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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 7 Dec 1949

Vol. 118 No. 14

Private Deputies' Business. - Intoxicating Liquor (Holiday Camps) Bill, 1949—Second Stage.

I move that the Bill be now read a Second Time. Briefly I would like to indicate to the House the origin and the necessity for this Bill. A recent development in tourism here has been the establishment of holiday camps. There now exist three such camps, one situated at Trabolgan, County Cork, one at Skerries, County Dublin, and Mosney, County Meath. The problem affecting these camps presented itself in a very significant way when one of them made application at the normal period to the Circuit Court for a licence to sell intoxicating liquor. It was then learned that certain difficulties existed in the licensing code which precluded the Circuit Court judge, however willing he might be, from granting a licence to the particular camp. The purpose of this Bill may be found primarily in the judgment given by Judge Fawsitt when he indicated clearly that the present licensing laws would not permit him to grant a licence to a holiday camp. These large enterprises thereupon found themselves in a difficulty. I might mention that they have a tremendous employment potential. On a permanent basis these camps would give employment to no less than 300 persons; and on a seasonal basis they would give employment to at least 1,200 persons for a period of six months. In the main the type of visitor using these camps is limited in the amount he or she can afford to spend on a holiday. By virtue of the defects in the licensing code, they are precluded from having at their disposal within these camps intoxicating liquor. Some people might say that there is a latent menace in such a licence. In the case of one camp I might point out that a Catholic church has been built for its patrons, and there is a resident Catholic chaplain in the camp. There are visiting chaplains of other denominations. In that way there is adequate supervision so far as the camps are concerned.

To advert to the difficulty that arose under the licensing system, the learned Circuit Court judge indicated that he would willingly give such a licence if it were in his power to do so. He suggested that the way was open—that his suggestion would be that representations should be made to have the law amended so that he would be in a position to grant this licence.

The Bill itself is simple and straightforward. It purports to give no greater facilities to these holiday camps than are available to any other licensed premises in the country, in fact, less. All it does is that once a holiday camp fulfils the statutory requirements laid down in the Act—that it has residential accommodation for not less than 250 people and that it has a valuation of not less than £200—it is entitled to get the certificate that it is a holiday camp and, having done that, it is entitled to make an application to the Circult Court for a licence under this Act.

When I am dealing with the sections of this Bill I shall explain in detail to the Deputies what it actually purports to do. The condition precedent and the first thing necessary even before you can become an applicant for a licence under this Bill, when it becomes an Act, is that you get a certificate that you have a holiday camp—and for that purpose you have to fulfil the statuary requirement of having accommodation for not less than 250 residential guests and a valuation of not less than £200.

The Deputy would not consider amending that section?

I am open to receive suggestions of any type from Deputies that will meet this problem, because this is something that is opening up a field of development and a new potential. I am convinced, and I have reason to be convinced, that at least one further camp in another tourist centre is envisaged if this Bill goes through this House and the provisions become law. Having fulfilled the statutory conditions of having residential accommodation for 250 guests and a valuation of not less than £200, they can apply to the Circuit Court. On the issue of the certificate to the effect that they have a holiday camp, they may apply to the Circuit Court for the following things—a licence for two public bars within the camp and a licence to attach to the portions of the camp that are normally set aside for the serving of meals. They can serve those drinks within the normal hours laid down for any publican in any part of Ireland. They have no advantages, good, bad or indifferent, over anybody else. They are only getting the normal licensing hours.

If a camp accommodates 1,500 people it is entitled to that particular licence —two bars and the portions of the camp normally set aside for the serving of meals. If the camp normally accommodates more than 1,500 people then, for each 800 people in excess of 1,500, the Circuit Court may grant one more public bar. All this Bill purports to do is to give as a right to the holiday camp, so certified, the right to apply for this type of licence. It has to fulfil the conditions of having accommodation for more than 1,500 and, for each 800 people in excess of 1,500, it may get an extra bar. I think that will present itself to this House as something eminently reasonable.

These camps are a new experiment in the development of Irish tourism. They offer a peculiar type of holiday all their own. At least one of them is a large public concern in which the small investors of Ireland have invested their money. I feel that this Bill is giving these camps something that we should, as normal beings, envisage as an adjunct to any individual resorting to these camps. It is giving to them something to put it on a par with hotel competitors or other competitors of that type. The Bill is introduced into this House in a completely noncontentious way. I believe that this is something that will redound to the benefit of the holiday camps and, through the benefit of the holiday camps, to the benefit of the tourist industry in Ireland and of the people of Ireland in general—as well as the fact that these camps have an immense employment potential.

In the main, the part of the Bill that Deputies would really be interested in is covered by Sections 2, 3 and 4. I have dealt with those by telling the House exactly what they envisage—a simple method of first having to obtain a certificate that it is, in fact, a holiday camp, of then applying to the Circuit Court and then limiting what the Circuit Court may grant you. This Bill will have to go through the normal channels that any licence application to the courts will take. All this Bill does is to give a new type of institution, the holiday camp, a right, if it is such a holiday camp, to apply for a licence. Deputies will see other sections that impose certain restrictions with regard to St. Patrick's Day, Good Friday and other specific days; the limitations with regard to the selling of drink on Sunday and the fact that, under certain conditions, when people are, for instance, ordering a substantial meal, drinks can be supplied.

I commend this Bill to the House. It is something that is going to make holiday camps better. In the amenities they can offer to their patrons it is giving the holiday camps no particular benefits over anybody else. In fact, Deputies who have read the Bill—and particularly Deputies who know something about the licensing laws—will realise that it is, in fact, getting less facilities than the normal hotel or public-house would have.

Again, I commend this Bill to the House in a non-contentious way and as a matter of urgency because, under this type of legislation, it will be necessary for this Bill to go subsequently to a Select Committee of the House. In that way, time is short because it is hoped that the benefits of this Act may be obtained by the holiday camps before the next season opens.

I ask the House, if they can see their way to facilitate the Bill, to let it get its Second Stage, if possible, before we conclude Private Members' time to-night so that we can ask the Select Committee, representative of all Parties, to deal with further stages of it. The Bill I present to you for what it is, in its plain simple form. All it does, is to give certain people who fulfil certain statutory conditions the right to the certificate that they are a holiday camp and, having got that, the right to apply to the Circuit Court to have given to them the benefit of the provisions as stated in the Act itself.

I second this motion. It is quite obvious to the people in this country that holiday camps have come to stay. This Bill, in its present form, is designed to avoid interference with existing amenities in the localities concerned. This Bill realises that the holiday camps provide what you could describe as an inclusive holiday providing a variety of amenities. This is the ideal class of holiday for the working man and his family. It is many years since it was first realised that these amenities were needed. In other countries such holiday camps are in existence and they are provided with the amenities which this Bill proposes to extend. Apart from that, we must realise that these are concerns which give a large volume of employment and that will add considerably to the development of what is probably our most valuable industry, the tourist industry. The existing legislation did not anticipate this innovation and that explains the need for a Bill of this nature. It is not designed to cater for the bona fide trade and therefore will not interfere with the interests of owners of licensed premises in the area. On the contrary it will help it, because it will bring into the area a group of holiday-makers who would not otherwise find themselves in the locality.

Consequently the passing of a Bill of this character will not interfere with the interests of licensed traders in the areas concerned. Incidentally, this Bill will also have the effect of bringing a measure of prosperity into the areas where these large camps are located. Naturally when there are large groups of people in these areas, it can be assumed that many of them will visit licensed premises and other business premises in the localities concerned. Therefore, I consider that legislation of this character is necessary and desirable and I have very much pleasure in supporting the motion for Second Reading.

As my name is associated with the introduction of this Bill, I want to say one or two words in its regard. I think the Bill is a very desirable and necessary step. I support it principally for the reason that these camps do represent a new departure in so far as holidays are concerned. They provide the possibility for workers of having a holiday at a reasonable figure. They are a completely new enterprise in this country and they should be encouraged in every way. Working class people, whether they be from this country or from across the water, who visit these camps for holidays should not be denied any amenities that are available to those who are in a position to go to high-class hotels for their holidays. There will be no possibility of a bona fide traffic developing in these camps as the consumption of intoxicating liquor will be confined to residents in the camp. It is a simple Bill to provide these camps with the same rights and entitlements as operate in other establishments to which the more prosperous section of the community have recourse for holidays. In that light I want to express my support for the Bill.

When I first read the Bill, I was very much inclined to oppose it because I personally believe there are sufficient licensed establishments in the country to cater for the general public. However, in the interests of tourism which is of great importance to the country, I support the Bill in order to give an opportunity to the people in Butlin's to apply for a licence. I sincerely hope, however, that if this is not the last, it will be very nearly the last of such Bills.

In view of the manner in which the Bill has been presented, I do not think it is necessary for me to say much in regard to it. It is true to say that the Licensing Acts at present in operation do not cater for or foresee this type of development or the establishment of holiday camps as such. It is also true to say that while the law as it stands makes arrangements for licensing suitable hotels for the sale of drink, it does not contain any provision under which such a licence can be obtained for a holiday camp. I am satisfied, therefore, that there is need for facilities such as those suggested in the Bill for holiday camps. I am further satisfied that a well-run camp possessing such facilities will not lead to abuses. The provisions of the Bill appear to be generally satisfactory. Some amendments in my opinion may be desirable but these will be examined, I presume, by the Special Committee and by the Government at a later date.

The main idea behind the Bill is in my opinion sound. It contains safeguards to ensure that only substantial and well-run camps will be licensed and that the renewal of a licence for a camp may be refused if it is not conducted in an orderly manner. The grant or refusal of licences is vested in the courts. The courts have power to prescribe what portions of the camp may be licensed and Section 4 provides for limitations on the number of bars which may be set up in the camp. The hours at which drink may be sold are also prescribed in the Bill. It is quite clear that these hours are limited and that even residents in the camp will not be entitled to get drink at any hour as guests in a hotel may. The Government have given some small consideration to the Bill and I have decided not to oppose it. At the same time, as it is a new departure and one which has not been very well canvassed or thought of up to the moment, the Government has decided that the question of the passage of the Bill will be left to a free vote of the House. It is for the House to consider the matter in all its aspects. I am not opposing the Bill and I think it is necessary. Personally I shall vote for it but, of course, the House is free to take whatever decision it likes in the matter.

I had hoped to hear the Minister tell us something about the steps he is going to take to implement the promise that he gave this House on the introduction of another Licensing Bill.

Not in regard to holiday camps.

The Minister has now given his blessing to a Bill which is going to provide that, in the heart of the country, other sections of the community who are on holidays have only to walk on Sundays from their sleeping place to the dining-room for a drink. When looking around me, I am amazed at the absence of the apostles of temperance that we heard five or six months ago when I was endeavouring to get for the ordinary working rural community the right to have a drink within three miles of their home on a Sunday. The men who have to provide the food for the holiday camps, who have to go out to work every morning, can now picture the holiday camps where the boys are going to get their drink on Sunday. The man who has to go out in the morning to milk the cows to see that these people are provided with milk, and who has to feed the cattle will now see that, through the wisdom, God save us, of the elected representatives to this House, these holiday people are going to get an opportunity of having their drink on Sunday. I have sympathy with the people who sent these representatives here when that is the picture that is given us. There may be a necessity for this, but I wonder where are all the apostles of temperance who were condemning with bell, book and candle a Bill to afford the ordinary working man the same right to go into a public house on Sunday and drink his pint of porter as the gentleman in the City of Dublin, the City of Cork or the City of Limerick.

It is a good job that I supported it.

It is a good job that Deputy Collins supported me on that occasion; it is a good job for the Holiday Camp Bill, but I expected to hear from the Minister, who appealed to us then in such moving terms and who succeeded in holding his team together by his appeal: "Leave it to me"——

Of course, the Minister could not do anything under the provisions of this Bill, which deals only with holiday camps.

The Minister could adopt the same attitude now as he adopted towards the rural community, the farmers and the farm labourers, when he prevented them from enjoying a sociable drink in their local publichouse on Sunday and when he told them, in effect: "The more you work and the longer time you spend working, the farther you will have to walk afterwards." The licensing laws here are a sham and a joke. If they were enforced or observed, there would be a mutiny all over the country. But, while you have licensing laws which permit an individual who finishes work at 2 o'clock or at 5 or 6 o'clock on a Saturday and who has not to worry about his business until he goes to work at 8 or 9 o'clock on Monday morning to walk out of his own home and go into a public-house next door and stay there for four hours on any Sunday, and while you have another law——

The Deputy is travelling very far away from the provisions of the Bill.

I am dealing with the provisions of this Bill——

The Deputy is not.

——which are proposing very definitely to open the door for another section of the community while keeping that door firmly closed against the people who, in my opinion, are best entitled to whatever facilities can be afforded under the Licensing Acts, but which are not afforded. I expected to see arrayed around me here all those Deputies who were so vocal and who told us that "Old Nick" was planted in the door of every country pub, who told us how the country would be ruined if the unfortunate farm labourer after his morning's work on a Sunday was allowed to go into the local publichouse for a pint. Where are they now?

In the bar.

Probably in the bar. At any rate, they are not here to put up any opposition to this Bill. I hope that they will remain in the bar when I will be introducing my Bill again here next February and giving this House another opportunity of hearing the Minister for Justice saying, "Leave it to me."

Will the Deputy quote what the Minister said?

I gave the Minister two opportunities of either giving the countryman the same rights as the city man or taking these rights from the city man, and on each occasion he failed to do so.

The Chair has given the Deputy a great many opportunities. The Deputy must now deal with the Bill.

As I said, under this Bill, hotel rights, if you wish to call them so, are to be given in the centre of rural districts and the ordinary individual will be looking at a certain section who can afford holidays which he cannot collecting there and having all the drink they want on Sunday while he is prohibited from having it. I think that is wrong.

The Deputy said that several times.

I know the extreme anxiety of this House to give this little job their blessing and the extreme anxiety of certain Deputies to remain out while the job is being done. I realise all that and, therefore, I am not going to spoil sport. I expect, however, that, when I introduce my Bill in February to give the ordinary rural community the same facilities as it is proposed to give to other sections under this Bill, those Deputies will give it the same consideration as they are giving to this.

I have a great deal of sympathy with Deputy Corry because it is quite right, as he says, that he is surrounded on all sides by many hypocrites on this question of drink. That is a peculiar thing in itself, but it is almost a commonplace in the country. I do not want to traverse the general remarks of Deputy Corry. I propose to confine myself to one or two points, because I realise quite well that, so far as the House is concerned, it is fairly certain this Bill will go through. I indicated before, when speaking against a measure of this particular type, that I felt drink is a problem that cannot be dealt with by prohibitions or limitations, and that you have to take your stand one way or the other on it. It is a problem that you cannot play with in the sense of saying that you can go so far, and that if you go that distance there are going to be no abuses. What I am concerned with is that all our anxitey seems to be in the direction of providing greater facilities while not concerning ourselves at all with the actual problem that faces us.

We have just heard the Minister for Justice, in speaking on this Bill, express the viewpoint of the Government. During recent months in this House that same Minister, and another Minister, have had numerous questions addressed to them in regard to road offences arising from this same cause. We all deplore that, but at the same time we seem to feel that, all the time, we have to give increased facilities in regard to this drink question. I do not intend to make a speech on temperance. I do not believe that temperance can be promoted by making speeches on it. It does seem to me a peculiar thing that many members of this House who, during a particular period of the country's history set a headline on this particular question which gave inspiration to young men and women, have now stepped back from that forward position, with the result that the section of our people which seems to be most affected by this drink problem is that section which is composed not of the aged or the middle-aged, but rather of our young people—our boys and girls.

So far as this Bill is concerned, I want to express my opposition to it. I gather that the main justification for it is the encouragement of tourism and of facilities for tourists. Judging by what has happened during the past few years in this country, we shall rapidly reach the stage when tourism and the provision of facilities for tourists can be pleaded as a justification for almost anything.

I, personally, do not believe that in the camps we are discussing there should be these facilities. I think that anybody with knowledge of the atmosphere that is developed when you have a large body of people gathered together, as they will be in camps, will agree that it is almost impossible to ensure that there will not be abuses. It seems to me that if we are so concerned with tourism and with tourists that we should also have regard to the benefits which are supposed to flow as regards the political well-being of the people. As far as I understand, the great majority of the people who go to these camps are young people.

That is not so.

If that is not so then they must be attracting a different type of people from that which this Bill is intended to appeal to. I have always felt that it is extremely difficult to apply limitations on the sale of liquor so far as confined premises, such as clubs are concerned, and now in the case of camps. Those of us who live in Dublin have a good knowledge of the atmosphere that surrounds clubs.

The limitations in this Bill are much more strict than they are in the case of clubs.

At the same time, while I am not taking the line that it is possible to stop these adjustments being made, I do want to have it on record that I am not a party in any way to what is being done. It is quite clear from the atmosphere of the House and from Deputy Corry's remarks that the Bill is going through. I think that those who feel like me should express their views on this matter.

There is another interesting feature that one has to take notice of. While we cannot mention names in regard to these camps, it is interesting to note that the camps are not merely places for enjoyment for those who frequent them but, apparently, they are also profitable concerns for those who run them. We all saw recently that one particular firm engaged in this type of activity expressed the hope of being able to pay a 100 per cent. dividend. It hoped to be able to do that shortly. One can gather from that that these camps are a highly commercialised form of profit making. I have no doubt that when this Bill goes through that particular firm will be able to pay its 100 per cent. dividend much more quickly than if the Bill were not passed.

I think this Bill may be regarded as one of those pieces of freak legislation which are introduced into this House from time to time. Perhaps it is fitting that it should follow so closely on the Transport Bill which the House has been discussing during the past two days. There has been a good deal of muddled thinking on transport, a good deal of that blindness to which the Minister for Finance referred here. But we have even more muddled thinking on this Bill, more confusion, and a more freakish inclination to foster commercial interests which, in my opinion, have very little value for the country.

I think that this Bill ought to be opposed by Deputies in all Parties. I am rather glad that the Minister for Justice has indicated that he is leaving this matter to a free vote of the House, and I am sure that there will be a free vote. Let us ask ourselves, how many of the ordinary manual workers of the country can avail of the amenities provided by these holiday camps. We do not see farmers, or farm workers, skedaddling off for a week or a fortnight to a holiday camp. We do not see their wives, their sons or their daughters frequenting these places. For the agricultural community there is no such thing as a holiday or rest of any kind. Therefore, I think that those who have been contending that this Bill provides amenities for the poorer sections of the community were talking with no sense of sincerity.

I think those people were simply trying to pull wool over the eyes of Deputies. The people who frequent holiday camps are those who are in a position to accumulate a certain amount of money to enable them to take a holiday, and they are only a minority as far as the country is concerned. The members of the agricultural community and manual workers generally have not the means to provide themselves with a holiday in a residential holiday camp. Therefore, I think that whole argument in favour of this Bill falls to the ground.

Another argument is provided. We are told that this is to encourage tourists. Is there any limit to the length to which the nation may go in order to encourage moneyed people from outside the country to come here? If we are justified in opening public houses—for that is what it means—on Christmas Day and St. Patrick's Day, in order to encourage wealthy tourists to come into this country, why should we not open various forms of gambling saloons and other premises of that kind in order to encourage the same type of people? We ought to have some sense of reality. We ought to realise how the average citizen in this country lives and we ought to provide equal amenities for all sections of our own community.

Deputy Corry is logical when he suggests that if we can provide these facilities for people who can afford a holiday, we should provide equal facilities for those who cannot afford a holiday, those who have to work the seven days of the week. I am amazed at this proposal. The proposer of the Bill did not refer to the provisions which seek to provide for an opening on St. Patrick's Day and Christmas Day. I understood that on those days all licensed premises were definitely closed. It seems, however, that those specially favoured holiday camps will be permitted to open on those days.

There is another aspect of this question. If holiday camps have any value at all they should provide attractions for the younger generation. It was stated in the course of the debate that the people who avail of those holiday camps are mixed. I assume the word "mixed" means that both sexes avail of this form of holiday. Is it desirable that these additional facilities in the form proposed should be provided for young people?

Might I correct the Deputy in a complete misstatement? The section provides that they will not be open on St. Patrick's Day or Christmas Day.

Deputy Cogan is quite right under Section 6.

If the proposer made that absolutely clear when he was introducing the Bill, he would have done a service. The point I am making now is that those facilities ought not to be provided for people who can afford a holiday if they are denied to those who cannot. They ought not to be afforded to the types of people who avail of this form of holiday and who are, in the main, young people of both sexes.

I think this is a very undesirable piece of legislation. I have no hesitation in saying that it is a piece of freak legislation, and it must have originated in a freak mind. I intend to oppose this Bill and to challenge a division on it if necessary.

I merely want to record myself as agreeing with the sentiments expressed by Deputy Larkin and Deputy Cogan, although not with all the colourful phrases used by Deputy Cogan.

I would like to be consistent in this matter. So far as these camps are concerned, when they came here first I vigorously opposed them. They succeeded in getting in the thin edge of the wedge. Now that they have their feet in the ground, along comes this proposal to establish licensed premises in these camps. The suggestion is that there should be two or three in each camp. I think the whole proposal is ridiculous. Has this nation any anxiety to adopt Irish ideas? I do not think it has. Must we always ape the foreigner? There is nothing Irish in the outlook of these camps. They are based on ideas that are definitely not Irish. No matter how well they are run, I believe that they tend to sap the morale of the people of this nation until we will be just as bad as the people of other nations where these camps were originally formed. Camps of this type are well established in various countries in Europe and they are flourishing there. This island of ours is supposed to be an outpost of Christianity, and I do not think we should encourage the development of these camps by offering such facilities as are proposed in this Bill.

I would like Deputy Collins to withdraw this Bill and to show, by doing so, that he is the son of a worthy father and that he is proud of the people who have gone before him. Those of us who fought for certain ideals in this country are now beginning to realise that the ideals for which we fought are now being forgotten. New ideals are being brought forward, but they are un-Irish and unchristian. Some of our people want to live in what I might describe as the materialist age; they want to enjoy to the full all the pleasures that can be showered on them. We know that in this country there is a vast amount of drink consumed—far too much for a nation which calls itself a Catholic nation. Under this Bill we would be giving more facilities in that direction to a pleasure-seeking people.

We are told that these camps are Irish camps for Irish people. I live not too far away from them and I am satisfied that they are British camps and nothing more. The majority of the people may be of the industrial type from England. I know that these camps are pretty well conducted, but I do not agree with the customs of the camps, with their ideals, or with the moral outlook of the people who come across the Irish Channel to avail of them. That moral outlook is not good for our people.

I will be consistent right through and I will oppose this licensing proposal for these camps. I opposed the camps and I say that the sooner they close their doors and the sooner the promoters silently steal away, the better it will be for Ireland. Then we will have an opportunity of getting back to the ideals of an Irish nation, and, if necessary, similar places can be developed in the interests of Ireland and in accordance with the Christian philosophy. These are the things I will stand for and these are the things that I and my colleagues in the past fought for. I ask Deputy Collins to be true to the ideals his uncle fought and died for. He should withdraw this measure.

I wish to be associated with previous speakers so far as opposition to this measure is concerned. I am opposing it more or less for the same reasons as my colleague in the Labour Party, Deputy Larkin, who conveyed the impression to the House that he was not in thorough agreement with the Bill. I am in thorough agreement with the statement made by Deputy Corry. I believe that so far as the introduction of this measure goes, the Deputy who introduced it should certainly have given more careful consideration to a measure of a similar nature that was introduced here three or four months ago. That measure certainly catered for the interests of the plain people of Ireland. We find this Bill caters only for a certain section, not of the Irish people, but of people who come to this country and who are rich enough to live in luxury. I oppose the Bill also for this reason, that in my opinion intoxicating liquor is largely responsible for many of the road accidents that are occurring at the present day. To my mind, if this Bill passes through the House, and if the people for whom it caters get opportunities for the unlimited consumption of intoxicating liquor, it will lead to greater tragedies on the roads of this country. I move the adjournment of the debate.

Debate adjourned accordingly.
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