As I said last night, an efficient and economical transport system is essential to the conduct of modern economy. In fact, it has been very properly said that an efficient and economical transport system is the very life-blood of the country's economy. It is obviously of the greatest importance, therefore, that every effort should be made to secure that the services that are provided under the national transport undertaking should be as cheap and as efficient as possible. I think this is all the more necessary in present circumstances, when the increased cost of living is pressing so severely upon so many sections of the community.
We used to hear some time ago that the policy of the former Minister for Industry and Commerce was responsible for landing the Córas Iompair Éireann undertaking into a chaotic and bankrupt condition. It was conveniently forgotten that for very many years that undertaking was unable to meet its obligations to its shareholders and debenture holders, and that it had reached the position where it was unable to provide even the wherewithal to carry on its day to day business, to provide the raw materials and, in fact, the finances necessary to meet its wages and other outgoings. It was in those circumstances that the former Minister considered that it was advisable in the general national interest to unite the Dublin United Transport System with the then existing railway system. In that way it was possible, as I said last night, to reduce the overhead costs by bringing into the pool the very lucrative revenue from the Dublin passenger traffic thereby reducing to some extent, at any rate, overhead costs generally and certainly achieving the aim, which I think it did succeed in achieving, of giving the country areas generally better, more economical and cheaper services. As I stated before in this House, I believe that these services can correspond in price and efficiency with similar services in any other part of the world.
The then Minister made it quite clear that he took full responsibility for that policy. He made it quite clear that the object was to have a national transport undertaking, the chairman of which would be responsible to the Government and would be governed generally by Government decisions as to what was best in the general public interest. The Minister had the right of veto if the board determined to pursue policies which could not be considered as in the general national interest. In the matter of charges there was an appeal to the Minister. As has been pointed out, there is no such appeal in the present measure. Once this measure passes through the Oireachtas, if it does so in its present form, the board will have complete and final responsibility in the determination of charges in relation to rail and passeger fares and freight.
It will, of course, be claimed—I can see a certain reasonableness in the argument—that it would be impossible to discuss all the intricacies of this undertaking in the Dáil. But it was very noticeable in the period of operation which has elapsed since the passage of the 1944 Act that not alone were campaigns carried on in the country against certain decisions which were taken in the interests of the concern but objection was made to them in this House, whether it was a question of how the hotels should be equipped or run, or how the branch lines should be dealt with. There was hardly any aspect of the administration of the undertaking which did not come in for criticism.
In all these circumstances I think the outgoing chairman can justifiably claim that he left the undertaking in a much better state than that in which he found it and that he did not get a reasonable opportunity in normal conditions to show what the plans he had in contemplation could produce. You cannot run an undertaking of this magnitude on a day-to-day basis. You have to plan for a long period in advance. The course of events during the past few years made it very difficult to estimate exactly what conditions would be even in the ensuing 12 months. Only a few months ago the present Minister for Finance told us in his Budget statement that he felt we had reached the peak, as far as I remember, of tourist expenditure in this country and that we would have to look, in the settlement of our accounts, to a downward trend. Now we are being told that all our efforts should be concentrated upon collecting dollars and any other cash that we can net by the development of our tourist trade. The figures show that, far from decreasing, the tourist trade is increasing. Unless something very unexpected happens in world affairs in the coming 12 months our tourist traffic will probably be bigger than it ever was in the past. It is impossible to prophesy in regard to the future. It is very easy for wiseacres to tell us after the event how they would have dealt with the situation. But they are not in the position of having the responsibility upon their shoulders.
The Minister loudly acclaimed the merits of the experts who put the Milne Report together, but these experts have not been called upon and will not be called upon to implement their recommendations. As far as one can judge, the Minister has by-passed most of their recommendations. He has not told the House whether the Government has rejected them or whether the Government has still an open mind in relation to them. If his attitude was that he wanted Dáil Éireann to give him some advice as to the general lines of policy he ought to pursue, I suggest that his opening statement was not in consonance with such an attitude. We must conclude that the Minister and the Government have not made up their minds about these matters or that they want the country and the Dáil to take "a pig in a poke" because, as has been very propertly and truly stated, the Minister is trying to persuade the Dáil that all these matters should be left to the new board. The only difference that I can see between this scheme and the scheme of nationalisation which is in operation in England is that in England, as was the position in this country, at any rate up to the present, the Government take responsibility for issuing general directives on policy, making the board acquainted with what they think is right or wrong in the general national interest. Can the Minister deny, whatever the Bill may say, that he will not have that responsibility?