Last year, when I was speaking on this Estimate, I suggested that the guiding principles of policy for the Minister for Agriculture should be: first, to give effective leadership to the industry over which he has control for the time being; secondly, to provide adequate educational facilities for those engaged in the industry; thirdly, to provide that those engaged in the industry shall receive fair and reasonable prices for their produce; fourthly, to ensure that the agricultural industry is adequately financed and is afforded ample credit facilities; fifthly, perhaps equally important, to ensure that the farmer shall always have freedom from interference or, in other words, that security of tenure on his holding which was so long advocated by our forefathers.
On the question of leadership, it is the duty of Minister to guide the industry in the direction which is beneficial for the industry and those engaged in it and which is also beneficial to the nation. That is one of the first functions of a Minister for Agriculture. He must see that the industry which is entrusted to his care is turning out the produce that is most essential for the welfare of the nation and turning it out maximum capacity and is generally fulfilling its proper function in the community. I have found great difficulty in deciding what particular direction the Minister for Agriculture desires agriculture to follow. His statements have been definite enough taken individually but, taken together, one has contradicted the other. For example, the Minister assured us that his policy is to promote increased tillage. At the same time, he is not prepared to give any kind of guarantee or security to those engaged in tillage. The farmer who grows cereals as a feeding stuff has no guarantee that when he turns the cereals into animal produce it will command a reasonable price. This is particularly true in regard to pigs. Pig production is one of the most urgent and important branches of agriculture and one that calls for immediate expansion. I have asked the Minister for Agriculture in this House would he give a guarantee to pig producers that for at least two years the price of bacon pigs would not fall. The Minister has declined to give that guarantee. I think it is a reasonable guarantee. The only people who can very extensively expand pig production are the smaller farmers. They can engage in pig production very intensively if they are given an assurance that prices of bacon pigs will remain at a sufficiently high level for at least two years to enable them to recoup the capital expenditure.
The Minister in this House, I think, on one occasion boasted that he himself was providing for the keeping of an additional eight sows. That is quite an easy matter for the Minister, perhaps, but for the average farmer the keeping of one or two additional breeding sows constitutes a problem. Housing accommodation has to be provided for them. They have to be purchased and kept for a considerable time before they bring in any return. Therefore I think it is only reasonable, on behalf of the pig-producing industry and on behalf of the small farming community generally, to ask the Minister to give a guarantee that prices of bacon pigs, whatever about increasing, will not decrease during the next two years. The most the Minister could assure us was that if, and when, we have a surplus to export the price we will receive in the export market will be the same as that paid to other nations exporting to that market. I asked the Minister for an assurance that the producer in this country would get at least the same price for his bacon pigs as the producers in Northern Ireland and Great Britain get and the Minister said that he could give no such guarantee. I do not think that that is fair having regard to the fact that the Minister has allowed another Minister to swipe £3,250,000 from his Estimate this year. I think he should have reserved some of that money to stabilise pig prices for at least a year.
I do not intend to dwell at any length on milk prices. I have a motion to be put before the House dealing with that question. I suppose it will come before the House in due course. A number of public bodies in the country have been passing resolutions calling for time to be allocated for consideration of those agricultural motions. I trust that time will be afforded. Meantime, I should like to submit this for consideration by the Minister. He has said that he will not increase the price of milk either as supplied to the creameries or as supplied for direct human consumption. As an alternative to increasing the price of milk, he has suggested that he will take measures to reduce the costs of production to the dairy farmers. He has suggested a number of ways in which that reduction in costs of production will be brought about—(1) by the elimination of disease; (2) by the provision of better bulls; (3) by a new national scheme of cow testing; (4) by the provision of free veterinary service and (5) by a nation-wide campaign against tuberculosis in cattle. All these schemes appear to me to be very desirable. They appear to me also to be likely to achieve some of the results which the Minister had in mind and to reduce the farmers' costs of production by enabling them to produce more milk from the same number of cows. I think, however, that the Minister will admit that the implementation of these new schemes will require a considerable amount of time. They cannot be carried into effect in one day, in one week, in one month or even in one year and, pending their implementation, something should be done directly to help the milk producers.
I said earlier in my speech that I did not consider that there was any very substantial difference between the policy of the present Government and that of their predecessors. In one material respect the similarity between the two policies is very obvious. I refer to the manner in which the present Government are meeting the farmers' demand for an impartial investigation into agricultural costings. If the Government are sincere in their desire to ensure that those engaged in the farming industry will receive a fair reward for their work and a fair return for the capital they have put into the industry they should have no hesitation in carrying out an impartial, comprehensive and complete investigation into the costs of production in the various branches of the farming industry. But, so far, every demand for that costings investigation has been evaded or turned down. A few years ago, when Fianna Fáil was in office, I put down a motion calling for the setting up of experimental farms in this country to inquire, by an actual test, into farmers' costings. I wanted the Department to run farms similar to the ordinary farms in this country and thus find out what it costs to run those farms. At that time every Party that was opposed to the Fianna Fáil Government supported that motion. The Fianna Fáil Party, who were then in power, opposed it. However, during the present year, a motion, worded in almost exactly the same words and proposed by me, came before the House. It was opposed not only by the majority of the Fianna Fáil Party but by every Party that is supporting the present Government and that voted for a similar motion four years ago. I do not think that that is playing fair with the ordinary electors of this country. If people take a certain course when they are in opposition they should stick to that course when they come into power. I do not think any Deputy has the right to deceive the electorate, and particularly the farming community, by posing as their friend while he is in opposition and then acting against their interests when in power. This question of the investigation of farmers' costings is vital. It should be one of the most important aspects of the general policy of the Department of Agriculture. They should know what it costs to produce milk, bacon pigs, eggs and every item produced on a farm. They should know what it costs to run an ordinary farm and, when they have found out what that costs, they should take such measures as may be necessary to ensure that the farmer who works his land efficiently will be able to recover his costs of production plus a small margin of profit. That is all the farmer asks for. But the Government have deliberately, and after careful consideration turned down this demand for an investigation into costings. When an impartial and independent expert investigated farmers' costings in an area in Roscommon and proved that the net income of agricultural land did not exceed £6 an acre in that area and that, I think, the income of each adult worker in that area did not exceed 56/-, the Minister for Agriculture told us in this House that the wily farmers of Roscommon had put their fingers in the eyes of that impartial investigator.
We have seen so much in the Press and heard so much in this House and from every part of the country about the prosperity of agriculture that it is essential that an impartial investigation should be held to find out what the farmers' profits are. Until that investigation is carried out, nobody has a right to come to this House or to write to the public Press and claim that farmers are making exceptionally high profits. That is blackguarding a most important section of the community deliberately in order to put farmers in the wrong, to ensure that an additional burden will be imposed upon them and that the just demands that they may make will be turned down.
I suggested also that the Minister for Agriculture should take such measures as may be necessary to provide adequate credit facilities for the agricultural industry. We are in a period when it is vital to the very existence and survival of this nation that the output of agriculture should be in creased. You cannot bring about an increase in the output of any industry, whether the agricultural industry, the manufacturing industry or any other industry, unless you are prepared to put additional capital into it. Take the ordinary 30-acre farm, which is the average farm in the country. If the owner of that farm wants to increase his output of bacon pigs, for example, he must provide perhaps an additional out-house and purchase one or two sow pigs. That is capital outlay which he cannot recover for one or two years. If a farmer finds that as a result of the emergency and the shortage of fertilisers his land is deficient in phosphates or lime and he wants to make good that deficiency in order to increase the output of his soil, he must find the necessary capital to put in six, seven, eight, nine or ten cwts. of artificial fertilisers per acre. Take a farm of ten or 15 acres which, as a result of intensive tillage without adequate manures, has become depleted in its manurial constituents. The owner of that farm must spend £3, £4 or £5 per acre; in other words, he must find £50 or perhaps £100 capital to invest in his land.
There is no source at present from which any farmer can obtain additional capital to improve his land. I have pointed out that the commercial banks are not in a position to supply adequate credit facilities for agriculture. They are prepared to lend money to cattle traders, to middlemen, to people who can pay a higher rate of interest and who have a more profit-making means of living. The Agricultural Credit Corporation was set up 20 years ago to fill the deficiency which existed in the credit facilities available for agriculture. That corporation, however, have never been able successfully to deal with the problem entrusted to them, because the amount of capital allocated to them was too small and the rate of interest at which they had to borrow was too high.
In the course of some discussion on agriculture last year, the Minister gave a definite promise that he would introduce a scheme to enable farmers to purchase tractors and other agricultural machinery on the hire-purchase system at a reasonable rate of interest. I wonder what has become of that scheme, because it would certainly be of some value to the farmer who wants to carry on intensive farming. Anyone who visited the Spring Show must have been impressed by the number and variety of up-to-date agricultural implements available to the farming community. But the average farmer can only look at these things, admire them, perhaps criticise them; he cannot purchase them because he has not got the capital.
In the same way, we have heard a good deal about the scheme to improve and reclaim waterlogged lands—a very desirable scheme. But, is it not even more desirable that something should be done to enable a farmer to improve potentially good land, ordinary arable land which has become deficient over, perhaps, 50 or 100 years, which has become deprived of its fertility, of its phosphates and other constituents of the soil necessary for the production of successful crops? There is, however, no scheme in existence by which such a farmer can fertilise his land. That is an extraordinary position. If a man has 20 acres of arable land which is unproductive because it has not adequate lime and phosphates, he can get no help to improve that land. If he has 20 acres of waterlogged bog and makes an application, he will get some assistance at any rate to reclaim that bog. It is much more urgent that the better land should be improved.
The Minister mentioned that he hoped to import this year 220,000 tons of artificial manures. That may seem a very considerable quantity. There are, however, two important considerations. To bring the average agricultural land back into fertility it would require about five or six cwts. per acre of fertiliser. That is the minimum required. That would amount to about £3,000,000. When you consider that aspect of the question, you will have to admit that 220,000 tons is a very small contribution to the solution of the problem. In addition to that, we have the position that the farmers who need these fertilisers most urgently, the farmers whose land has become absolutely unproductive because of its deficiency in phosphates, cannot secure them because of the inadequate credit facilities available. Those manures will go, in the main, to the more prosperous farmers. They will go, in the main, to the better land that perhaps does not require it as urgently as the surface that has become absolutely deficient. I think the Minister should consider that it is a matter of urgent importance to get adequate supplies of artificial manures into this country at the earliest possible opportunity. The time that may be given to this nation to recover from the effects of the recent emergency may be short and it is absolutely essential that every hour should be availed of to put the land back into the highest possible state of fertility so that it will be able to support our nation.
The Minister referred to the new scheme for extending agricultural advice and education. An official is to be appointed for every three parishes. That scheme has been submitted for consideration to all the county committees of agriculture. In this connection I should like to remind the Minister of a peculiarity in regard to the circulation of that scheme. Usually, when the Department in true Departmental fashion are sending out a circular, they send it to half a dozen different people. They usually like to issue every statement in triplicate at least. In sending out this particular circular to the committees of agriculture, however, each letter was only sent to the chairman with the result that a number of committee members did not see it in time for their meeting last month. However, that is only a small matter. It may be one of those innovations which the Minister is wont to boast about but which are in fact very small in themselves. As far as the scheme is concerned I have no objection to it. I think it must inevitably do a considerable amount of good if the officers appointed are able and competent men and if their services are fully availed of. Nothing has contributed more to the advance of agricultural education than the establishment of young farmers' clubs in various parts of the country. Through those clubs young farmers are getting together and inviting the instructors of the Department to come and give them additional information instead of the instructor trying to round up individual farmers to hear his lectures as he had to heretofore. I am sure the Minister for Agriculture, when down in Limerick recently, was really impressed by the strength of this new movement and that he will do everything possible to encourage it. I have one objection to this particular scheme. It is that it makes for more centralisation in the matter of departmental administration. In an agricultural country with a big rural population it should be the main concern of the Minister responsible for agriculture to promote decentralisation and, instead, to promote the acceptance of responsibility by local bodies. Here we have a position in which the whole business of agricultural instruction is being taken out of the hands of the county committees and placed directly in the hands of the Department of Agriculture. If we are to have three-parish areas established in each county for the purpose of agricultural instruction we could have a local committee in these areas supervising the local agricultural instructor. That is the democratic way of doing business and the nearer we keep to democracy in our system of Government the better for us because there is always a tendency for streamlining and centralising all branches of Governmental activities. I think some machinery will have to be set up to establish local committees to take control of each of those small areas.
In the course of his speech Deputy Smith made one important and interesting point in connection with the Government policy of promoting increased tillage for the production of food for live stock. It is all right to say to the farmer: "Produce oats and feed it to live stock. Walk it off the farm." However, if a farmer finds that having produced oats the price is so low that he could purchase that amount of feeding stuff at less than it has cost to produce it, surely he would not be a businessman if he went on producing oats. He will say: "Is it not better for me to leave my land down to grass and purchase whatever oats I require as feeding stuffs?" That is a problem the Minister will have to face up to. I am old enough and long enough a farmer to remember the depression of 1929, 1930, 1931 and continuing to the middle of 1933. At that time the then Minister for Agriculture said: "Keep one more cow, keep one more sow and put one more acre under the plough." The point I want to make is that the farmer who kept one more cow found that the price of milk feel so low that it did not pay and he could not make a living out of that line of production. The farmer who kept one more sow found that the price of pigs declined so low that there was no living for him in that line. The farmer who tilled one extra acre found that there was no return out of that additional acre of land. If he tried to sell it no one would buy it. If he fed it to live stock the live stock brought no return because there was no market. If he used it to produce milk there was no price. That is where the Minister will have to sit down and do some serious thinking. If he does not and if imported feeding stuffs are readily available we may very quickly develop a system of agriculture which is utterly and completely dependent upon imported foodstuffs and which can be disorganised at any moment by any obstruction in external markets.
In addition to that, we may find ourselves forced into a policy which will not make for securing maximum production on the land. I believe, and I have always held the view, that the only way to get maximum production from the land is by a system of mixed farming, a system of rotational cropping. Permanent pasture, in the case of the average farm, does not make for maximum production. Tillage carried on exclusively without live stock, does not make for it. A mixed system of farming is the best and the only real solution of the problem of inducing and encouraging farmers to till their land and of using the crops they produce to feed their live stock. A system which I put before this House some years ago—it was adopted in Great Britain during the emergency—was that of paying a small acreage subsidy.
Of course, we have been told over and over again that a subsidy simply means feeding the dog on his own tail, which, of course, is ridiculous. It does not mean anything of the kind. If, as a result of paying a subsidy you get increased production, then that subsidy is paid for out of the increased output. Anybody who gives any thought to economics will see that that is true. If you pay a subsidy in any line of agricultural production the cost of it is paid for out of the increased output you get. Therefore, I think there is reason to reconsider this whole question and find a solution for it. Otherwise, we shall drift into a system of agriculture which will not provide maximum output or maximum employment, a system which could very easily be disrupted in the event of any external unrest or in a period of emergency.
I was very much interested in the Minister's statement that he will not in future, tolerate the subletting of their land by farmers. Deputy Smith referred to that, and the Minister asked him, by way of interruption, if he was in favour of the conacre system. Personally, I am not. I do not think it is a good system on the whole, but it would be a very grave injustice to suppress it completely. Some time ago, when I approached the Minister for Agriculture in regard to providing better credit facilities for the farmer, he told me that the farmer had a way of solving that problem for himself by subletting some portion of his land and using the profits thereby secured to finance the work on the remainder of his holding. Having made that statement, the Minister comes along now and says that he is going to put the man who sublets portion of his land to prison or somewhere else. Of course, the Minister will probably tell us that he did not outline any particular penalty for that farmer, but we may take it that when a Minister speaks on a matter of this kind he intends his words to be taken seriously. I know there is many a man prosperous on his farm to-day who would be out of the country or in the workhouse or perhaps working for his week's wages and not the owner of his farm if, when he set out farming at first, he had not sublet portion of his land and in that way got together the necessary amount of money to enable him to work it properly. The farmer is usually described as "the old farmer". We know that quite a number of farmers die at a comparatively early age and leave behind them widows and children. Are they to be turned out of their holdings simply because they have not the means, the experience or the knowledge to enable them to carry on the ordinary farming operations and, consequently, are obliged to sublet portion of their land? A widow, for example, may not have the necessary knowledge or experience, or even sufficient physical strength, to carry on the work of a farm. Is she, with her children, to be turned out of her farm simply because, in the first few years after her husband's death, she is unable to work it, and has to sublet portion of it until the children grow up and are able to take over the work on it? I think the Minister will have to reconsider all these aspects of the very dogmatic decree that he has issued. Farming is not a branch of life, it is not an industry or a way of life that is suitable for the issuing of dogmatic statements of that sort.
There are exceptions to every rule which may be laid down. I think it is utterably undesirable that wealthy people should purchase large estates or large farms as a speculation and be allowed to sublet them for profit. While I think that is undesirable, I think that at the same time the average farmer's freedom of action should not be interfered with. After all, such interference does not fit in with the Minister's very definite and very clear statement that he will keep his officials outside the farmer's fences until they are invited in. Is any farmer who is subletting his land going to invite any inspector in to see how much of his land is sublet? It may be suggested that the Minister can easily find out what amount of land is being sublet from outside observation and without sending any inspectors in on a farm. I suggest that the moment such a decree is issued we shall drive the subletting of land into the black market. We shall have secret subletting, and the Minister will then have to appoint a number of inspectors to find out who owns every cow or beast that is on each farm. These are all very important matters which cannot be lightly dealt with.
The Minister, in the course of his statement, referred, and rightly so, to the losses which farmers sustain through diseases in their stocks and herds, as well as to disease in the various plants and cereals that grow on their land. He referred to the very estimable work which is being done by the Department to fight against those diseases. He referred to the infertility in cows. I should like to remind him, in that connection, that infertility also exists in regard to breeding sows, and of the fact that, in many ways, disease and infertility amongst our pigs have been responsible for the low pig production we have in the country, and for the low output of bacon which we have to offer to our consumers. The amount of disease that has existed among pigs for the past four or five years has never been properly appreciated, because the farming community have been a little bit shy about advertising that there was disease in any district. If it became known that there was disease among pigs in a certain district, the pig market there would be very seriously affected. But the disease has been widespread throughout the country and I was interested to hear the Minister saying it originated in Eastern Europe, where a lot of other diseases originate. I hope the Minister will be able to deal with it effectively.
There is one aspect of pig rearing with which I should like to deal. Under the Departmental system of improving the breed of pigs I am inclined to think that the breeding of board has been restricted to comparatively few people and the pig population has become, perhaps, very closely related and, perhaps, too finely bred. Every old farmer will tell you that 30 or 40 years ago the pigs were not of the same high quality as they are to-day. You went to the local fair and you had to search before you found suitable young animals for fattening. Some were too hairy, some badly shaped. Now in any fair you will see that practically all the pigs are of uniform quality. That is the result of the present pig-breeding policy of the Department.
It has an important bearing on the pig-raising industry, but a good many farmers think that it has this disadvantage, that pigs are no longer as strong or healthy as they were years ago when they were, if you like, coarsely bred. That may or may not be true, but it is the opinion of many farmers. I am not suggesting there should be any departure from the Departmental scheme of keeping the breed for as good quality a pig as possible, but the other aspect should be considered and it might help. Means might be found to secure all the advantages which we had in the old coarse breeding of pigs in years gone by, together with the advantages we now possess in having the more highly-bred animals.
I shall wait with interest to hear what the Minister has to say in regard to some of the more important matters I have raised: firstly, the question of credit for agriculture; secondly, the question of a fair system of investigation into farmers' costings and, thirdly, a guarantee of fair prices based on these costings. If the Minister's answer to these questions are satisfactory, I do not think the House should refer his Estimate back for reconsideration.