspects of our agricultural economy that there are no plans which would lead one to hope that that expansion will materialise. The Minister completely lacks appreciation of our problems and requirements. I do not think he has the vision, the broad national outlook, necessary to achieve an expansion in agricultural production. I do not think he has shown the capacity to plan for full productive employment for all our people and full productive employment for all our people ought to be the aim.

The Minister stresses the advantages of the home market. It has been made pre-eminently clear by economists that agriculture in other countries is capable of maintaining as many as three industrial workers to one engaged in agriculture. Here we have approximately 600,000 workers engaged in agriculture and approximately the same number engaged in industry so that we have here a ratio of 50-50. Denmark has 2½ individuals employed in industry to every one engaged in agriculture and she, in fact, looks for 1½ outside the country—that is, 4 individuals who can be maintained out of the total agricultural output.

I was disappointed with the Minister in that he did not give the House any idea of our potential here or how that potential could be developed. In his very long speech he completely neglected to make any reference to our export trade and our export interests; the same is true of the White Paper which has been circulated to the House. Considering the interest that has been taken all over the world in the various food conferences which have taken place it is rather an extraordinary situation here to find our Minister for Agriculture ignoring all reference to those conferences; we had the agricultural organisation at Quebec and the more recent conference of farmers of 31 nations in London. Yet the Minister has made no reference whatever to their deliberations, or to their plans, or to the aims and objects which they were anxious to achieve. It appeared quite clearly to me that the Minister has learned very little in his long experience as Minister and that he is still a firm believer in the policy of the home market and self-sufficiency. He made it clear that was our prime aim and that we need not be too concerned about expanding production beyond its present level. I feel that if that is the policy of the Government we can have very little hope of achieving full productive employment for all our people and we shall have to continue to export a substantial number of our young men to seek employment abroad because, in the last analysis, I submit that we must export either men or goods. I think our policy should be to export goods and keep our young men at home by giving them an opportunity of earning a decent income and settling down in life.

The Minister appears to take no interest whatever in the important new issues which have arisen in regard to nutrition. New knowledge has been adduced in recent years on nutritional requirements and there is a growing appreciation of the costly burden arising from ill-health and disease due to malnutrition. I do not know what the Minister's opinions are in regard to the deliberations and the results of the conference held at Hot Springs and the other conferences which have been established to implement the recommendation of freedom from want and an adequate standard of diet and to ensure a good standard of health and a sound physical condition for all the people of the world.

It has not been made clear either by the Minister or in the White Paper whether the recommendations of the majority report or the minority report are the ones upon which the Minister will act. Are we going to have a maximum production from the land or are we going to have a restricted output? Are we going to concern ourselves merely with the production of our own requirements regardless of whether our soil, climate and circumstances are suitable to the production or those requirements; or is it to be our aim to achieve a higher level of production from the land and, at the same time, to preserve and, if possible, improve the fertility of the soil? I think that that is very important, because when one analyses the type of agricultural community we have here we realise that we have a very high percentage of small farmers. The first thing we must examine and satisfy ourselves upon is whether we are going to have economy to help the small farmer and what particular type of agriculture is best suited to his needs and his condition. Agricultural output has been divided into two categories—the calories and the protective foods. We now know as a result of estimates that calories will have to be increased by 40 per cent. and the protective foods by anything from 100 to 200 per cent. While pre-war the calories were nearly adequate for the requirements of the world, the protective foods—that is, animal and animal products which produce the proteins and the vitamins—were not nearly sufficient for requirements. As a matter of fact, a very high percentage of the people of the world did not get sufficient protective foods because such foods were not available. So far as the small farmer is concerned, the measure of his prosperity lies in the opportunities provided for him to produce protective foods. He cannot hope to compete with the big farmer in the matter of cereal production and he cannot expect that a price will be fixed for cereals which will give him a fair margin for himself and his family out of a small holding. For that reason he must fall back on the protective foods. His principal opportunity lies in the production of eggs, poultry and pigs. In anything that has been put before this House up to this I can find no evidence of any great ambition to expand production in that respect in the small farmer's interest.

I wonder has the Minister any confidence in the resolutions and aims of the conferences to which I have referred and as to the likelihood of their being implemented. We all appreciate that because we were attached for so many years to a highly industrialised country whose policy was to exchange manufactured goods for cheap food we had to sell at a very low price level with a narrow margin of profit. Does the Minister think that that position is likely to remain unchanged? Surely, the Minister ought to appreciate that in nearly every country in the world the experts, the economists, the technicians and statesmen have awakened to the fact that they should not have a position where some members of the population enjoy an income out of all proportion to the contribution they make to the national pool while the primary producer is not receiving a fair margin. Even if we look at our own particular circumstances here and examine this White Paper on national income we must realise that of the total income of this country before the war the agricultural community were enjoying only 25 per cent. of that while contributing substantially more than 50 per cent. Even now, when there is a very steep rise in the value of goods, particularly food, we receive, under what are supposed to be very favourable circumstances, only 37 per cent. of the national income.

It has been pointed out that two out of every three people in the world are engaged in agriculture or food production. The prosperity of the world and the prosperity of industry depend upon the prosperity of the primary producer and his capacity to purchase. If his prosperity is assured, then the natural corollary is a prosperous industry. Yesterday, a White Paper was circulated on crops, pastures, fertilisers and feeding stuffs. Some days before that a White Paper was issued on the reorganisation of the pig and bacon industries. It appears to me extraordinary that the Minister and his Department, having had at least six months to consider the report on agricultural policy by the post-war planning committee, should have thought it necessary to rush this House into making a decision on the recommendations contained in the White Paper in 24 hours. I do not think the system that the Minister adopted in regard to making decisions on the recommendations in the majority report and two minority reports of the Agricultural Committee, was the proper one. Some of the civil servants of his own Department that submitted the first minority report were scarcely the right people to make decisions and to select from the three reports particular items of policy that the civil servants felt were the best in our circumstances. Individuals who had submitted a minority report, naturally, were biased. They had not an open mind. They could not take a detached view of the recommendations. I do not think that those who subscribed their names to the majority report intended the committee to be composed of three officers of the Department.

I am afraid the Deputy has misunderstood something that I have said. These three men had nothing to do with regard to my recommendations to the Government in regard to the majority report. These three men were considering only subjects that were not dealt with by the full committee.

They had nothing to do with it?

Not with the recommendations submitted by me.

They had to do with pigs and bacon organisation?

With pigs, yes.

But they took no part in this White Paper on tillage?

I regret that the Minister has decided to present this to the House piecemeal. I think it would be clearer if we got a complete picture of the plan for agricultural production. One peculiarity that strikes me is that the White Paper ignores the foundation of the plan. On what foundation does the whole plan of production lie? Is it to be live stock or is our aim to be the production of crops from the arable land that we are going to put under compulsory tillage? When lea farming is recommended and adopted by the Minister, what are the Minister's overriding aims? The Minister made the point yesterday that some people feel that lea farming is a means of producing better pasture for the purpose of producing better live stock while other people feel that the better pasture that is provided by the operation of a lea farming system is for the purpose of producing better crops. The Minister merely pointed that out but he did not make it clear to the House what exactly is the foundation, what is the basis of this policy, what is our aim, what are we concerned with. In other words, is our aim to be an expansionist policy to achieve the maximum potential of the soil with a view to raising the standard of our people and keeping all our people at home in full productive employment, or are we merely concerned with the production of our own requirements and not so vitally concerned with our surpluses and how we place those surpluses? It makes a very fundamental difference, as I feel that our maximum production would give us an exportable surplus, at the very least, of 50 per cent. and possibly of 60 per cent. of our total production, that 40 per cent. of our maximum potential would be sufficient for our own requirements. If that is so, and if we achieve that level of production, surely then the prices that we receive in an export market are of vital importance. I regret, therefore, that the Minister in dealing with this matter did not start with the foundation of our whole economy. The very keystone of our economy is live stock and livestock products. I regret that he did not set out clearly our aims in that respect or set out a plan, not merely to produce to the maximum, but to sell to the best advantage. The day has come when the primary producer all over the world is not satisfied with producing and gambling on the chance of a fair margin of profit. It is very obvious from the conference of the farmers from 31 countries, which sat in London last week, that they are demanding stability and security. They set up a federation there to ensure that that can be achieved, to eliminate cutthroat competition, to help the food and agricultural organisation to lay plans, not merely for production, but to ensure that that production is properly allocated; that there is a fair margin for the primary producer; that that fair margin will remain stable and that it will eliminate the element of speculation.

The Minister bases this White Paper, so far as prices are concerned, on guaranteed prices for a limited amount of produce. Why has not the Minister attempted to fix prices over the whole gamut of agricultural production? The Minister might answer that he has no control over the prices that we are to receive in an export market. That will present very little difficulty when we remember that the British farmer is guaranteed prices for all his agricultural produce and that we are keenly interested, so far as our surplus production is concerned, in the prices he receives. I think there is no reason why the Minister should not be able to have our prices for exports related to British farming prices. The Minister knows that the present Minister of Agriculture in Great Britain, Mr. T. Williams, last November announced that the object of their agricultural policy will be

"to promote a healthy and efficient agriculture capable of producing that part of the nation's food which is required from home sources at the lowest price consistent with the provision of adequate remuneration and decent living conditions for farmers and workers with a reasonable return on capital invested. To this end the Government propose to establish as an essential and permanent feature of their policy for food and agriculture a system of assured markets and guaranteed prices for the principal agricultural products, namely, milk, fat live stock, eggs, cereals, potatoes and sugar beet".

If the Minister wants to have a complete picture, if our agricultural policy is to be based on live stock, and if our aim is to be an expanding agriculture with the final goal of maximum production, we must have a complete set of prices for agricultural production for a couple of years ahead. I think the Minister is not satisfying the requirements of the agricultural community by merely fixing guaranteed prices for our requirements at home and neglecting to make any effort to integrate our live-stock economy here with British conditions. Up to the present I think the Minister has neglected to avail of opportunities that were there.

The Minister realises that Great Britain has been reorganising her livestock economy. I submit that the livestock of these islands here should be treated as one unit. The British farmer is interested in the type of stock we produce and we ought to know what his requirements are and regulate and stabilise supplies to that market. I think that must be done and that the Minister must take up that matter with the responsible Minister at the other side.

So far as this idea of compulsory tillage is concerned, I am very strongly opposed to compulsion. The fact that the Minister has now decided on compulsory tillage is an indication that he has no confidence in his own policy. That, I think, is the greatest censure that could be passed on his plans and on his policy—that he cannot convince the people of the country that the policy he has adumbrated and operated in recent years is the best policy for the country. If any plan it to be successful and is to bear fruit, surely the people who are going to operate that plan ought to be convinced that it is the best plan in their particular interests. While I admit that the tendency all over the world is to regiment people and that individual interests are being subverted to a very much greater extent than heretofore in the interests of the masses, I think that in this Catholic country we should be very slow to follow the lead given by other countries in the matter of regimentation, and in conflict with the rights and liberties of the individual.

When you take our next-door neighbour, the Socialist Government which has stood very strongly for nationalisation are not attempting a compulsory tillage policy, post-war. In the British Minister of Agriculture's Journal for December, 1945, it is stated:

"The world food shortage is extremely serious. For the time being, therefore, compulsory directions to grow sugar beet and potatoes must be served and supervision exercised where necessary over the laying down of grass so that this process keeps in step with the anticipated increase in live stock, with the requirements of home-grown feeding stuffs, and with the continued need for a large tillage acreage. As the world shortage of food passes, the Government intend to leave farmers normally to grow the crops which their experience, supplemented by guidance from the advisory services, indicates are most suited to their own land. They intend, however, to seek permanent powers to serve compulsory directions on any farmer whenever necessary in the national interest, but those powers will normally be used only in exercising control over farms under supervision or to supplement the methods of steering production already described, should an overriding need in national food supplies or national diet render this necessary."

There is a country which has to import 60 per cent. of her requirements. They were able by a supreme effort during the emergency to reduce that deficiency in food requirements by about 40 per cent. Notwithstanding that great effort, they still have a substantial deficit, but they do not intend to have compulsion. Here in this country we have a surplus of about 30 per cent and we have a potential 60 per cent. of surplus if we were properly organised and using our land efficiently. Yet we think that compulsion is necessary. Does the Minister think that the people of this country will stand for regimentation, that they will co-operate willingly in a plan under which a civil servant will walk into the farmyard and tell them what to do? It is a reflection on the intelligence of the farmer. I think that any farmer of standing with any knowledge of agriculture would bitterly resent any civil servant telling him what he is to do. That is definitely implied. The Minister may say that they do not intend to do that, but this White Paper says in paragraph 24:—

"Subject to compliance with the obligation to cultivate such quota as may, from time to time, be prescribed, occupiers to whom the proposed legislation would apply would have freedom of choice as to the crops they would grow. They would, of course, be expected to follow some sound system of crop rotation, and in the administration of the Act steps would have to be taken to safeguard soil fertility by ensuring that an occupier would not, in a spirit of mere perfunctory compliance, exhaust the soil on any particular part of his holding."

I put this aspect of the problem to the Minister in another place, that if we are to have compulsory tillage we would have to give the Minister very great powers to decide whether a man was carrying out a system of good husbandry or not and, if he was not, the Minister should have power to hoof him out of his holding. If we are to have compulsory tillage, and a number of individuals are not prepared properly to comply with the regulations and have respect for a very precious thing, the fertility of the land—and that fertility does not belong to the individual who occupies the holding; it belongs to posterity—there is a certain responsibility on us because we must see that that fertility will be handed down unimpaired to the people who will come after us.

Once you take compulsory powers to make people till land, you must see that it is properly done. An individual might attempt to fulfil a compulsory Order by letting conacre, or he may decide, on a big holding, to till a small portion at a particular end and not worry how he was affecting fertility, being interested merely in the remaining part of his holding; that man would be doing an injury that the State could not tolerate. I think it is a very small percentage of the farmers that the Minister is after. I do not think the arguments advanced here are in favour of compulsion at all.

In paragraph 19 we see:—

"In many instances, the effect of compulsory tillage has been to bring back to production land which had come to be regarded as derelict and useless. There have been cases where crops grown under the pressure of tillage Orders have enabled occupiers to throw off burdens of debt which had been crippling them, and to make a fresh start."

I am all for mixed farming. I do not believe it was merely because individuals started to till that they got out of debt. We have to consider the times, and the high prices at a particular time enabled some people to pay off their debts and get on their feet. In paragraph 22 we see:—

"Many occupiers who had not been in the habit of tilling before the emergency and who have since provided themselves with tillage equipment and have come to appreciate the advantages of tillage will now find it no hardship to maintain a reasonable proportion of their land under cultivation."

That is true. I think people who bought tractors and equipment and complied with the tillage Orders found they had fodder for stock during the winter period in quantities they never experienced before and they realised the advantage of mixed farming.

I do not think this is the right way to put a mixed farming policy across the country. You must convince the people it is sound and, if you are capable of convincing the people, they will have no hesitation in adopting and operating it. Certain principles are essential to secure that. You need a price policy that is attractive and that will stimulate people to maintain a certain amount of land under cultivation. Then you must have a proper advisory service. I am not at all satisfied that the existing advisory service is adequate to our requirements. I think the new ideas that are being gained in a small way here, and in a bigger way in other countries, are not being properly disseminated.

The Minister has argued that compulsory tillage will not be any great hardship. It may not be, and I do not think it will be, but there may be certain people who would like to go in for specialised farming. They are entitled to do so. I think compulsion can only be justified under emergency conditions. Under normal conditions we should endeavour, by demonstration, to convince the people that mixed farming is our best policy. Only when that method fails should we have recourse to compulsion. It is highly objectionable to attempt to regiment our people. There is too great a tendency on the part of the Government to provide this type of machinery. They are inclined to order every section of the community, to regulate and regiment the people. That may be justified under emergency conditions, but it is unnecessary and unjustifiable under normal conditions.

The three reports are unanimous in one respect, and that is with reference to increasing the standard of fertility and basing our agriculture on live stock. Where they differ profoundly is in the ultimate aim of our production. The majority report is all for maximum production, and for producing the type of commodity suitable to our conditions.

The minority report is for producing our requirements and catering for the home market. Lea farming is based on animal production and increasing the fertility of the soil. It is based on a combination of clover, nutritious grasses, animal dung and urine. That is a combination which science has established as the most effective means of stepping up fertility.

Is the Minister's policy based on experiments carried out in other countries, such as Great Britain and New Zealand, or is it based on our own experience? It is some years since I mentioned lea farming in this House, and the Minister told us that there was nothing new in it, as we had been operating a lea farming policy. In the White Paper he now stands for a lea farming policy and he is going to compel farmers to till their land so that there will be new lea and rich and nutritious grasses and that that will step up the fertility of the soil. That is what Great Britain has been trying to put into operation and in which she has achieved a substantial measure of success. Is our policy based on the results of experiments carried out in Great Britain and other countries or on the results of experiments carried out here? The only experiment I can trace, as far as lea farming is concerned, is reported in the journal of the Department of Agriculture of March, 1945, which deals with the reseeding of pastures on the Department's farms. There were three centres selected for trials of the policy of producing young lea and observing how live stock did on it and how it improved in appearance and increased in weight. At Athenry, in the season 1941, half a field of nine acres was ploughed and put under young lea and in due course live stock was put on. The primary result was that the reseeded plot only increased the live weight over 5.3 cwt. and that on the old pasture the increase was 2.4 cwt. during the first year. The reseeded plot was better than the old pasture by a substantial amount. The following year the reseeded plot increased the live weight by 1.92 cwt. and the old pasture plot by 2.38 cwt., so that it was better than the reseeded plot that year. In the third year the reseeded plot increased live weight by 2.59 cwt. and the old plot by 2.97 cwt., so that the old pasture plot was better than the reseeded plot. The observation made that—

"in each of the three seasons of the experiment the reseeded plot provided the greater number of grazing days, but only in the first season did it give a higher live-weight increase than the old pasture plot".

It goes on to say that the cattle

"scoured rather severely and the majority of them lost weight though they improved in appearance during the two weeks on the new pasture".

It is hard to reconcile how they improved in appearance when they lost weight. At Ballyhaise, an old plot was reseeded over three years. In the first year, live weight increased by 1.4 cwt. and in the second year, by 3.20 cwt. In the second year, on the reseeded plot, live weight increased by 2.16 cwt. and on the old pasture plot by 3.15 cwt. In the third year, on the reseeded plot, the net live weight increase was 2.18 cwt. and on the old pasture plot 3.94 cwt. The following observation is made:—

"During the period on the reseeded pasture the cattle scoured a good deal and as a result showed a drop in weight at the end of the period despite which they were much improved in appearance. As in the previous seasons there was throughout the season a considerable amount of scouring among the cattle grazing on the reseeded pasture which in all probability depressed the live weight gain. The difference in both the live weight increase and the number of grazing days is, however, significant. Apart from this, it was noticed that from the second period onward the the cattle on the reseeded plot did a lot of selective grazing as a result of which the pasture became tufted and although grazed longer than was perhaps desirable the tufts were not eaten down. The old pasture was grazed much more evenly and the cattle appeared more contented while on it."

There was a final experiment at Clonakilty. During the three years the live weight increase was greater on the old pasture plot than on the reseeded plot. That was the position there and that is the policy we are basing the White Paper on. It is a compulsory policy of lea farming and that is the only proof the Minister can produce as far as production of young lea on farms controlled and directed by the Department. The only demonstrations they had after reseeding and applying the necessary lime and artificial manures show that they gave a worse result as far as an increase in weight of live stock is concerned than was secured from old pasture.

In the Department's journal for September there is an article by Dr. Lafferty on wild white clover and a reference to an experiment carried out abroad and in Great Britain by Dr. Roberts. In No. 1 plot it gave 25 per cent. more live weight increase than that from which it was omitted. In No. 2 plot during the four grazing years the temporary pasture with wild white clover gave 40 per cent. more live weight increase than the permanent pasture. The superior live weight increase from the wild white plot was due to its greater stock carrying capacity and gave 40 per cent. more live weight increase than the old pasture.

Progress reported; Committee to sit later.
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