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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 27 Jun 1950

Vol. 122 No. 1

Committee on Finance. - Vote 27—Agriculture (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:—
That the Estimate be referred back for reconsideration. — (Deputies Smith and Cogan).

Looking through the report of my statement on Thursday last in the Official Report, at column 2322, I find that the word "tons" has been used instead of "barrels", and I should like to make the necessary correction. The phrase "carry-over of 180,000 tons of barley" should read "carry-over of 180,000 barrels of barley" and the same applies in all cases where the word appears.

While speaking about the price of wheat, I made the statement that the price of 62/6 a barrel was fixed in October, 1947. The Minister, as I believe, purposely and deliberately, tried to mislead the people by saying that I was "daft" to say such a thing and it has been spread through the country that it was the Minister who was responsible for fixing that price. I now say again that he did not fix the price, and, in proof of that, I will read the official announcement which appeared in the daily papers of October 11th, 1947, as follows:—

"The Minister for Agriculture announces that it is the intention of the Government to make a Tillage Order for 1948, at an early date, under which occupiers of five or more statute acres of arable land will be required to cultivate in 1948 three-fifths of the area of such land and to sow with wheat a specified minimum area equal to one-tenth, one-sixteenth or one twenty-fifth of the arable area, according to the district in which the holding is situate. Land laid down to first year's grass will be allowed to count as cultivation to the extent of not more than one-quarter of the tillage quota. The tillage quota and the wheat quota will, therefore, be the same in 1948 as in 1947.

The Government have furthermore decided in the case of growers of wheat of the 1948 crop to guarantee a price of 62/6 per barrel of 20 stones for wheat of the first grade and in the case of growers of barley of the 1948 crop to fix a minimum price of 45/- per barrel of 16 stones."

The Minister must have been aware that that price had been fixed, and why did he come in here and deliberately try to mislead the House?

The Minister may not be accused of deliberately misleading the House.

The Minister must have known——

The Minister may not be accused of deliberately misleading the House.

He must have known that he was not responsible

I think the Deputy understands me.

If the Ceann Comhairle will give me a better word meaning the same thing, I shall be satisfied to use it.

I have no intention of attempting to do so. The Deputy may not continue on that line. The Minister may be mistaken, but he cannot be accused of deliberately misleading the House.

I withdraw the word "deliberately," if that is the case, but to me it means the same thing.

A withdrawal is unconditional.

Was it in order for the Minister to accuse the Deputy——

Nobody raised any point at the time and I was not here.

The Deputy has stated that he was accused of being "daft" because he suggested that this Order had been made in 1947. Was the Minister in order in that?

I am not ruling on what happened last week or last year; I am ruling on what is said now.

I should like the House to know that he was not responsible for the fixing of the price, and I would suggest that Deputies who support the Minister should not try to mislead the people when speaking down the country. They have preached off platforms that it was this Government which gave 62/6 per barrel for wheat. Why has this been so? Simply because the Minister on every occasion has made the statement that he was responsible. We want to kill that lie here and now. He did not have hand, act or part in fixing that price any more than I had.

The Minister was responsible for fixing it for five years.

He was. Why not claim credit for that for which he is entitled to credit and not deny to others the credit to which they are entitled?

I said, when he challenged me on the last occasion, that I gave him credit for continuing that price for five years, but he denied that Fianna Fáil fixed the price and that Deputy Smith was responsible. When he said I was "daft" to say such a thing, what else did it imply but that he was responsible for it? I am sorry the Minister is not here because he might be able to tell us what he meant on that occasion. It is the studied policy of the Minister to take credit for everything that is good. If it is bad, he denies he has any responsibility for it.

There are many things for which we could criticise him, but I think I covered most of what I have to say when I was speaking on Thursday. I want to have this matter that I have referred to corrected and to try to drive home to the Minister his responsibility in the way in which he misled the people.

Another matter that I wish to bring to the Minister's attention is the question of an apple-packing station in South Kilkenny. There are about 300 acres of apples grown in Piltown. Some time ago arrangements were being made for the erection of a packing station in that area. Now the Minister has decided, for what reason I do not know, to build a packing station at Dungarvan, which is 30 miles from Piltown. Only about 30 acres of apples are grown in Dungarvan. Why is it that the Minister must ask the farmers of Kilkenny to transport apples 30 miles to a packing station at Dungarvan? There seems to be no justification whatever for erecting it in Dungarvan, where they have not the apples. I suggest that the purpose is to give the people of Dungarvan a factory because the crumb factory that was to be erected at Dungarvan is being erected in Clonmel. I suggest that it is in order to satisfy the people of Dungarvan that the Minister will place the people of Kilkenny in the position that they must transport apples from Piltown to Dungarvan.

The Minister is making a very grave mistake. It would be very expensive on farmers and they would require a higher price for their apples in order to get the same profit from the crop in view of the cost of transport from Piltown to Dungarvan.

There is one matter that I wish to urge on the Minister. It may not have any direct bearing on this Estimate but it affects it indirectly. It is the question of tourism. When the Minister is issuing advertisements with regard to agricultural produce, he should advise the people as to the value of tourism to agriculture. It would be much better for this country if the beef that we send to England were eaten at home. If most of our beef were eaten here by tourists it would mean additional employment on the land and in the hotels and, generally speaking, would help every branch of the agricultural industry. We would be able to retain by-products such as hooves, horns and all the rest and thereby be in a position to have a variety of factories.

Mr. Browne

I was very glad Deputy Walsh, in his opening remarks, congratulated the Minister on the way in which he presented the Estimate to the House. I want to join with that Deputy in congratulating the Minister on that matter. The Minister has reviewed the position over a period of years. It is not very difficult to understand his introductory statement and he has given details in the White Paper. When I listened to Deputy Walsh criticising the work carried out by the Minister during his period of office, I wondered if he had read the particulars furnished by the Minister and if he had examined this White Paper in which the Minister, in five or six lines, has given the net result of his work.

Notice taken that 20 Deputies were not present; House counted, and 20 Deputies being present,

Mr. Browne

I wonder if Deputy Walsh has made his own calculation of the increase in the value of our exports over the period of years that the present Minister has been responsible for the Department. It comes as a surprise to me and, I am sure, to many Deputies to find from the documents that have been supplied by the Minister the increase in the export value of surplus stock and food of every description in the last three years as compared with the year before the Minister took office.

In 1947 the value of cattle exported from this country was £12,847,228. That went up in 1948 and in 1949 and in 1950 it has increased to £20,488,800. That is, roughly, an increase of £8,000,000 in the value of cattle exported from this country in 1950 as compared with the year 1947. There has been an increase, also, in the number of cattle exported, but that increase in 1950 is small compared with the increase in value. In other words, the export value of cattle has increased because of the price arranged with the British in the agreement of 1948. The same thing applies to horses, dead poultry and eggs.

As I have mentioned eggs, I may say that the Deputies on the other side of the House have complained about the price of eggs and about the price which the Minister has got for the year 1951-52. Prior to this recent agreement on the price of eggs, the Minister, in 1948, reached agreement in regard to the price of eggs sold to the British for a period of two years. That price has actually operated a year longer, thus giving us for three years the price that was agreed on in 1948. The price which our present Minister got in 1948 was, I would point out, in excess of the price which the previous Minister was able to obtain in any of the years he was in office. Under the present Minister, the producer has been able to obtain 2/6 a dozen for the surplus eggs he has for sale and in some instances a price even higher than that has been obtained. I remember the conditions which prevailed between 1943 and 1947 when the British were crying out for eggs and when they would possibly have given any price for eggs if they could have got them. For the greater part of that period the export price of eggs from this country was under 2/6 a dozen to the producer. Only for very short periods, indeed, was the price over 2/6 a dozen. During the spring and summer seasons the price hardly ever reached 2/6 a dozen. There was a period in the winter when the price did exceed 2/6, but what happened? There were practically no eggs for sale in the shops in Dublin and there was a black market, as far as eggs were concerned, all over the country.

The winter price was controlled during a number of those years, and the result was that vans were sent from the city all over the country to buy and collect eggs. I do not know what prices were paid, but I know the prices they were able to get for them and the prices which were charged in the city. I know that the producer did not get the advantage of the price which the eggs were fetching in those years. That is not the position now. The present Minister did not control the prices: he left the market open. If the people wanted to buy eggs they were free to pay any price they liked for them. The result is that the producer is getting fairer treatment than formerly.

Another important matter which has been raised in this debate is the question of pigs and bacon. During the years I have already referred to, no bacon was to be seen in any shop. The factories were practically on the eve of closing down, and there was also the difficulty of unemployment to be faced. Bacon was then a novelty to everybody. It is my opinion that in those years, and even now, the big increases we hear of in the number of pigs being sent to the factories may not be quite as large as we may, perhaps, think. It is possible that in those years there was a fair production of pigs, but that they were not reaching the factories and the consumer in the ordinary way, and that every section of the people did not get a reasonable opportunity of obtaining a reasonable share of all the bacon that was available. The Minister has changed that state of affairs. He has asked the people to produce more pigs, and certainly pig production has increased, and is still increasing. In 1939 the number of breeding sows in this country was 95,317. Ten years later — 1949 — that number was 67,832. In other words, the number of breeding sows in this country in 1949 was practically two-thirds of what it was in 1939. That shows that farmers are going back again to pig-raising — not that I can see that there is a fortune to be made by any farmer as far as the production of pigs is concerned. I believe that, as in the past, it will continue to be the same old story. However, the pig was always regarded as a sort of savings bank for the farmer. It was felt that the farmer who kept a sow and reared pigs was never short of the price of his rent and rates. I believe that that is true and will continue to be the case. That is one of the main reasons why people have gone back to pig production.

Some speakers in this debate have complained of the high price being charged for rashers and they have said that rashers have been sold in some retail shops for as high as 4/6 a lb. If 4/6 a lb. has been charged for rashers I must say that I agree that that price is far in excess of what it should be. I am aware that that price may have been charged for a special cut — back rashers or some other such cut — but, considering the price at which bacon can be bought from the factory, I am afraid that 4/6 a lb., retail, exceeds a reasonable profit. In fairness to the factories and the prices which they charge, I must say that I think 4/6 a lb. is not a fair retail price to charge for any selected cut. I have made inquiries and from these inquiries it would seem that the price of from 4/6 to 4/8 a lb. for rashers is not general. I understand that the usual price for back rashers is roughly 3/6 a lb. Streaky rashers are being sold at 3/2 and 3/3 and the shoulder at 3/-; some of it is being sold under that. Even though those prices are got for rashers, there is a good percentage of the side of bacon that can be sold at a very low price. There is a portion of the side of bacon that certain sections of the community cannot afford. They cannot pay the dearer prices, but they have the advantage of being able to buy portions of the side at a lower price.

So far as the factories are concerned, they constitute useful industries and they are of great benefit to the farming community. They are helpful to the farmer in many ways and they always try to take his stuff. There is no waiting for the sale of the pig.

Speaking of the price of bacon, I would like to repeat what I said last year, and that is that there should be a two-price period for the pig. Any Deputy who comes from a rural area is well aware that pigs can be reared and fed more cheaply in the winter months as compared with the summer months. Pig prices should be at least £1 to 30/- a cwt. higher in April, May, June and July than in the remaining eight months of the year. In the month of April the farmer is somewhat short of waste food, such as he had in abundance during the winter. In April he has little to feed the pig upon unless valuable food. Sometimes he has to give the pig ordinary eating potatoes. In those months he can turn those potatoes to more valuable uses.

If the farmer is asked to produce pigs in April, May, June and July the public should be notified that they will have to pay a higher price in those months. The Minister would be well advised to introduce an increased price for those four months of the year. The public should be made aware that in that four months' period pigs will be dearer and consumers will have to pay more for their rashers and boiling bacon. If the farmers knew they would get a better price, and the consumers agree to pay more, there would be no hesitation in developing pig production.

In the summer months the farmer goes into his fields and looks after his tillage. The potato crop comes in during the months of August, September and October. There are plenty of waste potatoes and the farmer also has waste corn, barley, wheat, a surplus of milk, and cabbage and other vegetables. All this cheap food helps during this period to raise pigs, and they can be sold at a much lower price. I feel sure farmers would be satisfied with a lower price at this period of the year. If they are called upon to take the same price from April to July the general feeling is that farmers will not be prepared to continue in pig production. They will not do so during the summer months unless they get sufficient to meet the increased cost of feeding.

There is one grievance I would like to mention and I trust the Minister will keep it in mind. I refer to the scheme of subsidising day-old chicks. This scheme was in operation in Galway last year, but Mayo was not included. I must say that the people in my constituency were very disappointed that they were not included in the subsidised day-old chicks scheme. The Minister is well aware — he will have no trouble in verifying it from the records if he wishes — that Mayo is a very good egg-producing county. There are many small farmers largely dependent on the price they get for their eggs every week. It helps a lot when they have to buy the ordinary necessaries for the house. I appeal to the Minister to include Mayo in the scheme this year.

The Mayo County Committee of Agriculture, of which I am a member, has done everything possible for the people along the seaboard, the people in the Gaeltacht areas. They have been encouraged to go in for egg production and, with the sanction of the Department, we have a special instructor to go into those areas to stimulate the interest in egg production and other matters. I trust the Minister will pay special attention to the Gaeltacht part of County Mayo in any schemes he may contemplate putting into operation. If he omits Mayo on this occasion, the people there will be most disappointed, particularly as regards subsidising day-old chicks, and they will have good reason to be disappointed if they see County Galway included and Mayo ignored.

So far as agriculture and employment on the land are concerned, I cannot see how anybody should be idle on the land. There is plenty of work to be done. The farmer is getting a reasonably good price for his cattle, sheep, eggs, wool and lambs. There is plenty of money at his disposal to have his land reclaimed. He can do that work during part of the year. There is plenty of money provided for work of every description on the land. There is money for houses, repairs to houses, the erection of poultry-houses and buildings of other types. Some Deputies say that employment on the land is beginning to fall off, but I cannot see any falling off. Work should be on the increase and, as a matter of fact, employment is increasing and very few people are idle.

Many people are taking advantage of the various schemes initiated by the Government. There may be some areas where for short periods there is a certain amount of unemployment, but many opportunities are open to the people if only they will take advantage of the Government's schemes and the money that the Government are prepared to provide. If there is anybody unemployed I am afraid it is more or less the fault of the people themselves.

The example of the late Deputy O'Donnell, God rest his soul, encourages me to appeal once more to the Minister to take some action in connection with the reclamation of a large area of my constituency. I do hope that it will not be left as long as the proposal of the late lamented Deputy O'Donnell was left waiting. His spirit, however, seems to have animated the Minister to take action for the provision of water supplies on the farm. Deputy O'Donnell had often pleaded for that; he had preached it almost alone.

The work to which I would direct the Minister's attention is perhaps unique in this country. I refer to the possibility of the reclamation of the vast areas in the estuaries of both the Fergus and the Shannon, amounting in all to 17,000 acres. Some of this land was reclaimed at considerable expense upwards of 100 years ago and is to-day among the richest land in this country. I would suggest to the Minister that for a very small expenditure, even as small as £100 per annum, nature, if only it got a little assistance from the Minister, will reclaim this land. In 1928 the Clare County Committee of Agriculture invested the small sum of £12 for the purchase of rice grass plants. These were sown in various parts of the estuaries referred to, but unfortunately, owing to inexperience — I think it was the first experiment of its kind ever carried out in this country —the plants were not all sown on the most advantageous sites. Those responsible were afraid to go out into these mud flats to a greater depth than perhaps two or three feet. It has now been shown, as a result of the experiments carried out, that by going out three or four feet into the mud flats these rice grass plants take root and so can filter the incoming tide. It takes up to some 20 years for these plants to capture the deposits of mud which each tide brings in and so raise these mud flats to the level of the highest tide. As I say, nature, even without any aid from man, will in the course of time reclaim every acre without another farthing of expenditure from anybody, but I suggest that the work should not be left entirely to nature. These plants will seed naturally. The seed is carried by the tide, and in that way is spread over a vast area. Had this experiment got a little help—if only the sum of £100 that I have mentioned was spent on it year by year — it would hasten the process I speak of and would reclaim at a trifling cost that vast area.

In addition, it would be useful from another angle, and that is the protection of the embankments. Every Deputy who lives on, or has any responsibility for these estuarial embankments, knows what a source of trouble they are. This grass is so prolific that, actually, it has already been responsible for the protection of a pier near Labasheeda in the County Clare. In my opinion, if the grasses were developed, spread and transplanted in the various districts, in the course of time they would create a barrier to prevent the breaking down of these banks. I do hope that the Minister, or whoever will succeed him, will not leave this matter, as happened in the case of the late Deputy O'Donnell, to be a sort of posthumous tribute to his memory.

Now that the cold war which we have witnessed for a number of years has developed into a shooting war in the Far East, I sincerely hope that it will have an effect on the Minister's attitude towards the growing of wheat in this country. The Minister, as we all know, is a man of very strong prejudice, but perhaps the threat with which the world is menaced to-day will help, if nothing else can, to bring him to realise how important it is, in a situation such as we find ourselves in now, to give special attention to this question of the growing of wheat. If this war, which God forbid, should spread throughout the world, what would our position be with regard to food supplies for man and beast? Away back in 1939, the Minister — he was then Deputy Dillon and he was speaking in the Dáil on the 7th July of that year, columns 2241 and 2242 — said:—

"We speak of wheat. The Taoiseach seemed to justify the expenditure of £2,500,000 on the production of wheat on the ground that it provided a guarantee for us against starvation in time of war. Our problem in time of war will be to get food out of the country. Does not the Taoiseach realise that 5,000,000 acres of arable land will feed all the people of the country, even if you ram food down their stomachs with a ramrod? We shall be smothered, stifled and buried in a rotting heap of foodstuffs in the event of war. That is the deadly blow that the enemies of Ireland can deliver against us—to suspend our outgoing traffic. We shall be buying shovels and shovelling food into the sea. With that vast, immense, unconsumable accumulation of food, we are to pay £2,500,000 to protect ourselves against a scarcity of wheat. I lived on oaten bread in my school days. I never got wheaten bread from one end of the year to another, and I weigh 14 stone to-day. We are paying £2,500,000 per annum for the growing of wheat. We have 220,000 acres under this crazy, futile crop, every acre of which could be growing a profitable crop which would provide for our people a higher standard of living. That is Fianna Fáil economy."

I wonder is the Minister still of the same opinion, or is it a case of that "there are none so blind as those who will not see"? Although the Minister has developed 14 stone avoirdupois on an oatmeal diet, I do not think he would get, even amongst those who support him on the opposite benches, very many to agree with him that we should all go back to oatmeal, and neglect to produce wheat. Instead, the Minister has to go to Australia to pay £28 10s. 0d. per ton — that is 71/3 per barrel — for wheat. The Minister claims that he has fixed the price of wheat at 62/6 per barrel, although Deputy Tomás Breathnach, when speaking here last week, pointed out that that price was fixed by the Minister's predecessor. We give him credit for what he did, that, while he did not fix the price, he has guaranteed it for the next five years. We give him all credit for that. The point at which I quarrel with him is this: Why should he pay 71/3 a barrel for Australian wheat that we can produce at home if any encouragement is given to our farmers to produce it? I believe that if our farmers got that price all the wheat we require, and of excellent quality, could be produced here.

Last year, the Minister was proud to announce that the yield from wheat had improved on the previous year. The year was dry and it suited the growing of wheat. I believe that he will be able to make the same boast in respect of the wheat crop this year. Where I find him unfair is that, while he claims credit for the increase in the yield of wheat, on the other hand, when the year proves unfavourable for the growing of oats or potatoes, he will not accept the blame when the yield from these crops is small. I do not want to blame him for that. He cannot blame nature, but I think that, in fairness, he ought to take the blame for whatever diminution there was in the oats and potato crops as well as claiming credit for the increased yield from wheat. I believe that if the Minister were to give the farmers 71/3 a barrel for the wheat they produced — I presume we must take that price to be the market price for wheat this year because otherwise the Minister would not have to pay it — he would get all the wheat we required. I believe, furthermore, that if the Minister were to do that, it would be a very wise policy. Would it not be a safeguard for us at the present time to know that we had, at least in the ground and with a fair prospect of harvesting, a sufficient supply of wheat to carry us over the coming 12 months in the event of another disastrous conflict spreading throughout the world?

In addition he has gone to the Pacific to purchase low-grade wheat. For that he has paid 57/- per barrel, a total of £23 per ton. That wheat is to provide feeding stuffs for animals. With a little encouragement to the farmers they would provide the necessary feeding stuffs themselves. Last year we imported cereals to a value of upwards of £10,000,000; that £10,000,000, spread over the farming community, would have been a considerable benefit to them. It would have helped to keep more people in employment on the land, a policy we are all anxious to see implemented. Worse still, for most of those cereals we had to pay in dollars at a time when it was very difficult to obtain dollars and when the only source through which we could obtain our requirements in that respect was through tourism, an industry that was derided by the spokesmen of the present Government some few years ago.

Eggs are a very important item from the point of view particularly of the farmer's wife. The price of eggs is a very important item. In May, 1948, the Minister told the poultry-keepers, through the medium of a little publication called Pip, that the more eggs they produced and the more they could sell to Britain the more they would get in return. I would like some explanation from the Minister as to what exactly he meant by that. Up to the change of Government, at all events, the position was that the more eggs we exported to Britain the higher the price per dozen or per great hundred, as the case may be. What exactly did the Minister mean by that statement? Does he mean that if we send over a couple of hundred thousand extra great hundreds we will get paid for them also? I think the Minister should clarify the situation with regard to that statement because it might look as if he was deceiving the people in telling them that the more they send the more money they will get in return while, at the same time, not pointing out what has actually happened.

A short time after the Minister taking office the price of eggs fell by 6d per dozen after his first visit to London, in consequence of his desire to obtain parity for our produce on the British market, a position which he had frequently stated could obtain if our Ministers would only cross over the water and meet their opposite numbers. He crossed over on at least two occasions. Each time he returned and announced not parity with Britain but a reduction of 6d per dozen. It is true that during five months, including the winter period, the price will be 3/6 per dozen; during the peak period the price will be down next year to 2/- per dozen. During the five months in which the high price will be payable, our egg exports will be of very little consequence, because during that period there will not be very many eggs to export. Furthermore, the Minister stated that during the months of December and January the birds will be moulting and, as everybody knows, a moulting hen does not lay. That knocks two months out of the five months' high-price period and leaves the producer to carry on during the remaining seven months at 2/- per dozen. I doubt if there will be very much enthusiasm generally for that price. I doubt if there will be any increase in production. Last year there was a slight diminution in production. That was due, in my opinion, to the fall in price which occurred as a result of the Minister's first visit to London.

The Minister gave us the figures of the total volume of milk delivered to the creameries. I think that figure could be misleading unless a comparison is made with the total butter production for the years 1946, 1947 and 1948. Unfortunately, I have not got the figure for 1949. In 1946 the figure was 1,232,601 cwts.; in 1947 the figure was 939,116 cwts.; in 1948 it was 987,723 cwts. There has been very little variation. Production was highest in 1946 and production has been floating around the million mark during those three years. What has increased the volume of milk into the creameries is the abolition of the bounty formerly payable on farmers' butter. Because of that, everybody, who could, had of necessity to go to the creameries. To give Caesar his due, I give the Minister full credit for the steps he has taken in my constituency to provide travelling creameries, without which the people would have been very hard hit. It is only fair that, if we criticise, we should also give the Minister credit for any commendable step he may take. But it gives a misleading impression to give the total volume of milk to the creameries and say that it has increased to a certain extent without, at the same time, pointing out the diminution in the production of farmers' butter.

With regard to land rehabilitation, that is a scheme we all welcome. It is a continuation of the farm improvements scheme with some additions. During the few years in which the farm improvements scheme was in operation very valuable work was done and a very good return was given for the amount of money expended. The schemes were carried out in the main by the farmers themselves with whatever help they had available to them. Recently, in reply to a question from Deputy Childers, the Minister stated that under the farm improvements scheme 242,401 sanctions were issued and a total expenditure of £2,183,167 was made in grants. That gives a picture of the widespread nature of these operations and shows what a considerable boon this scheme must have been to the farming community. In connection with that scheme, the Minister led us to believe that crushed limestone would be available in unlimited quantities in addition to fertilisers in order to improve the land when it had been drained and reclaimed. As far as Clare is concerned there was scarcely any ground limestone available there last year. There is no plant in the county. The nearest plant is some 70 miles away. We were told that efforts were being made to establish a limestone crushing plant in the vicinity of Ennis. So far nothing has been done. Worse still, the Minister refuses to sanction the scheme under which a subsidy was provided for lime through the county committee. Last year the Minister eliminated that, with the result that the farmers did not get their usual supply of lime. In the greater part of Clare, particularly in the western portion of it, you can scarcely raise any crop without lime. There is scarcely any other county in which lime is so badly needed, although North Clare has countless millions of tons of limestone and it only needs to be crushed into dust and spread out on the land; but here again the Minister did not fulfil his promise.

Incidentally, the Minister was invited to come to Clare by the Clare County Committee of Agriculture, over 12 months ago, and while he has roamed through the length and breadth of the land and travelled a great part of the world meanwhile, he has not accepted the kind invitation. He may have been influenced in that decision by the sort of reception he got in Limerick, a reception in which I am sorry to see Young Farmers' Clubs were used — and certainly not used by Fianna Fáil but used by a one-time staunch supporter of the present Government — to give a hostile reception to the Minister. I do not approve of that policy at all and denounced it at the time. I think every Minister of State, whether you agree with his views or not, is entitled to a courteous reception and that I am sure he will get in Clare if he accepts the invitation of the committee. I think it was for the purpose of explaining the parish plan which, unfortunately, has not been working as satisfactorily as the Minister and we all would desire. Any plan, no matter by whom it is originated, which would help to improve conditions in rural Ireland will be welcomed by every right-thinking citizen and I personally would be very glad to see this parish plan a success.

The Minister seems to be very keen on mechanisation and believes that as a result of mechanisation even amongst the smallholders the output will be considerably increased. It might be of interest to Deputies to know that in a broadcast from Northern Ireland a gentleman named Mr. F.G. Sturrock, of the School of Agriculture, Cambridge, stated that it was disturbing to find that

"although English farmers are better equipped with implements than ever before the work accomplished per man shows no sign of increasing".

I am quoting from a report in the Farmers' Gazette, June 24th, 1950. I was surprised on reading that statement. Naturally, one would assume that if the farmers are fully equipped with machinery, as is the case in most of the farms, I understand, in England, we would not have a responsible authority from that country broadcasting that it has not increased the output per man. I do not know if the Minister is aware of that or if that information will help to bring him down to earth before we get rid of our horses completely and leave ourselves to the tender mercies of outside powers to provide us with the wherewithal to continue our agriculture.

For instance, what would our position be if every farmer had a tractor and the full equipment, if we could not get supplies of the necessary fuel? Bad and much condemned though the old horse may be, he performed a very useful function during the last war, and were it not for the number of horses we had then and the good use made of them by the farmers our position would have been much worse than it was. We certainly would not have been able to maintain our supplies of food as we were during that war. It was no mean achievement, particularly when we cast back our minds to the situation that obtained in the first world war, 1914-18. Perhaps not all of the Deputies present will remember what obtained then, that we were using black bread, and very black bread at that, made with an admixture of beans. We were also using brown sugar in tea and could not get anything else. Thank God, we escaped these things in the last war, as we were able to produce most of our bread and sugar requirements here in Ireland. I sincerely hope that, with the danger now threatening and which was apparent to most people for the past number of years, even at the eleventh or the twelfth hour the Minister will change his mind, and disabuse himself of many of the prejudices which he carried with him during the last 18 or 20 years. He should take a different view of the farming position and not merely think of plans as ones which were outlined by Fianna Fáil and given effect to by Fianna Fáil. His attitude should be the attitude which we adopt towards anything formulated by him, that which is good for the country that should be the criterion. He should go ahead with it, no matter from whom it emanates and perhaps then the Government would be much better. We would be able to get on much better if the Minister would take into consideration his own interest and the interest of the Government of which he is a member. It would be much better for the country if he would take a saner view on the policy of his predecessors and adopt that portion of it which in the main has shown to be practical.

In the first place, I want to congratulate the Minister and the departmental officials concerned on the preparation and presentation to Deputies of the very valuable documents circulated when this Estimate was introduced. I wish it were possible — I do not know if it is not — that documents of this kind could be printed and made available for circulation and sale throughout the country through the ordinary Government agencies, the Post Office and so on, in the same way as the White Paper on social security was made available and sold through post offices and other Government agencies. If the farmers of the country, regardless of the Minister in office or the Government that is in power, were only made aware of the facilities provided for them by this progressive Department of Agriculture, I am certain there would be much more advantage taken of the loans and other facilities made available now and in the future for the development of agriculture. I seriously suggest that the Minister should consider that the documents, including the particulars of the loans and grants available, should be printed and made available in the same way as the other documents I have referred to.

I have very great respect, and always had, since I heard Deputy Beegan in this House, for his opinion when he speaks here on any matter and especially when he speaks on questions affecting the agricultural industry, about which I am sure he knows much more than I do. Deputy Beegan, in a rather heated assertion at the beginning of his speech, in reply apparently to something said by Deputy Seán Collins from this side of the House, asserted that Fianna Fáil "has never obstructed or sabotaged any effort". I am quoting from column 2183 of the 21st June, Volume 121, of the Official Debates.

It is hardly necessary to remind Deputy Beegan — he might have been in his constituency instead of here, or he might have been somewhere outside the Chamber — that we had Deputy Smith speaking here for five hours and 50 minutes on this Estimate. Is there any sane Deputy on any side of the House or any sane citizen outside who either heard or read that speech and who would not regard it as a deliberate obstruction and to a great extent as containing a considerable amount of repetition? Deputy Martin Corry rose here after Deputy Smith and pleaded to Deputies, with his arms wide open, and particularly to those on this side of the House, and presumably to the Minister in particular, to approach the consideration of this whole question of agriculture from a non-Party point of view. Deputy Corry—I am glad he is here — went on to copy the bad example set by Deputy Smith, but he was not able to stick it. He stuck it for three hours and 20 minutes.

I could stick it for ten.

Can Deputy Corry say that that was not another attempt, an equally successful attempt, to obstruct this whole debate in the way in which Deputy Smith had set the example? I have read portions of the speech made by Deputy Smith in that endurance test — it was an endurance test, not a test of intelligence or an exposition of intelligence—and I am certain that if the present British Minister of Food reads that speech—and I think these speeches are read and interpreted for themselves by British Ministers — and that it is our misfortune at some future time to have to send Deputy Smith over to meet the Minister who will read that speech, the British Minister will consider that it will be fairly easy for him to deal with the person responsible for that kind of tripe in a speech occupying five hours and 50 minutes.

He is not as soft as the "mug" you sent.

Deputy Corry does not like the Minister for Agriculture. That is the trouble with Fianna Fáil. Instead of dealing with Deputy Dillon as Minister for Agriculture and criticising his policy in a constructive way, they make up their minds — they made them up long ago — that the Minister for Agriculture is public enemy No. 1 to them as politicians.

To the nation.

Any proposal he puts forward, no matter how worthy of consideration it is, will not be considered on its merits. I assert that if there was a free vote, a secret ballot vote of the members of this House, as to whether Deputy Smith or Deputy Dillon should be sent abroad to represent us and negotiate on behalf of the farmers of this country, on that secret ballot vote — of course the same thing would not happen on an open vote — Deputy Dillon would be selected by a majority of five to one.

The agricultural and industrial policy of this country is not determined by what was said by the Minister when he was Deputy Dillon or by what Deputy Corry or any other Deputy said in 1932, 1939 or 1947. The policy of this Government was announced to the people of the country on the day the Government was established. A ten-point programme was agreed on, and it is as a result of agreement being secured on the basis of that ten-point programme, in which very few Party groups were able to get their way entirely, that Deputy Dillon sits here now as Minister for Agriculture. So far as I am concerned, if there has been a failure in agricultural policy, it is only on that basis and not on the basis of what he said ten or 15 years ago that I am going to deal with the Minister and criticise him if it is necessary to do so. It is useless for Deputy Corry, Deputy Smith or any other Deputy to get up here and read at length something that was said from a public platform or in this House in 1932, 1939 or 1947. That has no bearing whatsoever on the present situation. Does not every sensible Deputy know that the conditions prevailing to-day at home and abroad are quite different from the conditions that prevailed in 1932, 1947 or even 1948, and that the policy of the Government in regard to agriculture must be decided in the light of the circumstances in which we live to-day, and not in the light of the conditions in which we were living in 1932, or in the other years gone by?

The majority of the farmers of this country living on economic holdings — I am speaking of what I know in my own constituency and I am not interfering with other constituencies — are well off to-day and are prepared to admit it. It used to be said of farmers in the past that they were always grumbling and growling but I have met farmers recently and I asked them were they pleased with the prices they were receiving for their live stock and their agricultural produce. They were quite willing to say right off "certainly." They laughed and were willing to pay for their round and they were pleased to be in a position to do so. Will Deputy Corry or any fair-minded farmer Deputy on the Fianna Fáil Benches deny that a big share of the bank deposits at the present time is owned by the farmers? Those who read the papers will see that the bank deposits are three times what they were in 1939. Remember that it is not the commercial man or the professional man who puts money on deposit in the banks because they look for more than 1 per cent. They put it into some giltedged security where they will get a higher interest. It is the farmer who thinks that there is no safer place for his money than the banks, even though they pay only 1 per cent. These same banks, with their headquarters outside this country very often, invest that money in foreign securities and they are not too keen to reloan that money to the farmers for the purpose of developing agriculture in this country. Is it not also a fact that the farmers —it is, as far as my area at any rate is concerned — are paying their debts to the banks and to traders? That was not the position in 1932 or 1938. Deputy Corry knows that better than anybody else. Is it not a fact that if you go to Mass or to a church in the rural areas, you will find many more motor cars outside the chapel gate to-day than you would find in 1932, 1938 or even 1947? It must be remembered that the farmer is not in the same position as the commercial traveller or the professional man when he goes to buy a car. He will not get a car, and does not get it, on the hire-purchase system. He gets it for cash and the very fact that you have so many more motor cars in the ownership of farmers is proof that they have the money to pay for them. They would not get them if they had not.

The main item of the ten-point programme upon which this Government came into existence on the 18th February, 1948, was that it was the aim of the Deputies supporting the Government to increase agricultural production by every means at their disposal. That should be the aim, indeed, of Deputies on every side of the House. Every Deputy who has read the statement circulated when this Estimate was introduced, must acknowledge— even Deputy Burke will not deny it— that there is convincing evidence contained in that statement that there has been a considerable increase in agricultural production. If that is so who is responsible for it? The Minister and his colleagues in the Government. The policy, for the framing and operation of which they are responsible, has brought about that increase in production.

I heard Deputy McQuillan making a very interesting, and what I would say was a very sound and common-sense speech, but one point of view was expressed by him that I could not share. He talked about an increase in our exports of surplus agricultural produce and he seemed to indicate and to be himself satisfied that there is a real surplus of agricultural produce here in this country. I would not agree with that and I want to make that quite clear. Even if the Minister shares that view I do not share that view with him or with anyone else.

You do not know anything about it.

Many people appear to think that there is a surplus but the real meaning of the word "surplus" is anything over and above that which can be bought.

Or used.

The meaning of the word "surplus" in connection with food is that which is over and above that which can be consumed by every citizen in the State. We have 400,000 or 500,000 citizens in this State unfortunately out of our small and decreasing population who have not the purchasing power to buy butter on or off the ration, farmers' butter or creamery butter, and certainly that section of 400,000 or 500,000 who are obliged to live on low allowances cannot buy eggs or bacon as well as farmers' or creamery butter and other essential commodities.

Can they buy enough milk?

That is a most essential food, especially for children. Can anybody get up here and assert that the head of a housesold which is living on the miserable maximum for national health, unemployment insurance benefit or unemployment assistance can afford to buy the milk required by the younger members of his family or any of the other commodities I have mentioned? I would tell Deputy McQuillan that there is only that point of difference between us with regard to the otherwise good common-sense speech he delivered on the Estimate, but he should make up his mind in the future when he talks about a surplus that that word should be used only when there is food in the country in excess of the requirements of the people, both young and old.

If agricultural production is to be increased—and we all agree that it should be increased—for home requirements or for export, I agree with Deputy Walsh or anybody else on the other side or on this side of the House who holds that not alone must we have guaranteed markets—and we must— but that we must have guaranteed profitable prices and that these prices should be announced a reasonable time in advance.

There is no cuter citizen in this State than the big farmer, and there is a high percentage of big farmers in this country who even during the emergency refused to comply with the compulsory tillage regulations, and had to be prosecuted and heavily fined in the courts. If it would have paid them to comply with the compulsory tillage regulations nobody would have done so sooner than these gentlemen. If you want to increase agricultural produce, you must look after the big farmers, who will only till when it suits them to do so. I wonder if the Minister for Agriculture has at his disposal or in his Department the names and full particulars of those citizens— I do not say they were patriotic citizens—who refused to comply with the compulsory tillage regulations during the emergency. If he has those particulars I would advise him, if he has not done so already, to send them to the Minister for Lands, so that the Minister for Lands may use the Land Acts to acquire these lands from these gentlemen, who even during the emergency refused to use them and hand them over to the thousands of cottage tenants who are taking these lands, in the Midlands at any rate, at anything from £14 to £16 per acre at the risk, the grave risk in some cases, of making a loss in the working of these lands which should be worked by the people who own them. If you want to increase agricultural production you have to deal with that type of individual, whether he is a small farmer or a big farmer. You can only get them to till or work the land in accordance with the national interest when you guarantee markets for whatever the farmer is prepared to put into the land and guarantee profitable prices as well. It is only natural to expect that any type of citizen, whether he is a wage earner, a farmer, a professional man, or a commercial man, will give proper service in whatever sphere of activity he is engaged in when he gets an inducement to do so. If he does not get an inducement he should be compelled if it is the national interest during an emergency period or during any other period. It is a scandalous thing that we have had to import over the past few years millions of pounds' worth of agricultural produce that should have been grown on the land.

So you do agree with me?

I do not disagree with Deputy Burke or with any other Deputy just for the sake of disagreeing with him, just as you do with the people on this side of the House. That is a stupid line of action to take for those who profess to be here representing in a sensible way the people who sent them here.

I have been furnished—and I am very grateful to the Minister—with particulars of the conditions under which loans are made available to farmers who need them. I have the idea, however, that the Minister is not convinced that any good, hardworking farmer in the country is really in need of a loan or financial assistance and I am surprised that, after his year or two in office, he should have any doubt on that particular matter. If the minority of farmers in this country—and they are a minority—who are in need of capital or credit facilities are expected to help to increase agricultural produce they must get those credit facilities and capital which will enable them to do so. Without that capital or those credit facilities it must be clear to most Deputies that they cannot make their contribution to an increase in agricultural produce which is so urgently needed.

I will give one clear case to prove that there are people in the country who have failed—and the evidence is there to prove it—because they had not the necessary capital and credit facilities to work the land which was given to them by the Land Commission over the past 20 years. When Deputy Moylan, who made one of the best speeches, if not the best speech so far in the whole debate on the Agricultural Estimate, was Minister for Lands he was forced, as a result of his knowledge as head of the Land Commission, to bring a Bill into this House in 1946 for the purpose of putting 1,500 odd people out of the holdings which had been given to them by the Land Commission during the period of office of Fianna Fáil and of their predecessors as well. Does everybody not know— and nobody better than Deputy Moylan and some of the Deputies sitting on this side of the House—that these 1,500 odd people, previous to getting these holdings, were, in the main, herds, labourers or ploughmen for the land-owners and landlords whose lands had been acquired and divided? They got holdings, but they got no chance of working them, because they had not got a brass farthing of their own and were not given any credit facilities by way of State assistance when these holdings were given to them.

If the Minister will accept that as, evidence that there is a small section, a minority, of the farmers who failed because they were unable to get capital to give them a good start when they got holdings, surely it is, to some extent, a justification for increased credit facilities for that small section of the farming community. Even now, under our Government, if the Minister for Lands proceeds, as he possibly will, when dividing land to give land as it was given in the past to the best agricultural labourers, ploughmen and herds, who worked well and loyally for their employers before the land was taken over, if he proceeds to follow the same policy, these men will fail, unless they get credit facilities and capital to give them a good start on the day they walk into these small farms. These 1,500 odd cases which came under the Act brought in by Deputy Moylan are evidence of a need on the part of a minority of farmers for better credit facilities and if, as the Minister will, I am sure, admit, increased credit facilities are essential for these farmers, I hope he will at the earliest possible date review the existing arrangements for the provision of loans to farmers who need them in order to help the Minister and the country to increase agricultural production.

A rate of 4½ per cent. for a State-established money-lending institution is certainly excessive. Why should a State-established money-lending institution be set up for profit and carried on for profit-making purposes? I assume that money has been borrowed by the Agricultural Credit Corporation at 2½ per cent. and not more than 3 per cent. at different periods during the past 20 years, and if as is the case at the moment the farmers put their huge savings into the ordinary banks at 1 per cent. and, in some cases, at ¾ per cent., surely they should be able and willing to lend it to the State at 2½ per cent. or 2 per cent. in order that the Agricultural Credit Corporation could in turn lend it to farmers at a much cheaper rate than 4½ per cent. I do not understand why a money-lending institution set up and carried on by the State should be carried on for profit-making purposes.

I said that I agreed in the main with the sensible, common-sense speech made by Deputy McQuillan. I am afraid that the Minister—I am not sure if it is his real desire—is in too much of a hurry, in this old country of ours, to mechanise farming, and I agree with Deputy O'Grady that we should not be in a hurry in that connection, because when we wipe out, as we would partly wipe out, the horse-breeding industry by such a policy, there are large numbers of citizens who—and nobody knows it better than the Minister—will go down with it. We have to look forward to the time when, as during the recent emergency, we will have to rely on our own resources to feed and cater for our people. If we had been unfortunate enough to have wiped out the railways during the 1939-45 emergency, what kind of position would we be in now? The same position, to a lesser extent, I admit, would exist, if we went on to mechanise farming in its entirety.

Deputy McQuillan made a very sensible suggestion to which I hope the Minister will give early and careful consideration, that he should consider the establishment of demonstration farms where they are not now available, and that refers to the majority of counties. Such demonstration farms would be an easy way of providing for the neighbouring small farmers tractors and threshing machines for hire in the same way as has been done in my part of the country for years past.

There is one other matter which has not got a direct bearing on the administration of the Minister's Department but which, in my opinion, has an unfortunate effect upon agricultural production. If the Minister would try to convince his colleagues who are responsible of the need to provide money for the repair of a number of cul-de-sac and accommodation roads, it would be a great help to thousands of farmers. If this money could be provided either through Marshall Aid or through the Local Authorities (Works) Act, it would help farmers who are living far away from civilisation to increase their production. There are many farmers I know in my constituency who cannot get a threshing machine into their premises and many more who cannot get motor lorries into their premises for the purpose of taking out beet during the beet season. I could quote exceptional cases in that connection—one of them the case of a very decent farmer living a long distance up a bad accommodation road, one of whose family died. The hearse could not go in to bring out the remains and they had to be carried across a field, instead of along a road in passable condition.

I want to draw attention also to the need for improved transport facilities for live stock, fish, eggs and other exportable commodities of the kind. I have made a careful study of transport conditions not alone in this country but in Great Britain and in many countries on the Continent, and my opinion is that the rolling stock provided for the transport of live stock for export, and particularly fish and eggs, could certainly be improved considerably. That applies to both road and rail transport, and I urge the Minister to use his influence with the new nationalised transport concern with a view to securing improved facilities for the transport of live stock from Irish fairs to the ports through which they are sent to Great Britain.

I have also been asked to seek his assistance in trying to stop the diversion of live stock from fairs in this country from their natural route through Twenty-Six County ports and their shipment through Six-County ports. The very fact that live stock are diverted over the Border and shipped through Six-County ports to Great Britain means a big loss in dues to many Irish ports, as well as considerable loss of employment to dockers in these ports, and also to cattle agents. I understand that even the Minister's predecessor some few years ago was asked to look into this matter as one requiring urgent attention. I would be glad if the Minister would say something as to what has been done or can be done in that direction when he is replying to this discussion.

It is many years since I and other Deputies referred to the necessity there is, for the sake of the farming community, of providing better fair greens and market places in towns where fairs are held and of improving transport facilities. I have been told by cattle dealers that there is a genuine depreciation, that there is a loss in some cases of £3 per head, on the cattle bought in an Irish fair between the time they are bought and the time they reach the British market. That is due to bad transport facilities and the way in which cattle are treated on the fair greens and market places. It is a good many years since a Minister for Agriculture—I forget who the particular Minister was at the time—set up an advisory committee in connection with that matter. I do not know that anything at all has been done to provide improved facilities in so-called fair greens and market places.

I do not know whether I would be entitled on this Estimate to raise the present position of the flour milling industry. I do so, subject to your ruling, Sir, and to the Minister's willingness to deal with the matter.

I do not think the Minister has anything to do with it.

I believe he has a fair share to do with it. He may not admit it.

The flour milling industry is a matter for Industry and Commerce, I think.

It depends on what aspect the Deputy wishes to raise.

I would not be surprised to learn that the Minister has a finger in this pie, and quite rightly so, and that he could say more in regard to the present position in the flour milling industry and its future than any other Minister, even though a considerable amount of money has been provided by way of subsidies for the few people engaged in this industry in another Vote. A commission was set up, with the knowledge and approval of the Minister for Agriculture, known as the Lavery Commission. I am one of the Deputies who have been waiting for a long time to read the report and recommendations of that commission. I understand that the report and recommendations were furnished a long time ago to the Minister for Agriculture and to his colleagues in the Government. I raise this matter because I know it is the desire of the Minister, as it is my personal desire, to cut down the huge amount provided by the taxpayers by way of subsidies to the lowest possible minimum figure. I have a shrewd suspicion, in fact I am convinced, and want to be converted if I am wrong, that there are a few people engaged in the flour milling industry who are getting too much by way of subsidy, at the expense of the farming community, the people who provide them with the raw material. I will not say any more on that, but I would invite the Minister, if permitted by the Chair, when he is concluding this debate, to give us a little more information than we have been given so far on this matter

I said in the beginning, and I want to repeat in the presence of the Minister, that I am very grateful and I believe every Deputy should be grateful to the Minister and his departmental officials for the very valuable and informative statements which were circulated to Deputies when the Estimate was introduced by the Minister. I make the suggestion—it is not the first time it was made in this House —that the farmers would have their eyes opened wide if the Minister could persuade his colleagues and the Department of Finance to print and circulate through the ordinary Government agencies, the Post Office and so on, all the valuable information that is contained in the documents that were circulated to Deputies in connection with this Estimate.

As I do not know a whole lot about agriculture, I shall be very brief. Like Deputy O'Grady, I should like to express concern at the trend in agricultural policy under the Coalition. There seems to be a return to the pre-1932 policy of raising live stock for export and cutting down cereal production. Such a policy, in my view, in face of a threatening world situation, when the mind of man is dominated by fear of a recurrence of a world war, apart from being economically unsound, is disastrous for this country.

Reviewing the war years, we can recall the great effort on the part of our farmers to raise the acreage under wheat from 258,000 acres in 1939 to the record figure of 662,000 acres in 1945.

Would it relieve Deputy Ormonde to know that there was never more wheat in this country than there is at this moment?

I will come to that point if the Minister will permit me to make my speech in my own way. We must remember that the wheat policy of Fianna Fáil during the emergency years was responsible for ensuring our basic bread ration. In 1949 the acreage under crops had declined considerably, particularly in wheat and oats. The acreage under wheat, I believe, represents a reduction of 160,000 acres on 1948. The yields in some cases were on the increase, undoubtedly, but production generally was low. In the case of oats, there was a reduction of nearly 200,000 acres, and production was only 559,000 tons as compared with 792,000 tons in 1948.

The position is that we are reducing our cereal production and resorting to imports of grain bought with dollars at a time when we should be husbanding our dollar resources and expanding output. If the decline in wheat acreage is maintained over the next couple of years, our imports of wheat in 1952 will be alarmingly great. One wonders where the Government hope to get dollars to pay for wheat imports when the Marshall Plan comes to an end. It will be interesting to learn from the Minister why he persists in a policy of incurring dollar debts for a commodity which could be very easily produced at home.

The Minister may claim that he has made repeated appeals for an increase in the acreage under wheat. He has certainly made appeals for an increase in the acreage under wheat, but he has made them in such a fashion as to create the impression that he did not give a straw if there was another acre under wheat or not, provided his policy of exporting live stock went on apace.

Above all, the Minister should remember that if war should come, we will be faced again with a return of emergency conditions. Shipping difficulties alone could easily cut us off from our present suppliers of wheat. If war comes, we must depend entirely on what we produce ourselves and any year's bread ration might easily depend on the acreage under wheat in the previous year. In view of that, I would urge the Minister to reconsider his tillage policy with a view to making us completely independent of outside sources for our food supply.

The cause of the reduction in the acreage under oats is not far to seek. It must be directly attributable to the Minister's handling of the oat crop in the first two seasons of his term of office when, having induced farmers to increase the acreage under oats by an assurance of a ready market and an economic price, he left them without price or market. The crop was left on their hands or, rather, had to be disposed of at a price that was not economic.

Last year, in the absence of any assurance from the Minister of a market or price, and having the experience of the two previous seasons, farmers were very reluctant to grow oats, with the result that there was a drop in the acreage under the crop. The Minister must take steps to relieve the uncertainty in regard to this crop and, by guaranteeing a price and a market, secure a big increase in the acreage under the crop. Statistics show that the greatest exodus of people from this country is from the land. Judging by the Minister's public statements he does not seem to be greatly concerned about emigration. He publicly stated that his ideal position would be a family of 21 of which he would be glad to see 20 emigrate. He also stated he would like to see a position brought about here where one man on the land would be doing the work of six men—I presume the remaining five would have to emigrate. Perhaps the Minister, in making these statements, may have been speaking in his usual irresponsible manner.

Flamboyant.

The word I used was "irresponsible". There is no doubt that the pursuance of the Minister's agricultural policy is steadily bringing about his ideal position in the country and, if it is not altered, it will constitute a serious menace to the welfare of the nation. This policy of leaving us completely dependent on outside sources for our food supplies, coupled with the policy of the Minister for Defence of leaving us defenceless, might lead us into the next war.

Were we not supporting Britain in the last war? What is the use of denying it? Why are you trying to fool the people?

We were not. It was entirely as a result of the agricultural policy which was pursued by Fianna Fáil that we were not in that war. We were able to feed ourselves.

Nonsense.

The Minister has a flair for boasting and one of his recent boasts is that there has been a marked increase in the number of our live stock. In making that boast, he carefully refrained from making any reference to the reduction in our tillage acreage. There is one aspect of the increase in our live stock to which I should like to refer briefly. The increase in the number of sheep has led to an increase in the export of sheep. The arrangement with Great Britain in regard to that export has been very unfavourably received by representatives of the tanning industries, of which there are two in my constituency, and other industries which are affected. Just as the export of live cattle has brought about a shortage of hides for the tanneries, so the export of sheep and lambs will create a very acute shortage of pelts for soft leather and shoe linings. This shortage is also reflected in the increase in the price of leather and footwear generally—and in a periodic lack of employment in the tanning industries. The Minister is not entirely free from blame in that connection. His advice to the people supplying hides to the tanneries to keep them until the price offered was raised had dire repercussions. The Minister might now endeavour to eliminate this shortage of hides by coming to some agreement with the British Government whereby a certain percentage of the hides which we export on the hoof would be returned at an economic price.

Would the tanners think of paying as much for an Irish hide as for an Argentine one?

It does not seem to be sensible to be exporting hides on the hoof to Britain and then buying the hides back.

Would the tanners think of paying as much to the Irish farmer for a hide as to the Argentinian farmer?

They can buy these hides at a much cheaper rate at home.

True for you.

Could it not be arranged that a percentage would be returned by Britain? If the Minister could ease this shortage he would be doing a good day's work for the tanning industry.

Why would they not pay the Irish farmer as much as they are willing to pay the Argentinian farmer?

Possibly they would be prepared to pay an increase on what they are paying now, but we are paying far in excess of what we could pay at home by importing these hides.

Why not pay the Irish farmer as much as you pay the foreigner?

I come now to the subject of eggs. The Minister's announcement in regard to the price of eggs in 1951 must have come as a rude shock to the egg producers. He seems to be quite pleased with a bargain under which the producer of eggs will have to suffer a loss of 6d per dozen over a period of seven months for an increase of 1/- per dozen over four months.

Seven months plus four month make 11 months. Where is the twelfth month?

The scheme will begin in February, 1951. That leaves 11 months. I am dealing with the year 1951.

It is a queer year that has only 11 months.

I am dealing with 1951.

Does Deputy Ormonde maintain that there are only 11 months in the calendar year?

I am beginning from February, 1951, and I am dealing with that year.

The Minister seems to be quite satisfied with this agreement but if he thinks that the egg producers are going to be fooled into thinking that an increase of 1/- per dozen for eggs over a period of four months when production is at its lowest will offset the loss of 6d. per dozen over a period of seven months when production is at its highest, he is mistaken.

What is to become of the twelfth month?

The Minister must have a very poor idea of the intelligence of the people if he thinks that he can fool them into thinking that that is a good bargain. The Minister said that 2d. an egg is not a bad price provided we produce the feeding stuffs at home. He said that there is no reason why fowl should be fed with anything which is not produced at home and, to a certain extent, I agree with him. I would point out, however, that not all those who are engaged in egg production are in a position to grow the feeding stuffs. Quite a large number of these people do not possess a rood of ground outside that which they use for their fowl. Consequently, those people have to feed their fowl on oats purchased at 50/- a barrel and on balanced mash at 26/-.

You told me a minute ago that the oats had to be thrown away.

I do not know why the Minister was not able to reach as good an agreement with the British as the Australians were. The Australians got an increase in the price of eggs. I do not know why he should have allowed his hands to be tied so that he could not accept an offer from America to buy our eggs for much-needed dollars.

America?

Yes. This egg agreement is going to have a very detrimental effect on the industry and it is a very poor substitute for the agreement made by Fianna Fáil under which the British were providing a subsidy of £1,750,000 in order to pay 3/- a dozen for our eggs.

That has gone long ago.

It has not. I do not know whether the Minister referred in his introductory speech to flax. No flax is grown in my constituency but while travelling in West Cork and in Donegal I was impressed by the great areas of land there unfit for the growing of other crops. No effort should be spared to put the growing of this crop on an economic basis for those people. We would welcome a statement from the Minister as to whether he made any representation to the northern buyers with a view to securing an economic price for our flax. Is he prepared to subsidise the growing of flax——

In order to sell it to the Belfast spinners?

No. The Minister might establish a mill here and thus make the southern growers completely independent of the northern buyers. I should be glad if the Minister, when he is replying, would tell the House the position in regard to the flax crop this year in this country. As I have said, it is not grown in my constituency but I was greatly impressed when I was in West Cork, in particular, and in Donegal. I saw that the flax crop was a particular asset to those people down there. Quite a large number of them are not engaged in the growing of any other crop except flax and, therefore, no effort should be spared to put it on a sound economic basis for those people.

I appeal to the Minister to do something to improve the lot of the cowtesting supervisors. As he is no doubt aware, nothing has been done for those people since 1945 when they received, I think, a small increase in their pay. Their work is only part-time but I would point out that they work as many as 60 hours a week. They start very early in the morning—as early as 6 o'clock—and often they are not finished until 9 o'clock at night. Their pay is miserable. I understand that their weekly average is £2 5s. 0d. I am told that they went on strike recently for an increase in pay and improved conditions. On the Minister undertaking to submit a scheme to the creamery societies, the strike was called off.

I do not know why the Minister should not introduce a scheme himself, apart altogether from the creamery societies. The fact remains that these people are worthy of an increase of pay, improved conditions and some security, in view of the very important work they are doing. That is shown by the increased yield of milk in the areas covered by the various cow-testing associations. I hope the Minister will do something to improve conditions. I know I have made very little of an impression on the Minister——

Deputy, you fascinated me.

——but I hope the matters I have brought to his notice will in due course receive his serious consideration.

I can see that the Minister is anxious to get in, but I assure him I will not take five hours and 50 minutes—not more than a fraction of the 50 minutes—to say what I have to say.

I listened carefully to Deputy Smith and Deputy Cogan and I also read through their contributions to the debate, and there was one point that struck me very forcibly. I was wondering if Deputy Smith had some sort of secret way of getting to the Minister's office, or if he was using the truth drug on the Minister, because of the line he took in saying that he knew so much. The line adopted by Deputy Smith was terribly different from the line adopted by other members of the Fianna Fáil Party, members representing city constituencies and constituencies embracing large towns.

I mentioned last year, and I will repeat it now, that in one Party alone there seems to be two different approaches to this subject. One is the viewpoint of the rural Deputies. They are clamouring for increases, as Deputy Corry points out. He gave certain costings with regard to milk. He gave the figure of 13.35 as the cost per gallon for milk and he went further by adding 3½d. or 4d. It is interesting to note that in the 3½d. or 4d. he included an item for which no payment is made, that is, agricultural holidays. As against that we have Deputies from the cities complaining— and, I believe, at times rightly— about the cost of milk. There is a difference and we will have to bear that difference in mind. We must consider agriculture as a whole. We have to take into consideration the producer, and in this respect I have in mind the smaller farmer who may be in a harder position at times to make ends meet.

It is essential for us, when we consider agriculture, to have in mind the Twenty-Six Counties as one unit. We have to differentiate vastly between the costings and the ultimate returns for the producers in areas adjacent to cities and towns and the producers in the outlying districts. When we consider the costs in the cities and towns and large villages, there are certain facts that must not be forgotten. I do not quite agree with certain passages in the Minister's opening statement. For instance, he said that the agricultural community are carrying the rest of the people on their shoulders. I can assure the Minister that the working people in the villages, towns and cities are a long way from being carried on the shoulders of the agricultural community. The price paid by them for various commodities bears a very high relation to the price paid for any other commodity they have to buy. In South Cork there are instances of people paying 4d. for a turnip and they are paying the top price for milk. As the Minister pointed out, the cost for milk is a little over 8d. per gallon for the summer months. I do not agree with the cost given by Deputy Corry when he indicated 13.35 as the average for the whole year.

That is creamery milk.

Even in the creamery areas we can differ with the figure given by Deputy Corry. I think it is only fair we should congratulate the Minister on certain aspects of his work. There is one matter that Deputy Cogan and Deputy Smith seem inclined to pooh-pooh, and that is the problem of trying to prevent the spread of tuberculosis in so far as it might be conveyed through milk. There is a very big danger there as regards the supply not being up to a proper standard. I am not saying that it is deliberate on the part of the producers when they are sending out the milk, but it is a point on which we should concentrate.

As regards the line of approach by Opposition Deputies and by Deputy Cogan, one thing that did strike me was that their criticism could really hold no weight. Their approach to this matter was something like the approach of a legal gentleman in a court trying to make a case when he really had no case at all.

One point which seems to have escaped the notice of most Deputies is the wage paid to the agricultural worker. Notwithstanding the length of the debate, there was very little said about that. Deputy Cogan gave certain figures and mentioned the total agricultural income. He based his case on 11,500,000 acres of arable land and he brought it down to the point that if there are 600,000 on the land, that represents roughly £9 per acre. We will have to be quite candid. All over the country we can see farms totally neglected. I have no sympathy with the people who own those farms, farms that are neglected when they should not be. If we are basing a return on neglected land, and if we take the average at £9, I do not think that is a fair approach.

Deputy Cogan mentioned one very illuminating point. Taking 100 as the index for 1939—that is, dealing with agricultural output—he mentioned that in 1941-42 the index rose to 112, an increase of 12 points over 1939, and in 1944-45 it was also 112.

What struck me very forcibly was this: If the figures were 112 in 1941-42 and in 1944-45, and if the return from agriculture amounted to that figure during the war period, why was it that Deputy Smith, when he came into office, did not do something for the agricultural worker? He was then in a position to do it, but he refused point blank to interfere when the workers asked for an increase in wages. This was the Deputy who, in the course of a six hours' speech on this Estimate, said that Deputies should listen to and give grave consideration to his words. These figures are now admitted to be correct, and they are being recorded as such. I think this is the first time that that has happened. In view of these figures, it is time that the position of the agricultural worker was considered. What I have to say on this may apply more to the southern counties and to the province of Leinster as against, perhaps, West Cork and Kerry and along the western coast where the holdings are very small. In considering the position of the agricultural worker, we must also consider the Agricultural Wages Board. I want to say openly that its attitude towards the agricultural workers is possibly one-sided. I have proof of that here. I do not want to go into the setting up of the board too deeply in view of the fact that if I were to do so I might not be in order. I do want to say to the Minister that I have information which shows that while the Agricultural Wages Board was willing to meet the Cork workers, on a regional wages board, that just because the farmers refused to do so, the board sent a belated letter saying that their hands were tied because the other parties would not attend. Is that a fair attitude for the board to take up? I suggested here before the desirability of having these meetings of the board open to the Press. The Minister, unfortunately, was not present on that occasion. There was another Minister acting for him.

I give the Minister full credit for admitting, in the figures which he gave last week, that there has been an increase in agricultural output. Deputy Smith and Deputy Cogan may say otherwise, but the returns show that whether you take the figures for gross output or net output the increase has been far greater in the last few years than what it had been previously. The point I want to make to the Minister is that the return the farm worker is getting is not what it should be. I do say, in all sincerity, that the Minister has done a good day's work for the farming community. I believe he also realises that he has an obligation to the agricultural workers who cannot be left in the position in which they were in the past. I give him credit for the increase in wages which they have got from the Agricultural Wages Board, through him, since he became Minister. We, on the Labour benches, can never forget what the attitude of Deputy Smith was when he was Minister. He and his henchmen denied the agricultural workers one penny. Therefore, the present Minister cannot be placed in the same category as his predecessor. That was the position in which the agricultural workers were left, notwithstanding that their importance during the war was such that they would not be allowed to leave the country, even though they could better themselves by going elsewhere.

This year, thank God, the road workers throughout the country have got another increase. The Minister for Agriculture should realise that. There was in the past very little difference in the wages paid to these two classes of workers, but the late Minister for Local Government—God rest his soul—when he came into office broke the rule that was there against the road workers which had been held so steadily and so fastly by little Deputy MacEntee and his class. I do put it to the Minister for Agriculture that, if it has been seen fit to bring the road workers' wages up to a standard that has some reality to the presentday cost of living, he will see to it that the agricultural worker is entitled to a fair return for his day's work.

With regard to the land rehabilitation project, which has been avoided in their speeches by so many of the Deputies, I think great credit is due to the Minister. As regards the grants under it, there is one point that I would like to bring to the Minister's attention. It is this, that I believe the larger the landholder the more benefit he can get out of this scheme. It can be of more benefit to him than to the small man with ten, 15 or 30 acres of land, even with the grants. The large farmer may get a grant to put up a few extra gates on his holding, a barn or water troughs. The small man will not need extra gates for his few fields. Neither will he want an extra barn because he has only a small number of cattle. I know that, in relation to other matters, we have condemned the means test, but in connection with this scheme, unless it is to be one-sided, greater benefits should go to the small holder rather than to the large one. No matter how hard the small farmer may work his return from his small acreage of land is bound to be small. In conclusion, I would ask the Minister to give close consideration to the working of the Agricultural Wages Board, and to the crying need of the agricultural worker getting a decent return for a good day's work.

Deputy Allen, Deputy Gilbride and Deputy Childers. Deputy O'Grady said over half an hour ago that he was the last speaker.

I said no such thing. The Minister was not here and does not know what I said.

I think this is the largest of all the Estimates which are to come before the House. It represents a total of almost £16,000,000. Even though the Minister issued a White Paper, I think he might have given the House more information than he did. Will he tell us what proportion of that £16,000,000 is to be borrowed money? It would be of interest to Deputies to know what proportion of it is to be borrowed this year. He might also tell us, apart from what will be borrowed, how much of what he is asking is to be raised by taxation, to be paid for this year, for the services set out under the different headings in the Estimate. Many matters arising under this Estimate have been referred to and I am sure the Minister will deal with them when he is concluding. For the past year the Minister has been trying to find solutions to some of the problems facing the agricultural community and he has failed to find them. After making an agreement with the British Government in 1948 the Minister informed the House and the country that for all time henceforth there would be an unlimited market for all the agricultural commodities we could produce here at remunerative prices and prices which would leave the agricultural community a fair profit for their labours. Two years after the making of that agreement the Minister finds himself with a surplus of butter for which he is unable to find a market. He has no hope of selling any surplus bacon or butter to Great Britain unless he is prepared to pay a very substantial subsidy on them. He gave very scant information to the House as to what he proposes to do with surplus creamery butter this year. We were led to believe that the more milk we had the more butter we could produce and the more butter there was available for export the better it would be for the country. The dairy farmers at the moment are on the horns of a dilemma. The Minister has told them he has no hope of selling their surplus butter in Great Britain. He has more or less told the farmers that they would be foolish to try to produce more milk or more butter. That is a very serious matter. Thousands of farmers depend for their livelihood on their dairy produce. The Minister should give them some clear statement as to what the position actually is.

The Minister went down to Waterford this year and told the farmers that unless they were prepared to accept a lower price for their milk and the community in general was prepared to pay more for their butter he saw no future for dairying here. He told them that unless they accepted a lower price the industry would find itself in a state of chaos. That was six months ago. The Minister has not done anything about it since. He alone has the responsibility of increasing the price of butter and reducing the price of milk. He has the responsibility of ensuring that the livelihood of those who depend on milk production will not be impaired or injured. A large quantity of farmers' butter is produced here. The position with regard to that butter has been discussed here on many occasions. Each time the matter is raised the Minister runs away. He will not face his responsibility in that respect. Almost 50 per cent. of the butter produced is produced on the farm. A large proportion of that is surplus to the requirements of the people during six or seven months of the year. In order to solve the problem the Minister's predecessor in his time provided a subsidy from State funds to enable a fair price to be paid to the producer. The present Minister saw fit to withdraw that subsidy thereby throwing those who produce that butter to the wolves. He is well aware that the producers are getting a totally uneconomic price for it. On their returns it works out at less than 8d. per gallon for their milk. The creamery supplier is guaranteed 1/2 in the summer, 1/4 in the winter. A subsidy of over £2,000,000 is provided to enable the consumers of creamery butter to purchase their butter at 2/8 per lb. That is not a subsidy to the farmers. It is a subsidy to the consumers. The economic price for butter, as the Minister has told us, is 3/6 per lb.; the consumers receive their butter at 10d. less than that. There is no good reason why a subsidy of 10d. per lb. should not be paid on farmers' butter. The Minister is sadly lacking in his duty when he refuses to take steps to ensure that that section of the community gets fair play. They pay rates and taxes. They are good citizens. The payment of a subsidy on creamery butter has helped to put the producers of farmers' butter in the position in which they find themselves to-day. If that subsidy were not in existence the problem would not be as serious as it is. The Minister has an important responsibility in this matter.

When introducing his Estimate the Minister said that he proposed to establish cheese factories in County Wexford to replace some creameries which had closed down there; he said they were closed down by me. Irrespective of whoever closed them down, four creameries have closed in Wexford, a central and three auxiliaries operated by a co-operative society. They closed down because they had not a sufficient milk supply. Any steps taken to remedy the position are welcome, but I do not believe that the reopening of these four creameries for the manufacture of cheese will provide any solution to the problem. This problem is not confined to any particular area or county. It extends throughout the whole of Leinster during six or seven months of the year. The reopening of a few creameries for the manufacture of cheese will not solve the problem. If it is proposed to purchase the milk from the farmers, a better solution would be to open a large central creamery with a number of travelling creameries, for County Wexford. The Minister's proposal is to open cheese factories. He will not get the milk at the 1/- a gallon he mentioned, as it would be thoroughly uneconomic for the farmers to bring milk to the creamery at that price and get back no skim or anything else. That is the proposal, to sell the whole new milk at 1/- a gallon. Even at the present time with farmers' butter, it is returning about 7½d. a gallon for milk and the skim milk is worth at least 3d. per gallon and it would cost at least another 1d. to bring it to the creameries. There would be little or no difference between the getting 1/- a gallon and getting 1/9 a lb. for butter. The economy of the farmer is based on using the skim milk at home for feeding pigs and raising calves. The scheme is doomed to failure from the start and I see no hope of any solution along these lines.

This farmers' butter is produced over a very wide area, over three-fourths of the County Wexford, a good portion of Carlow and portions of Wicklow and other counties in Deputy Davin's area. You have many creameries there closed down, that were opened about the same time as the Shelbourne creameries. There were four or five known as the Slaney Valley Creameries, in Deputy Davin's constituency. There is a prolem there at this time of the year. The Minister should reconsider the matter and Deputies sitting behind him should press him to provide a ready solution. There is no other way except to subsidise the export of this farmers' butter. It is a simple and readymade solution, which will cost the taxpayer far less than cheese factories or even a central creamery, as you would need so many of them over such a wide area that the capital cost would be huge.

The Deputy wants us to pay so that others can get the butter cheaply.

Deputy Collins has just blown in and if he wants to start interrupting we will have to deal with that. The farmer Deputies sitting behind the Minister were elected to look after the farmers' interests. What have they been doing about this? Have they brought any pressure to bear on the Minister to give fair play to every section of the farming community? Are they satisfied with the policy being operated by the Minister? They are not. I am sure that when they go down the country those Deputies will tell their constituents that they have been working hard in their interests and in the interests of agriculture. The proof of the pudding is in the policy being carried out by the Department at present and that policy is detrimental and damaging and can lead only to bankruptcy. It is the action of this House in providing that £2,000,000 to reduce the price of butter to the consumer that has brought about the whole situation and made it as bad as it is. For that reason, I cannot see that another £100,000 or less, which would solve the whole problem, would make much difference. It would give many farmers engaged in that system of farming an economic price for their produce.

In regard to the bacon and pigs muddle, the Minister in the years while he was sitting over here, told us month after month and year in and year out that if he had anything to do with the Government or was a member of it, he would provide an immediate solution for the bacon and pigs problem. We find that he has muddled the whole thing.

He took the bacon from under the counter.

I am sure Deputy Davin had a rasher every morning all the years of his life, and a good back rasher, too. Anyone looking at him would know he was well fed and well minded and never lacked anything. We found some time ago that there was a surplus of bacon. This Minister was always opposed to paying subsidies on the export of agricultural produce. He is paying substantial subsidies now in order to sell our surplus bacon. He refused up to now to pay a subsidy on the export of butter—creamery butter or farmers' butter. He found a surplus of bacon and had to pay a subsidy to export it. If there is a surplus of bacon in the future, he will also have to pay a subsidy. The great British he was so fond of were to get food irrespective of the price, as he loved them as old and valued customers and was prepared to sell to them at a lesser price than that which people in other countries were offering for our produce at one time. He soon found that that old and valued customer was a hard nut to crack, that the British would pay as little as they could, as they always did with this country in regard to anything we had to sell to them.

That was well known to almost everyone in this country except Deputy Dillon, the Minister for Agriculture, but he has discovered it now. He has discovered it in respect of butter and bacon. He has also discovered it, to the grief of many people here in this country, in respect of eggs. When he took office, the export price of eggs was 3/- a dozen, on an agreement negotiated by his predecessor. He was not very long in office when he came to make the next agreement. It was at a price reduced by 6d. a dozen. The Minister's diplomacy was not as powerful as he thought or as his colleagues on the Front Bench or those sitting behind him thought it was. When he went over, he found out very quickly that his opposite number in England was not falling for his blarney and that all his soft soap was of no avail. When he came back, he announced that the poultry keepers, if they had eggs to export, would have to take less money. He was over again recently—he went twice, or three times for all we know, inside the last six months—and came back with a further reduction in the price of eggs. We are told now that from the 1st February next the price will be 2/- a dozen until 1st September, when it will be 3/6 for the five winter months. Everyone knows that 9/10 ths of our egg production is between the 1st February and 1st September and we allowed 1/10th production for the other five months. Even if he had brought back a price of 4/6 a dozen, he would not get a supply of eggs in the winter time in anything like the same volume as in spring and the early summer months. The Minister very often tells the House that we should produce milk from summer grass at a time when the cows will give the most milk. He is reversing that policy in the matter of egg production and he wants the poultry keepers not to produce eggs in the spring and early summer but to produce them in the winter. That just will not happen and nobody knows it better than the Minister. If he does not, he has officers enough to tell him that. The net result will be that the poultry keepers will unfortunately be forced to take a considerably reduced price for their eggs in future at the same time that the price of feeding stuffs and of all cereals is jumping sky high.

When eggs were 3/- a dozen, maize meal was about 20/- or 25/- a cwt. It is now 30/- to 35/- a cwt. The retail price of maize meal in my constituency ranges from 31/- for straight run to 35/6 for flake maize. The average price for maize meal is 32/-. If the Minister tells the country to produce pigs and poultry with maize meal at that price, I am just wondering what margin of profit would be left to the producers. If we are to have a surplus of exports and are prepared to produce eggs with mill-stuffs at the present price I am afraid the profit left to poultry keepers will be on the negative side.

We can truthfully say that our Minister for Agriculture has failed the poultry keepers, the butter producers and the bacon producers—failed miserably. He has failed to find a market at a remunerative price for any commodity outside dry cattle that is available over and above our own requirements. He is the greatest failure in so far as the sale of Irish agricultural produce on the foreign market is concerned that ever existed or that I hope will ever exist in this country.

We had quite a lot of discussion here about wheat production and wheat imports. In the White Paper, the Minister informs us that he is paying £28 10s. per ton at the present time for wheat in America but he is not prepared to pay £28 10s. to Irish farmers to grow wheat at home—for what reason we do not know. We had a lot of boasting from the Government Benches about the 62/6 per barrel that was being paid for wheat by the Minister. The Minister for Agriculture who occupied that post before the present Minister, in October of 1947 announced that price as the price that was to be paid for wheat the following season. What the present Minister did was to confirm that price for five years. I think, having regard to the increasing costs of production here at home, that it is about time the Minister increased that price of 62/6. If he is prepared to pay £28 10s. per ton for foreign wheat, he should pay £28 10s. for Irish wheat. He is paying only £25 per ton for the home-grown produce and if he were to increase that price to the price he is paying for the imported wheat, it would be an incentive to the Irish farmer to grow more wheat and we would not have to borrow dollars to pay for foreign wheat.

I think every possible incentive should be given to the Irish farmers to grow wheat. They should be paid at least the same price that we are prepared to pay the farmers of Canada or U.S.A. It costs our farmers as much, or even more, than it costs the farmers in America or Canada to grow wheat, as they produce it on a different system altogether. The production of wheat here at home would obviate the necessity of borrowing dollars to purchase wheat abroad. I think it is a sad commentary on our whole system of agriculture that we cannot grow all the food we need in this country. We are told that we have 12,000,000 acres of arable land but I think there is not much more than 2,000,000 acres under crops. We had 10,000,000 acres for other purposes, for growing a crop that the Minister speaks very highly of. Grass is a good crop but we have far too many million acres devoted to it in this country. If we had a further 1,000,000 acres under tillage it would be better for the whole community. It would serve the farmers, the traders and the workers; it would give more employment than any other system of farming. The sooner we realise that and the sooner we plan our economy to put another 1,000,000 acres under the plough the better it will be for the country. The only hope for agriculture and for the national economy is to produce here at home all we need to feed ourselves and our animals instead of borrowing dollars to buy wheat from America at higher prices than we are prepared to pay our own farmers for it. I think that is not sound agricultural economy and the sooner the Minister thinks over it and announces an increase in the price of wheat for our own farmers the better.

There is more wheat in this country at the present moment than there ever has been in its history before.

I hope so.

You may be sure of it.

There should be more grown than ever was grown.

There is more of it growing than ever before.

I hope it will be a good harvest.

With the help of God.

And that we shall have a good yield.

The Deputy will pray for me, I know.

Definitely we imported last year a considerable amount of wheat with borrowed money which the taxpayers of this country must repay at some time.

We are well able, thanks be to God.

We are borrowing dollars to buy foreign wheat at £28 10s. per ton and all we are prepared to pay our own farmers is £25 per ton.

£28 10s.

We are borrowing dollars to buy considerable quantities of maize which is being retailed here at 30/- or 35/- a cwt., as I said before.

Why does the Deputy say it again?

I want to emphasise it for the Minister's information——

It has no relation to the truth so he wants to repeat it continually to get someone to believe it.

——in the hopes that by emphasising it, if the Ceann Comhairle gives me the privilege of doing so——

Some poor fool will be found to believe it.

——I will succeed in changing the Minister's point of view on many matters upon which he has a very unsound agricultural view at the present time. I remember the Minister for Agriculture announcing on one occasion in this House that if the price of a dozen eggs were the same as a stone of Indian meal, things were right.

A cwt. of meal to a hundred of eggs.

I thought it was a cwt. of meal to a dozen eggs. Meal costs over 4/- a stone, from 4/- to 4/6.

Make it 5/- while you are at it.

Eggs fetch only 2/6 and they will only be 2/- up to next January and I do not know how the Minister can reconcile his formula with that. He will have to change it and get a new formula for a dozen eggs. That formula was a complete failure.

The Deputy can get all the eggs he wants.

The Minister will have the opportunity of speaking.

Anybody who can only afford to buy a cwt. of meal must pay 32/- or 32/6. If the Minister can buy it per cwt. at less, many small poultry keepers, agricultural workers and small farmers will be glad to know where.

The Shelbourne Co-op.

You will want to put up co-ops in every village and town. The Minister was not very fond of co-ops at one time in his career. I heard him almost cursing them out of existence more than once but he has become quite reconciled to co-ops and for the future they are the only salvation while he is Minister for Agriculture that I can see.

There are a number of agricultural crops of which the Minister is not too fond and to which, in my opinion and in the opinion of a great number of producers, he has not given fair play. I refer to root seed growing and root seed growers. Some time during the emergency when it was found that root seeds, turnip seeds principally, were no longer available from the source that formerly supplied the farmers and merchants of this country, the English root seed growers, and when the British Ministry of Agriculture or some other Department notified the Minister for Agriculture of this State that they were not prepared to supply them, an organisation was set up to grow turnip and mangold seed in this country. They did it very successfully. Some years previous to that the Irish Sugar Company successfully grew all the beet seed required in the country. The organisation that was brought into being during the war years succeeded admirably in getting Irish farmers on Irish land to grow all the turnip and mangold seed required for their use, but when this great Minister for Agriculture took office he decided that that no longer would be allowed to go on. At the first opportunity he announced here that he would have the ports opened and that seed would be imported from anywhere the merchants of this country liked to buy them—not the farmers. It was not where the farmers would like but where the merchants would like to buy them or where the travellers from abroad would like to sell them—that was the consideration.

There were in this House a number of discussions on root seed growing and the Minister could not think of things bad enough to say about the people who were engaged at the request of the then Minister for Agriculture in the organisation of root seed growing in this country. They were called rogues, robbers and highwaymen and every name that could be thought of by the present Minister. We were told that they were robbing the farmers openly and brazenly. We would like the Minister to tell the House the truth about that matter. We would like him to tell the House that in 1947, when the root seed growers of Great Britain were getting 120/- per cwt. for the turnip seed they produced, the farmers of this country were getting 160/-. He did not tell the House that. He did not tell the House that in 1948 similar prices were being paid. He came along here and announced openly that he proposed to open the ports for the import of all the seeds and allow the merchants to buy their seeds any place they liked. We should produce any crop that can be produced in this country and produced well—and it has been proved that root seeds grown in this country are equal to, if not better than, the best that were ever imported.

The Minister told the House some time early this year that his Department proposed to grow pedigree seeds for distribution amongst the growers of the country. We and the root seed growers would like a little more information on that. We would like to know where the mother seed from which these pedigree root seeds are being produced was found or produced. Is it a fact that the mother seed is being produced in Glasnevin or Johnstown from roots selected from Irishgrown seed? Is that a fact or not? The root seed growers would also like to know from the Minister if his threat to open the ports freely from January next will be carried out or not. That is all important and the Deputies sitting behind the Minister should busy themselves and find out definitely what the Minister's policy for the future is on root seed growing.

To expand it and export it when it cannot be sold on the domestic market.

Root seeds have been grown successfully——

Yes, and will be.

——and the market needs protection.

Just the same as other things.

We know, and the Minister is aware, that in the past season a country in Europe offered to sell root seeds here at 80/- a cwt. He knows that quite well.

We can grow them better and cheaper in Ireland than anywhere in the world.

He knows that, if these root seeds are allowed into this country, they may be inferior seeds, which can easily be mixed with the home-grown seeds. They were offered at 80/- a cwt. to this country by a European country during the past year. They were not allowed in, but they were offered at that price, and the farmers were paid 120/- last year per cwt. in their yards for seeds they grew.

What did they have to pay for seed per lb?

If you tell me what the profits of the retailers and of the wholesalers per lb. were, I would be able to tell you that.

They were paying 4/- per lb. at one time.

The growers were paid 120/- per cwt. The seeds had to be processed, dried, cleaned and put in sealed bags and the wholesaler had to get a profit and the retailer had to get a profit. I am sure the Minister knows more about these profits than I do.

I am not concerned with the profits of any merchant in the country.

I know you are. You are personally concerned and should be concerned otherwise. I am concerned, and very many farmers are concerned, that the ports of this country will not be thrown open next January and seed imported from any country in Europe at any price—inferior seeds which are likely to be mixed amongst the home-grown seeds. They are very concerned to see that no foreign seeds whatever come into the country, because their acreage must be reduced by every pound or cwt. of foreign seeds that comes in.

Nonsense.

Their acreage must be reduced. There is no way out of it.

Can we not sell them abroad?

You will sell them abroad the way you sold the butter, eggs and bacon abroad. You are the greatest salesman that ever existed in this country.

That is the way the Minister will sell the root seeds abroad— the same way as he sold the other agricultural produce, when he failed to sell any of them. Any line of agricultural produce of which there was a surplus, with the exception of dry cattle, the Minister failed to sell it.

The Deputy is repeating himself.

The Minister interrupted me.

I am drawing the attention of the Deputy to the fact that there is a Standing Order against repetition.

The Minister interrupted me and told me he would sell them abroad. I wanted to show him that he was incapable of selling anything abroad and has proved that up to now. I hope the Minister will give this matter further consideration. There may be only a small number of farmers, out of the total, who are engaged in root seed growing, but nevertheless it will be admitted that if they are capable of producing as good root seeds at as low a price as the best root seeds produced in any country, they are entitled to be allowed to stay in the production of these seeds.

And to double their production.

No action of the Minister should prevent them from remaining in it, on the basis of a fair return to them. So long as that aspect is safeguarded, I am satisfied, and that is the most important aspect to have safeguarded. There is no good in the Minister making all sorts of threats. The farmer has suffered as a result of these threats already. When he started threatening first, they were getting 160/- per cwt. for growing root seeds and they are now getting 116/-. The Minister has succeeded in doing that and the farmers will not thank him in the least for bringing their return down from 160/- to 116/-.

The Minister, before making these wild pronouncements, should consider the matter and should take the interests of the growers into consideration. They may be few and they may not have much influence, but they are Irish farmers farming Irish land and employing Irish labour, and they are entitled to sell the results of their labour in this country, provided they are producing a good article in sufficient quantity. I hope that, before next January, they will have more information than they have at present. At the moment, they are like Mahomet's coffin, suspended in mid-air. The Minister may not know that a little over 12 months ago provisional contracts were made at 160/- for 1949——

That is the ninth time the Deputy has said that.

——and that, as a result of the announcement he made in May, 1949, the price was reduced to 120/-, but quite a number of farmers who are engaged in this root seed growing are fully aware of it

I never heard of it.

That is absolutely true. There is another crop, a small crop also, in which a number of farmers and other people owning glasshouses were interested. I refer to the tomato growers. The Minister did not treat these people justly. Many small people borrowed money to erect glasshouses, and, as a result of the Minister's policy, find themselves in the bankruptcy courts or thereabouts. They are not getting a fair crack of the whip.

What is the price of Irish tomatoes to-day?

The Minister allowed the market at the peak period, when Irish tomatoes were sufficient to supply the whole market, to be flooded with foreign tomatoes. I do not mind if the Minister fixes a maximum price for Irish tomatoes. It would probably be the proper thing to do, but there is definitely a certain period of the year when no foreign tomatoes should be allowed into the country.

What price would the Deputy fix?

The producers of tomatoes should get a fair and honest price, a price which will pay them for their trouble and give them a reasonable margin of profit.

What price does the Deputy suggest?

I am not a tomato grower and could not answer that, but the Minister will have no difficulty in getting proper information on the matter. During the peak period of production, there should be a total prohibition on the import of foreign tomatoes.

And price fixation.

That is the Minister's job. That is his responsibility and nobody else's. We on the back benches here are not allowed to fix the price of anything. We have no say whatever in it and the Minister must take his responsibilities in his hands and do what he should do to protect the growers of Irish tomatoes by protecting the market——

And fixing a price.

—— and by giving a total prohibition against foreign tomatoes during the peak period of production, when there are sufficient Irish tomatoes to supply all the needs of the community. I hope that, in the present tomato growing season, the growers will not have the same reason for complaining as they had last year, when they complained very bitterly, and with just reason, that, as a result of the Minister's action in the past two years——

It must have been music to your ears.

I would value the Deputy's advice as to the price which should be fixed for Irish tomatoes.

A profession of ignorance on the part of the Minister again.

I have dealt with many of the matters I wanted to deal with——

But not with the price of tomatoes.

A neighbour of mine has a parrot, and, if I can get it, I will bring it up to the Minister.

It will be a welcome change.

The land rehabilitation scheme is another matter that I wish to mention. The provision for this scheme in the present year is over £3,100,000. This scheme, when in operation, will serve a useful purpose as far as the individual farmer is concerned. It has not been very long in operation and it is difficult at this stage to know whether it will be a success or not. It would require a year or two of experience of its operation before results can be fairly judged. There is one thing that may damage it seriously, namely, that the whole thing is being regimented too much by officialdom and that the administrative costs may be too high. That is an important matter which the Minister must keep under close observation. It is impossible until the scheme is fully in operation in all counties to estimate the cost per acre of land improved. It will not be possible to get that costing until the scheme has been in operation in every county for at least one year. From what we can see, the costs will work out very high. We hope that as the scheme progresses there will be an improvement in that direction and that administrative costs will not be anything like what they have been up to the present time.

This money is all borrowed money. The nation is responsible for it. The people are interested to see that the best possible results are obtained from the expenditure of that money and that the farming community will get the lion's share of that money and that the greater part of it will not be spent on machinery and administrative costs of one kind or another. Judging by the staff we see already employed in the Minister's office, we have very grave doubts on that matter.

In the White Paper, the Minister adverts to the fact that a certain amount of fertilisers was produced in this country in the past year and that a considerable amount was imported. The Minister was very vocal in the House for quite a long time about the Irish fertiliser manufacturers. He told us on more than one occasion that farmers were being robbed, that the fertiliser manufacturers were crooks and I know not what else. We would like to know, now that he has them under his control, what he has done about that. Has he made any investigation into the matter of the price being charged by the Irish manufacturers of fertilisers; was it an unfair price; has he taken any steps to have that price reduced?

Competition.

We would like to hear all that.

Competition.

Even with the competition, the price of artificial manures is going up. Even with the competition, artificial manures went up in price in the present year.

The price of certain artificial manures increased this year. There is no doubt about that. The Minister cannot deny it.

What manures?

If the Minister will check up on it, he will find that is so.

What manures went up?

We hope that the Minister will tell us whether these "enemies" of the Irish people and the Irish farmers have been dealt with and in what way the Minister has dealt with them.

Competition.

The House would be glad to know that.

Competition.

Has the margin of profit been reduced or not or has the Minister done anything about it or was it all baloney as far as he was concerned?

The Minister is also providing a subsidy of over £7,000,000 for the millers. The millers were not friends of the Minister either. He referred to them in very scathing terms on many occasions. It is some two years since a commission was set up under the chairmanship of the present Supreme Court Judge Lavery. The country has been anxiously awaiting the report of that commission. Is the Minister prepared to give it to the House or the country?

Shortly, I hope.

It has not been published, as far as we know.

It will be.

It has not been published. We would like some information as to what progress the Minister has made in reducing the profits that he said the millers were making and what steps he has taken. Is the same formula as was adopted some years ago still in operation in respect of the millers? We would like to know that. They are the second large body of manufacturers in this country that the Minister has now under his control. The country and the House would be very interested to know what he has done about them.

A great number of people in this country did not believe the Minister that either the manure manufacturers, the flour millers or the bacon factories were making such great profits as he would have us believe. The Minister even told us that there were two bacon factories ready to go bankrupt and that there were others on the verge of bankruptcy. Has that been as a result of the Minister's policy? We would like interested to know if action taken by the present Minister for Agriculture has bankrupted two native Irish industries and if he proposes to put the employees on the unemployed list? Is that so or not? Are there many other bacon factories in danger of bankruptcy in the near future as a result of the Minister's policy or are these people making fabulous fortunes, as the Minister often told the House?

Does the Deputy think they are charging too little for bacon?

In the past——

No. Does the Deputy think they are charging too little at present?

The Minister has the bacon factories, the millers and the manure manufacturers all under his control now and we would be most interested to learn what steps he has taken to reduce the so-called and the supposed excessive profits that these groups of manufacturers were making. We have not heard even one word from the Minister on this matter. He did not mention it. It is an extraordinary thing, seeing that he is paying over £7,000,000 subsidy on wheat, that he did not mention the matter.

The Minister did mention one matter which many people were interested to hear. He confessed that since January or 1st February last, as a result of departmental action, straight-run pollard was no longer for sale in this country, and that he took from the market something like 5,000 tons of straight-run pollard. He informed us that he had received this cheap wheat which he bought in Russia.

The Pacific.

What is the country of origin?

The Pacific is the ocean which rolls on the western shores of the U.S.A.

However, it is cheap inferior wheat. Now straight-run pollard will again be issued for sale to the people of this country. That is a very welcome change in the policy which has been in operation for the past four or five months. It was an unwelcome policy and I think the Minister is aware of that.

Ground limestone was adverted to in the White Paper. Ground limestone and the setting up of ground limestone plants has made a certain amount of progress in counties where limestone is available. However, in a county such as County Wexford which has little or no limestone except for a small amount on the south coast, the problem is serious for farmers. The Minister is well aware that there is little or no limestone in County Wexford except a small belt very deep down on the south coast which it would be expensive to work. It is not likely, therefore, to be produced in such quantities and at such a price as would be of advantage to the farmers in the area. The tillage lands of Wexford are poor and light. They have been growing corn for centuries, I suppose, and they need a considerable amount of lime. It is estimated that a minimum of from two to four tons per statute acre is required —say, three tons on an average. That ground limestone has to be drawn 40 or 50 miles by road. It can be purchased at the plant——

——delivered and spread at 35/- a ton.

Yes—and take three tons at 35/- per ton as an average for a statute acre. It has to be drawn at least 40 miles.

Is that not great value?

Three tons at 35/- per ton is a considerable amount per statute acre. I am afraid that the farmers will not be able to buy the lime which is required so badly for the land because of the price. I asked the Minister recently if he was considering any plan whereby the transport of that lime over a long distance might be assisted. I think it is the only solution. It is well worthy of the earnest consideration of the Minister to assist the transport of ground limestone by State subvention of one kind or another where the draw is very long. If the lime could be delivered in the farmer's yard at £1 a ton——

Why not deliver it at 1/- a ton?

No, £1 a ton. He should be able to get it for £1 a ton. It is unfair to ask him to pay more than £1 a ton for it.

The Deputy was 16 years on this side of the House and what did he do in that connection?

I have no doubt that the genius of the Minister will solve all the problems which were not solved in those 16 years. I hope that, in addition to having made a serious mess of a great many things, he will do some brilliant things which will prove of advantage to the community. We have not had evidence of one brilliant action that was of advantage to the people of this country by the Minister so far. In no single instance has the Minister's brilliance shone so brightly that it reflected itself to the benefit of the agricultural community of this country. Perhaps, in providing them with ground limestone at a cheap rate, delivered in their haggards or yards or fields, the Minister will be able to earn the esteem of our farming community.

In addition to his other activities— and they are many and varied, we will all agree— the Minister, during the past year, took on a new activity. The Minister has often told us that he was tired, hard-worked and badly paid but, in spite of that, he took on a new activity during the past year. He became a retailer of flour. Flour of 85 per cent. extraction was rationed in this country. The Minister put another type of flour on the market—flour of 75 per cent. extraction. He became a retailer of this flour—in other words, the Department of Agriculture and the Department of Industry and Commerce have entered the retail trade.

What does the Deputy mean?

The Department of Agriculture has also taken on the sale of unrationed butter— they are selling paper wrappers now with " 3/6" stamped on them, for 10d. each. It is an extraordinary state of affairs. Where rationing was in effect during the war it was applied only where there was a shortage of goods. It would seem that in future this present system will be part of the permanent set-up. We have two types of flour—the rationed flour and the unrationed flour. We have the slightly brown flour of 85 per cent. extraction—a first-class flour.

Hear, hear!

It is palatable and every human being can eat it and benefit by it. For some reason or other which nobody seems to be able to understand —except possibly that it was for the purpose of making a bit of money for the Exchequer as a tax revenue—the Minister has placed another flour of a different extraction on the market. Take the position as it exists in the poorer parts of the country. Those people who buy the full ration of the 85 per cent. extraction flour and who find that they have not enough must then purchase the dearer flour—and those are the very people who are being forced by economic circumstances to buy this dearer flour. The Minister should have zoned the country and made more of the 85 per cent. extraction flour available along the western seaboard and in the poorer areas so as to help the poorer people there. The two schemes are to be condemned bell, book and candle—the dearer flour scheme and the dearer butter scheme. Neither should be in existence.

Would it be better to have a black market?

No. There should be one type of flour for everybody.

The Deputy agrees that the 85 per cent. extraction flour is inferior to the 75 per cent. extraction flour?

I will pass no comment on the 75 per cent. extraction flour. It should not be in existence. All flour should be on the general market. Let everybody buy the one extraction whether it be 75 per cent, 85 per cent. or 95 per cent. We are the only civilised country in the world at present with flour rationing in operation. We have a surplus of butter in this country and yet butter is rationed. If the people want to buy more than the ration of eight ounces they must pay 10d. per lb. above the ration price for it. It would be far better to have a straight price for butter.

I do not see why we cannot get back to normal as regards the sales of butter, flour and sugar, just as we were in pre-war days, and have the one price for the whole of them and not drive people mad having two prices. If you are well off, if you have plenty of money, you can buy all the white flour and sugar and butter you want, but if you have a limited supply of money you must do with your ration. It is an invitation to the people who are better off to spend more money on white flour and butter and sugar.

I think the Deputy said butter was 2/9 a lb. in Wexford?

The fresh butter merchants are getting it.

Is it 1/9 or 3/6?

It is 1/9 for farmers' butter.

What are you grumbling about, so?

The fact is that many decent, respectable farmers are constrained, owing to the Minister's action, to sell the produce of their cows, in the form of butter, at 1/9 a lb., representing 7½d. a gallon for the milk.

What fool would pay 3/6 for butter if he could get it for 1/9?

The Minister should be ashamed of himself for bringing such a situation about, if he has any shame at all in him. The area under oats in 1949 was 193,000 acres, considerably less than in 1948. Is it any wonder the oats yield was less in 1949? The Minister had another Minister acting on his behalf; he ran away from the problem to America towards the end of 1948. Another Minister, acting on his behalf, organised an oats purchase scheme. It was found at that time that there was a very fine supply of oats in the country, as a result of the 1948 harvest. It was found also that because of the Minister's advice many people switched over from the growing of wheat to oats. The result was that oats were dumped on the small market available towards the end of the year and many people found themselves in serious difficulties.

The Minister's colleague, while the Minister was away, when he was forced to do it by the votes of the people in Donegal, organised an oats purchase scheme and 19,000 tons were purchased.

Out of 160,000 tons.

The position was that 19,000 tons of high quality oats were purchased. Inferior oats would not be purchased; if the crop was not good it would not be taken. The merchants who purchased it needed storage and drying facilities. Soon they had the oats dried and it was kept in good condition. The spring and summer of 1948 passed and the Minister had not yet sold the oats. It was known to every farmer in July and June, but very definitely in August, that the oat crop was going to give a very small yield in 1949. Notwithstanding that knowledge that the Minister had and that his Department should have at that stage of the year, he came along in September and sold 19,000 tons.

Why did they not buy it back in July or August?

He sold that quantity in September when he knew there would be a shortage.

Why did the merchants not buy it back?

Within six months he has had to travel over the world looking for oats. He had to beg dollars to buy the oats that he sold to Germany or some other European country. In September, 1949, he had to beg oats from the countries of the world and beg dollars to pay for the crop. That was not sound management and it does not prove that the Minister was doing his duty properly. He talked about oats here and said it was maggoty. If the Minister was engaged selling the product of Irish land, he should not make little of it.

Who said it was maggoty?

That is on the records of the House.

I deny it.

I will find the reference for the Minister, when he said the oats was maggoty. It is just like the butter you sold one time.

There is not a shadow of truth in that statement.

You are a great salesman. The two items you succeeded in selling —the farmers' butter and the farmers' oats—the Minister made little of them all he could. There are other products that he failed to sell and that he could find no fault with, and they are Irish bacon, butter and cheese. He cannot sell one ounce outside the Irish market at a remunerative price without a subsidy. This great, brilliant genius of a Minister for Agriculture, this Heaven-sent man who was going to reform agriculture and make everyone engaged in agriculture a millionaire, could not sell those products at a price that would give a return to the producer.

The Minister might tell the House what is the future of dairying, the future for farmers engaged supplying the creameries with milk. What hope have they next year? What price may they expect? Should they go out of dairying or increase production? That is all-important. They cannot go into it overnight, and the Minister knows that; they must plan years ahead. The planning now done by the farmers will have its effect within the next five years on the production of milk, butter, eggs and other commodities. At the moment things are in a very difficult position.

I understand and appreciate that the Minister has no pleasant job, but he undertook to solve the farmers' problems. We do know, because of the large subsidies paid on food across the water, that things are made more difficult to sell our produce there; we know that well. It is just like the flax the Minister also failed to sell. He threw up his hands and washed his hands clean of it because the Northern Ministry thought well of giving a subsidy to their growers and, because they would not give him part of the subsidy, the Minister advised the farmers no longer to grow flax. We hope that the Minister, in 1950, will see fit to cease making some of the outlandish statements which, in many respects, he made in the past year, and that he will not tell the farmers in 1950 that within a couple of years every plough in the country will be in the museum or outside of it.

Inside it.

I hope the Minister will not repeat that statement any more in the presence of sane people. We had other foolish statements from him. We have had so many of them from him over the past two and a half years that they are nearly uncountable. These most extraordinary and damaging statements are resented by our people who are engaged in agriculture—those who support the people in office as well as those who support the Deputies on this side of the House. Those engaged in the agricultural industry know the implements which are suitable for their husbandry. Nobody knows better, certainly not the Minister for Agriculture. He is not, never was and never will be a judge of the implements which farmers need for their husbandry, whether it is a plough or a horse. They are entitled to have a plough or a horse, and should not be held up to public odium because they use a plough or a slow horse. They are entitled to use either, and to claim that much freedom for themselves. The sooner the Minister gives up making these foolish and silly statements the better it will be for agriculture.

I think I should begin by saying that I was surprised at the contribution which has been made to this debate by Deputy Allen, who is a practical farmer. I can only assume that, in doing what he did, he was blinded by prejudice and was not allowed to deal with the facts as he should have dealt with them. For that reason, he did not get the opportunity of putting up sound arguments.

The Minister, when introducing his Estimate, said very rightly that the test of a policy is its results, and that the best arguments are facts. If we look at the results of his policy over the last two years we can see that he is well justified in taking a pride in the progress which has been made since he took office. The value of agricultural exports in that period has increased from £24,000,000 to £40,000,000. You have there an increase of £16,000,000 in the matter of agricultural prosperity.

Deputy Allen referred to the position regarding poultry and eggs. Deputies should remember that, as a result of the agreement arrived at by Deputy Smith, the position in regard to both was very unstable in view of the fact that it did not extend over a reasonable period. We find that, probably since the 1st of January last, our farmers would have been getting ? a dozen or less, probably less, for their eggs if production had increased to such an extent as it has increased since the present Minister took office. The Minister is now criticised because he has made an agreement under which our farmers will receive 2/- a dozen for a certain period and 3/6 a dozen for the remaining period. The Minister said that 2d. an egg was something. It was an achievement especially when we consider that so many other countries had again gone into full production very rapidly and were in a position to capture the market for eggs.

With regard to the import of feeding stuffs, one thing that has struck me is that, from the first day the Minister came into office, he advocated that our farmers should grow the foodstuffs required to feed their poultry and live stock. The policy of selling oats and barley off the land was encouraged by the last Government during their period in office so that our farmers did not get out of the habit of doing that. They have continued to do so, instead of converting the produce of the land into something that would be saleable. Take, for instance, egg exports. The figures for 1950 represent an increase over 1947. We find that in 1947 eggs to the value of £750,000 were exported as compared with exports to the value of £2,500,000 up to a recent date—that is since the 1st of January of this year.

These figures speak for themselves as regards the policy that is being pursued in regard to egg and poultry production. The policy that was in operation has been completely altered since the change of Government took place. There is no doubt that, when the British Government agreed to subsidise the poultry industry here by making available, I think, £1,250,000 for its expansion, it was not anticipated at that time that our poultry and egg production would increase so rapidly. All credit is due to the present Minister for Agriculture for the attitude he has adopted in trying to expand the poultry and egg industry for the benefit of our farmers. The present egg agreement shows, if anything, our poultry and egg producers where exactly they stand. If, as has been argued by the Opposition, it is costly to import feeding stuffs for the purpose of producing eggs, that is all the more reason why our poultry keepers should concentrate on the production of their own feeding stuffs.

In 1947 our poultry exports amounted in value to less than £2,500,000, and that figure included pigeons. In 1950 the exports amounted to more than £3,500,000. Deputies have in those figures another example of the progressive attitude which the Minister has adopted towards the development of the poultry industry.

I heard Deputy Allen criticise the Minister with regard to his policy on bacon. He said the we had no market for bacon, but is it not a fact that we are exporting bacon at the present time which is fetching, I think, 125/- per cwt. from the British Government? Deputies should remember that bacon exports were not resumed until the change of Government took place, notwithstanding the fact that the war, to which so much reference is made by the Opposition when they try to justify their own arguments or to make excuses, ended in 1945. There was then no sign of an improvement in the pig population. In fact, in 1948 when this Government took office, the number of pigs in the country was less than in 1947. The production of pigs was on the decline all that time. In my opinion, that was due mainly to the fact that we had at that time the illegal slaughter of breeding sows. That was permitted to continue by the last Government. We all remember that when the present Minister for Agriculture took over one of the first things he did was to take the bacon position in hands. He had to follow the bacon up the chimneys and into the cellars in order to catch the culprits who were breaking the law, thus destroying the possibility of bringing pig production, as well as the quantity of bacon available, up to the pre-war level. Up to recently, our producers were enjoying the price of 190/- per cwt. for certain prime grade pigs compared to the 135/- per cwt. which was available to the same producers in 1947. The chief and most important difference is that in 1947 the bacon allowance was very small. One had to be a very special customer, indeed, before one could get any kind of weekly bacon ration. At the present time one can go into any shop and buy as much as a stone of bacon if one wishes. In 1947 pigs were only 135/- per cwt.

Deputy Allen invited the Minister to refer to the margin in the matter of profits being made by the bacon curers. At the present time the price received by the producer is very much above the 190/- per cwt. which was the average price received up to this year. Probably the increased price is due in some measure to the cost of imported feeding stuffs; for that reason I think the Minister would be well advised to encourage the production of feeding stuffs at home. I have no doubt that feeding stuffs suitable for pigs could be produced at home at less than the cost of importing them, having regard to the level that now obtains as a result of devaluation.

In 1947, prior to the change of Government, all cuts of bacon were selling at the one price. I think the figure at that time was very nearly 3/- per lb. Now the cuts are graded. The better class cuts are certainly very dear, but there are other parts for which I doubt very much that the price at the present time is anything like the 3/- level of 1947. The bacon factories appear to be snatching up all the pigs they can get. It is difficult to understand why some of the bacon factories should be going out of business. Considering there is such a demand for pigs certain factories must be making a profit. It is possible that the increase is due in some measure to the fact that we have started exporting pigs. Our farmers will not object to the export of pigs if it means they are provided with a new market. There is no doubt that the price would fall and our farmers would be forced out of pig production were it not for the fact that the Minister has succeeded in coming to an arrangement with the British Government under which pigs can now be exported at approximately 225/- per cwt.

With a subsidy.

Only 8/- out of that 225/- represents subsidy. The fact remains that our producers are oper- ating on the basis of 218/- per cwt. That is not a bad price when compared with 135/- per cwt. this time three years. The Minister quite rightly stepped in to prevent the curers exploiting the producers during the past 12 months. It will be remembered that an effort was made to exploit the farmers because of the fact that pig production had trebled since 1947. The Minister stepped in to ensure that, if anybody would get a price, it would be the producer, having regard to the retail price of bacon. If the consumer was expected to pay a certain price it was only reasonable that the Minister should ensure that the producers would get the benefit of the increased price.

On the information contained in the White Paper issued for our guidance by the Minister it is apparent that our cattle population has come back to the 1934 level. That was the level that obtained before the slaughter of the cattle policy was adopted by the previous Government. It is gratifying to see that the cattle population has again reached the 1934 level, particularly when we realise that cattle at the moment are commanding a good market in Great Britain. We have heard the Opposition speak about alternative markets. We have had experience of these markets. We have had the continental markets— Holland, Belgium, Switzerland, France and even Western Germany. In the long run it has been found that the most suitable market for our surplus cattle is the British market. We have not so far found a better market anywhere. At the time of the change of Government we found that the policy of slaughtering our calves was being continued. In 1947 68,000 calves had been returned as slaughtered. The figure was actually beginning to go up in relation to an increase in the cattle population. That was due mainly to the fact that the price which a calf would fetch at that time was not equal to the wholesale value of the milk required for feeding during the first weeks of the calf's life. The result was that calves were selling at less than 20/- apiece. Because of the change in policy now our farmers have found that it is better to sell the calf rather than have it slaughtered. Calves are fetching very handsome prices now. In fact the price might be regarded as somewhat high for the man who must feed the calf and rear it, but that is merely proof of the demand that exists. It is to be hoped that in the years ahead calves will be available at a more reasonable price to those who wish to rear them for milk or beef production.

Whether we like it or not, we must remember that live stock and poultry are the mainstay of our national economy. We are not industrialised and it looks as if we shall never be an industrial nation. I think our bias will always be in the direction of agriculture. The value of cattle exported in 1947 amounted to £13,000,000; the value of cattle exported in 1950 from 1st January to the present time amounted to £20,000,000, an increase of £7,500,000. That change has occurred since the change of Government.

A similar story can be told with regard to our other agricultural exports: eggs in shell £1,750,000 in 1947 as compared with £4,750,000 in 1950; condensed milk, less than £500,000 exported in 1947 compared with almost £1,500,000 in 1950; wool exports, £750,000 in 1947 and £1,750,000 in 1950. In bacon, the 1947 and 1948 exports were nil; during the past 12 months, that is, 1949, the value of bacon exported was £1,052,000. Those figures go to show that prosperity in agriculture is on the upward trend. The remarkable fact is that the great proportion of those exports was to the British market, the one despised for such a long time but appreciated by those who valued a market for our agricultural surplus.

Regarding our general economy in agriculture, I feel that our foodstuffs ought to be purchased as far as possible in the sterling area rather than in hard currency areas. I am glad to know from the Minister that imports of wheat in the recent past and probably in the future are not from hard currency areas. That is a welcome change in our general economy. On the policy of growing feeding stuffs, if we could discourage our farmers from the inclination to call every crop a cash crop, it would be a valuable move. I hope the Minister will devise a scheme whereby cereals and roots suitable for conversion into foodstuffs will be processed in this country, thus avoiding the necessity to imports certain foodstuffs. The pollard and bran is not at all sufficient to meet our requirements and that is a good argument why some of our foodstuffs should be manufactured in this country.

The 1948 Trade Agreement, under which the farmers are prospering at present, brought new hope to agriculture and we are seeing the results now.

We can measure in terms of money the prosperity that exists to-day in comparison with the measure of prosperity existing before that agreement was concluded. The 1938 Agreement was the first admission on the part of Fianna Fáil that our economy depended on good trading relations with Great Britain, so that we would be able to export our surplus produce to the very large industrial population there where there was not sufficient land for them to produce food for themselves. The first two years of this Government compared with the two years of Fianna Fáil provide a remarkable contrast in the attitude to agriculture. From the first day that the present Minister came into office, he stretched out the hand of friendship to the farmers. He was ready to cooperate with them and to help them, and he asked the farmers for the same co-operation and guidance. Compared with the first two years of the Fianna Fáil Government, it is lucky that we had a Minister to take that attitude towards our farming community.

If we examine the figures, we will see that for the first six years of Fianna Fáil Government the nation went backwards instead of forwards, so far as our economy was concerned. At the same time, other nations were progressing towards a level of prosperity and wealth which enabled them to engage in a major world war. All nations suffered during the world financial depression, but once that period was over—it ended about 1931 or 1932—the other nations began to prosper and their economy improved to such an extent that they were in a position to defy the world and to finance a major war. Instead of that, we find that in 1938 we were obliged to conclude what was called the Coal-Cattle Pact, which was the first move towards the 1938 Trade Agreement. That agreement between this country and Great Britain provided that we could export our agricultural produce, but we would not be allowed to export manufactured goods. It was a welcome change when, in 1948, our Ministers went to Great Britain and adjusted the position, which now enables us to export manufactured goods in competition with Great Britain.

Last year we found the farmers being exploited once more by Fianna Fáil. We found them playing on the nerves of the farmers again. They found there was a good barley crop—if it were a bad crop there would not be a word—and it provided an opportunity for Fianna Fáil to exploit the farmers as far as they could, to create panic amongst them and cause them to suffer, so that some of them might be foolish enough to place the blame at the door of the present Government. In 1948, there was a reasonably good crop of barley, very much better than in 1947—100,000 tons—but in 1949 it was 159,000 tons. That extra tonnage made all the difference when it came to selling the barley. A great number of our farmers sowed feeding barley, intending to sell it as malting barley. Some farmers made contracts with maltsters before they put the crop of barley in and as a result they received 57/6, while farmers who also grew malting barley, not under contract, could not find a remunerative market for it. It appears from the facts now that only a very small percentage of barley was sold at less than £2 a barrel, that 98 per cent. of the crop was sold at more than £2. The maximum of 57/6 was 22/6 better than the 35/- which Fianna Fáil fixed on the farmers—and they made it illegal for the maltsters to pay more. Instead of that, we find the maltsters now offering a price for barley exceeding the world market price. It is a very different position to-day the farmers are in, compared with the 35/-. When Guinness was finished at that price, he went to Australia and elsewhere to pay 89/- a barrel to meet his full requirements. It is a pity it was not left to the farmers themselves to sell their own barley, instead of having the price fixed and having it made illegal for farmers to sell or maltsters to buy at a price exceeding 35/- when the world market price was very much above that level and also when Messrs. Guinness were unable to obtain their full requirements in this country. The position last year was quite different. They paid 57/6 for the malting barley for which they contracted and they imported barley to meet their full requirements at a price below 57/6.

I saw another statement issued about the wheat acreage. The 1949 wheat acreage was 150,000 acres below the 1948 figure. Let us remember that in 1948 there was compulsory tillage. The farmers were bound to till a certain amount of land and the result was that before the change of Government—— and even after the change of Government—in many cases they had made their plans. They had to put in wheat, whether they liked it or not and they had to face the possibility that they might get only four barrels per acre from that large acreage. In 1949 compulsory tillage was not in existence and the result was that the farmers decided to use those 150,000 acres in some other way, to their own advantage. Certainly I do not think any Deputy will say that the farmers decided to use their land to their own disadvantage or that of the nation. Much of those 150,000 acres was probably tired land and needed a rest. The farmers gave that acreage a rest while at the same time fertilisers became available. Free to use their own discretion, the farmers chose what in their opinion was the most suitable land for wheat growing and although we had 150,000 fewer acres under wheat, the yield was equal to that of 1948 and was possibly greater because we have not yet got the full returns for the wheat crop of 1949. Wheat is still coming into the mills and the position is that although the area under wheat fell by 150,000 acres, we had the same amount of wheat apart from the quantity which has been imported in the interests of the nation.

We hear a lot about war at the present time and this Government is doing its part to ensure that our people will have their full requirements of bread, in the event of any crisis developing. We shall have good land available should it become necessary to cultivate it. Remember that the Minister pointed out in 1948 that if it becomes necessary for the Government to adopt a policy, whether it be compulsory tillage or some other policy, to increase production to the fullest extent, he will take any action that may be required. I think that is a very reasonable attitude. Let us remember that compulsory tillage was introduced only as a war-time measure. Even Fianna Fáil did not enforce compulsory tillage when there was no necessity for it.

In regard to sheep production, I should like to say that the sheep population has increased at a remarkable rate and the price of sheep is keeping up pretty well. We find now that the price obtainable for a good sheep's fleece is equal to the price obtainable for a whole sheep before the change of Government.

Hear, hear! That is perfectly true.

I would not say it unless it were true.

Thirty shillings.

Yes, you have a short memory if you do not remember the price paid for sheep when Fianna Fáil were in office. The point I want to make to the Minister is that, owing to the rapid increase in the sheep population, a very large number of lambs are offered for sale at the present time. I know for a fact that lambs are coming into the Dublin market for which there is no demand. I am not sure whether we have made any arrangements for the export of lambs but I am aware that in the last week or two, when there was a large number of lambs for sale in the Dublin market, nobody even bid for the lambs.

They will not take the British price.

These lambs had to be brought home by the farmers just as they brought them in. It was not a case of being bid a bad price; there was no offer for the lambs. I hope some arrangement will be made shortly whereby it will be possible to dispose of lambs. The market for local needs is over-supplied and the butchers cannot dispose of the number of lambs offered at the present time. I bring that matter to the notice of the Minister in the hope that he may be able to devise some scheme or give some direction to the farmers as to what would be the best policy to adopt in the circumstances. If the British Government do not wish to pay more than a certain figure, it will not be easy for us to force them to do so. There is no reason why anybody should be critical if we cannot succeed in inducing the British Government to pay a price which they do not wish to give, but I hope the Minister will have something to say on the matter when he is replying.

I should like to point out to those Deputies who have been agitating for compulsory tillage that, apart from the fact that the farmers do not get the return per acre from the land that they would if they were allowed to use their own discretion, if we just examine the figures we shall see that compulsory tillage does not necessarily mean more employment on the land. Taking each year in which the policy of compulsory tillage was operated, we find that the number of persons employed on the land decreased. In other words, those who come into this House and advocate compulsory tillage in order to maintain the level of employment on the land are not advancing an argument that can be supported by the facts. Here are the facts. In 1941, when the quota of compulsory tillage was only 20 per cent., the number of men employed on the land was 555,000, in round figures. In 1948, when the quota was 37½ per cent., there were only 499,000 employed, so that we find that although the tillage quota was increased by 17½ per cent. the number of people employed fell by practically 60,000. The figures for each year show that there was a progressive decline in the numbers employed. In 1941, when the quota was 20 per cent., the number employed was 555,000; in 1942, 541,000; in 1943, 536,000; in 1944, 526,000; in 1945, 521,000; in 1946, 519,000; in 1947, 507,000, and in 1948, 499,000.

There was no compulsory tillage that year.

There was.

In theory there was.

Read the figures to the end.

I did not bring in all the figures because I wanted to put forward an argument and I submit I have put forward that argument. I have given you the figures from 1941 when compulsory tillage was first introduced and each year following that fewer and fewer people were employed on the land. In fact you were driving people off the land by compulsory tillage. Whatever about leaving it to the farmers themselves to adopt a good and proper balanced economy, I think the system of compulsion as introduced by Fianna Fáil cannot maintain the level of employment on the land, if that is their object. The best thing for the Government to do, I think, is to leave it to the farmer's own discretion and I believe that the policy pursued by the Government will encourage our farmers in a balanced policy of agriculture. We know that the live-stock industry cannot progress without a good policy of roots and cereals and similarly roots and cereals depend on the existence of live stock and fertilisers, so that for that reason I am quite sure that the better policy is to leave it to the farmers themselves and encourage them in certain directions to ensure that we will get the necessary results.

Take butter production for instance. At one stage, about the time of the change of Government, the butter ration was two ounces a week. We found that the quantity of butter produced in 1947 was 36,000 cwts. compared with 89,000 cwts. in 1949. I have no doubt that if it did not pay the farmers to produce butter or increase milk production we would not have figures like this which can be verified from the official records.

I am sure that some of the Opposition Deputies might be happy to hear me mention tomatoes and protection for the tomato industry. I would like the Minister to adopt a system of regulating imports to ensure that when our people want tomatoes, if they cannot get Irish tomatoes they can get an alternative. I am not in favour of a policy of allowing a large quantity of tomatoes in because when the wholesalers find that it is necessary to sell that quantity within a few days fearing that they will go bad they thus force down the price of home-grown tomatoes. Irish tomatoes can command in this country a higher price than imported tomatoes but we should be prepared to allow the poor people to purchase tomatoes at reasonable prices. Certainly when there is a scarcity of home-grown tomatoes prices will be high because the maximum price is not fixed and therefore the law of supply and demand will operate. The law of supply and demand being such, when the price of our tomatoes comes below the price fixed in respect of imported tomatoes a regulation should be applied to ensure that we will not import more than is required to supplement the quantity of tomatoes our own growers are capable of producing.

We find that the growers in north County Dublin are trying to sell tomatoes, not alone in competition with imported tomatoes, but also with tomatoes from glasshouses in Connemara and Donegal erected at the expense of the taxpayers and subsidised. Growers there are competing with people who borrowed money to erect their own glasshouses or invested their savings in them and I feel that these growers in north County Dublin are placed at a disadvantage when they must compete with growers in Connemara or Donegal whose glasshouses were provided under a Government scheme at the expense of the taxpayers.

I hope that when the land project is proceeded with some consideration will be given to making a greater area of land available. It is calculated that 1/10th of a locality is taken up by ditches and hedges and I hope that it may be possible to eliminate them in order to make a greater acreage of fertile land available for the production of foodstuffs, etc.

I am quite satisfied with the policy which is being pursued by the Minister for Agriculture. I know that he is faced with certain problems of sudden —I will not say surpluses because I do not like the word—rises in the level of production, but I think that all credit goes to him for the fact that this change has taken place so rapidly. I think that under his guidance the farmers will continue to prosper and consequently the nation. Go into any town in Ireland and you will find that that town is prospering because the farmers of Ireland are prospering.

Hear, hear!

They can go into a town and spend what they like, to put it mildly. All credit goes to the Minister for Agriculture for that change because if we look at the years from 1945 to 1948 we find that the trend was downward rather than upward so far as most of the agricultural community was concerned.

It was very noticeable during the debate on industry and commerce that some Fianna Fáil Deputies were complaining that agriculture was prospering at the expense of industry. I am not prepared to subscribe to that view but I believe that the Opposition should be consistent, and if they feel that they should show why they have come to that conclusion. One Deputy in opposition suggested that the cost of living was being kept up on account of agricultural prices. Let me deal with the cost of living very briefly. Take it that it has gone up three points since the change of Government. That would represent about 1 per cent. Wages have gone up between 10 per cent. and 25 per cent. and possibly more. Consequently the purchasing capacity of the wage earner is very much higher. We can take it that the two-once butter ration was available at one time. The housewife was then forced to go into the black market and seek butter at 7/6 or 6/- a lb. I am quite sure that Deputy Aiken knows the great trade that went on in Dundalk at 6/- a lb.

10/- a lb.

She had to supplement her ration with——

Cavan butter.

—— Cavan butter at 10/- a lb. Take the tea ration. The housewife, in order to supplement her tea ration, was forced to go out and pay 20/- a lb. for tea. Some paid more and some paid less, but there is a very big difference between 20/- per lb. and the present price which is called the economic price. I have mentioned the "3/6 per lb." marked on the packet of butter which annoyed Deputy Allen so much. It is the most the housewife pays and she does not have to supplement a butter ration of four or six ounces——

It is 8 oz.

She has very little to supplement and has only to pay 3/6 per lb. as compared with 6/- or, as Deputy Coburn says, 10/-. Sugar is in exactly the same position. The sugar ration was four ounces and the housewife had to purchase the balance of her requirements at anything from ? to 2/6 per lb. We hear Deputy Walsh screaming now about the housewife paying 7d. per lb. to supplement a higher ration than she was getting when the change of Government took place. These figures ought to show very clearly what the position, so far as the cost of living is concerned, is.

People are inclined to confuse the high cost of living with the high standard of living. The standard of living has certainly gone up, as was proved by the Minister for Finance, who produced figures to show that it has gone up by 33? per cent. When the standard of living has gone up, it means that, when the essential commodities have been purchased, the wage-earner then starts to live up to this increased standard of living by using the balance of his earnings for the purchase of semi-essential and non-essential commodities, so that, if a man to-day says: "I used to be happy with £5 a week; I now have £6 a week and I am not happy", the position is that the cost of living as calculated at the time of the change of Government, has increased by only 1 per cent., but the variety of goods he purchases and the standard up to which he lives differs greatly. That is why there is so much confusion between the cost of living and the standard of living.

To me, it is a matter of extreme regret that the discussion of this Estimate has been carried on in what I might describe as a Party, political spirit. One would think that the debate on this industry which we hear talked about so much as the most important in the country and the foundation on which our whole structure depends, would be carried on in-cool terms and on the basis of examining the position dispassionately in an effort to find out exactly what the situation is and to suggest remedies. The House need go no further back than the last two speakers to see the spirit in which the debate has been carried on—on the one side, everything happening is all wrong, and, on the other side, everything happening is all right. I propose to try to steer a middle course.

To begin with, the size of the Estimate for this Department, £15,097,040, is staggering, and, looking at it, one must immediately come to the conclusion that agriculture must be a terribly spoon-fed industry when so much of the State finances are being made available for its maintenance and development. But let us look at it in reality to see if that is so, to see if the farming community are so useless as to require so much State aid to maintain them even as a vanishing quantity. Of that total, a sum of over £15,000,000, I notice that £7,200,000 is in respect of food subsidies, flour and wheatenmeal subsidies, and £2,639,000 in respect of subsidies, allowances and so on for dairy produce.

I understand that it was a year ago that these food subsidies were transferred to this Department. Illness at the time prevented me from being present to protest against the transfer, because I saw even then that it would be used as a lever to misrepresent the farming community in regard to the amount of State aid they were getting. It is probably too late now to protest, but the fact that it has been included for the second year in the Estimate means that, so long as stabilisation of food prices continues, these items will likely continue. The point I want to make is that this sum of £9,839,000 is not a subsidy to the agricultural industry. It is a subsidy to the consumers of agricultural produce and, therefore, the £15,000,000 comes down to a little over £5,000,000, which is a very different figure.

In the Estimate, there are some very helpful proposals which are to be carried out with moneys from State funds. There are the land rehabilitation and water schemes costing this year £3,100,000; there is the farm buildings scheme amounting to over £400,000 and there is the provision for poultry development schemes of £350,000. These sums amount to £3,800,000. There are other sums which are of direct benefit and which will improve the condition of the agricultural community. There is a sum of £8,000 for the prevention of contagious abortion in cattle; a sum of £45,971 for the improvement of milk production, and £12,925 for the improvement of live stock—a total of a little less than £67,000.

I do not propose to go into the details of these sums but in view of the claims made that agriculture is not a self-supporting industry and the figures introduced now and then in an effort to prove that, I should like to refer to another item to which I referred in speaking on this Estimate in 1948, the cost-of-living index and agricultural price index. By parliamentary question to the Minister for Industry and Commerce, I had previously drawn attention to the fact that the basic year for both these indices had been changed from the original basis of pre-1914 to the year 1938-39, and I was told by the Minister that the question of a suitable basis for these indices was under consideration. I mentioned it on the debate on the Estimate for the Department of Agriculture and suggested that the Minister should get in touch with the Minister for Industry and Commerce and see that a base more equitable to agriculture was taken, so that agriculture could not be misrepresented to the same extent as it had been. Nothing has happened since, but we got some information from the Minister for Industry and Commerce on the Estimate for his Department this year, when he said that not even by suggestion or implication had he influenced the people who were responsible for producing those statistics, so that no one can say that, with the change of Government, a change in the basis of the agricultural prices index and the cost-of-living index would make any difference, that conditions were exactly the same as they had been. The fact remains that those figures still misrepresent the agricultural community. Taking the cost-of-living index and the agricultural prices index on the original base pre-1914, in the year 1938-39, when the base was changed, the agricultural prices index had reached 111.9, say 112, leaving out the decimal; the cost-of-living index had increased to 173 and the cost of clothing had increased to 225.

The point I come to is that, on the changed basis, that is, the 1938-39 basis, agricultural prices have increased to 252, I think, for the year 1949; the cost of living has increased to only 100 of the 1938-39 base. That would appear to show that agriculture has a great advantage. The cost of clothing has increased only to 105. Nevertheless, if we get back to the 1914 base, we find that, on that basis, agricultural prices in 1949 had only increased from the 100 of 1914 to 280 in 1949, while the cost of living had increased to 346 and the cost of clothing had increased to 450. The point I want to make is that statistics can absolutely misrepresent the actual position. I hope that will be borne in mind in future and also that £15,000,000 for agriculture absolutely misrepresents the aid to the agricultural community.

There is another matter that will enable us to assess the farmer's income. Of the total national income in 1949, those engaged in agriculture got only 30 per cent. That is, probably, 60 per cent. of the population got 30 per cent. of the national income. The statistics will not bear me out in saying 60 per cent. but the amount of female labour coupled with the figure for the number of males of 14 years and upwards engaged in agriculture would show that at least 60 per cent. and probably nearly 70 per cent. of the population are directly dependent for income on the land. The point is that they only get 30 per cent. of the national income although they are at least 60 per cent. of the population.

Furthermore, that state of affairs exists in spite of the fact that cattle and sheep prices were never so high in the memory of any living man. What must be the return from other products of the farm if, with these very high prices for cattle and sheep, the income of the agriculturist is only 30 per cent. of the national income?

We were told by the Minister for Finance when he was concluding the debate on the Estimate for his Department, and pointing out the progress that has been made, that agricultural production had come near to pre-war level while industrial production had increased by 43 per cent. Why is that? Why has industry prospered and expanded by 43 per cent. since the end of the war while agriculture has barely reached pre-war production? Is not the acid test of any expansion, expansion in the matter of providing a living for human beings? There must be some serious cause of agriculture lagging behind while industry marches forward to such an extent.

Perhaps the statement made by the Minister for Industry and Commerce on 7th June—Volume 121, No. 10, columns 1450 to 1451 of the Official Report—may throw some light on the cause. This is what the Minister for Industry and Commerce, Mr. Morrissey, said:—

"This country is to-day enjoying the greatest and widest measure of protection for its industries than was ever afforded to them in the past. I have given protection in greater measure to some industries that already had it. I have given new protection to other industries. I have reduced quotas. In some cases I have guaranteed almost the entire market to some of our principal industries, for example, the footwear industry. I reduced that quota from 1,250,000 pairs to 40,000 pairs.

I want to assert here—and again it will be accepted by Deputies if they are going to be honest, and there is no use in beating about the bush and in trying to deceive ourselves, much less the people—that in most cases, I do not say all cases, the increasing of protection leads to some extent, to a great extent or to a small extent, to an increase in the cost of the protected article. There is no question about it. I am making no apology for it."

That, to my mind, explains in simple, short phrases, the reason why industry has advanced while at the same time agriculture lags behind. In spite of the great advance in science and mechanical production, and all the rest of it, during the last couple of decades, agriculture lags behind and fails to maintain its population for the simple reason that, in the first instance, the increased prices of the products of industry in so far as they constitute the raw material of the agricultural industry and the household requirements of the farming community are an additional charge on agriculture. At the same time, increased production of agricultural produce, by whatever means it is achieved, has to compete on the export market with foreign produce and, in many cases, with an unsympathetic Government. Therefore the farming community suffers in two ways. The costs of agricultural and household requirements have increased by the policy of protection, for which the Minister for Industry and Commerce tells us he makes no apology— and to which we all subscribe in so far as it employs the population rather than that they should emigrate—and weigh heavily on the agricultural community seeing that the policy of national protection is not applied to agriculture as well as to industry.

I have mentioned that the expansion in any industry should be measured rather in its results on human beings than on any other consideration. In so far as the decline in the numbers employed in the agricultural industry is concerned, there appears to be a dispute between the Minister for Agriculture and the ex-Taoiseach, Deputy de Valera, as to what period the decrease of 50,000 in the number of those enaged in agriculture relates. The Minister for Agriculture, and other Deputies behind him, pointed to the fact that that decrease took place over the years 1941-48, and the official statistics bear that out. But we can go further. We can go from the period 1948 to 1949. The official figure of employment on the land in 1948 was 499,542, whilst in 1949 it was down to 452,500—a drop in one year of 47,042.

No bad going.

We must make allowance for what was the decline in the years previous to that. However, such a serious drop in one year must give cause for serious thought as to the reason. If agriculture is so prosperous as we are led to believe it is, why is it that so many of the farmer's family are deserting? Why is it that the number of hired labourers is getting smaller? If it paid the farmer to employ more labour, does anybody think that he would not make every effort to employ more labour, produce more goods on his land and sell those goods, if he could do so, at a profit?

In introducing his Estimate the Minister said that the best test of policy is results and that the best arguments are facts. If the disappearance of the human element from agriculture is the test, I think we must admit that there is something seriously wrong and that serious consideration should be given to the matter. The causes which might influence the position should be seriously considered, and if it is found that we are on the wrong track it is time to put a stop to it and change the course before the position becomes worse.

Change the captain.

The vast increase in butter production has been referred to but I do not think the increase has yet reached the 1939 production level and certainly not the 1936 production level. The House has been told of the great increase in the poultry industry: that is a fact. Furthermore, we have been told of the great increase in the pig industry which also is a fact in so far as numbers are concerned. I understand that the target set by the Minister in 1948 for the poultry industry was that in the year 1950-51 at least 8,000,000 day-old chicks would be supplied to the poultry-keepers throughout the country. We had been getting on towards that figure over the years. I shall refer to the figures in this connection later. The figure for the export of eggs over the period 1st January to 30th April, 1947, was 614,699 hundred; from the 1st January to the 30th, April, 1948—1,144,052 hundred; from the 1st January to 30th April, 1949—1,848,747 hundred. From the 1st January to 30th April, 1950, the figure was down to 1,683,877 hundred. That was a drop from April, 1949, to April, 1950, of 164,870 hundred. Therefore, we appear to be going back rather than to be continuing in the direction in which we had been going.

I have picked up some figures with regard to day-old chicks. In the 194849 hatching season there were 3,830,000 day-old chicks hatched; in the hatching season just completed, 1949-50, that figure went down to 3,590,000, a drop of 240,000, so that, before we reached the half-way mark, 4,000,000 day-old chicks, half the target set in 1948, we began to go back. We should endeavour to find out dispassionately why that is the case. There was a great rush in production in 1948. Even in 1947 an effort was made to turn out from the hatcheries a considerable number of day-old chicks. That was even before the Department intervened. That encouragement was brought about, I understand—I am now speaking from memory—by a bargain made by the ex-Minister for Agriculture with the British Minister of Food.

A sum of £1,350,000 was made available by the British Ministry of Food to subsidise the price of Irish eggs in an effort to encourage Irish people to go in more for the production of eggs in order to supply the British market. I understand our own Government put up a similar sum, but the money put up by our Government was to be used for development work, such as the provision of new houses and other buildings for poultry on the farm, for the subsidisation of the price of day-old chicks and for other purposes, all in the effort to encourage our people to go into greater production. Out of that sum of £1,350,000, provided by the British Government, a subsidy of 6d. per dozen was paid and that put the price of eggs in the 1948 season up to 3/- a dozen. That was encouragement to the farmer's wife to develop the poultry industry, and she did.

There was every evidence of a great increase in production, but still it did not appear to be sufficient. We were assured at the time that the more eggs we produced, the more we would get for them, by arrangement with the British Ministry of Food. The sum of £1,350,000 was likely to be used up before the period it was intended to cover expired, because the farmers' wives, being anxious to avail of anything that would yield a reasonable profit, increased production considerably in order to gain as much as possible of that money while the going was good.

I foresaw some danger at the time, and I put down a question to the present Minister for Agriculture asking him for how long the 3/- a dozen was guaranteed, and his reply was "until further notice". I pressed him for a definite period, but I failed to get it. Later on I mentioned that it might become dangerous, when production would increase to a point where there would be a rather big exportable surplus, and the price might not be maintained. Within a year that took place. The sum provided by the British to subsidise eggs was likely to run short of the period it was intended from to cover, and the price was reduced from 3/- to 2/6. Now it appears that the period of the original bargain is running out and a new price has to be arranged, and that is 2/- a dozen for seven months and 3/6 for the remaining five months.

Before I go any farther, I want to point to the fact that, when the price was reduced from 3/- to 2/6, the demand for the day-old chicks slackened off, the number of hens decreased, and the export of eggs went down considerably. What will be the prospect when the price goes down to 2/-? In comparison with the present guaranteed price of 2/6 over the year, the price of 2/- for seven months and 3/6 for five months will hardly average more than 2/2 over the year. That is a considerable drop from the price the farming community has been getting in the present year.

Where is the encouragement to the farming community to develop production in any way? Has it not been their experience all their lives that the more they produce, the less they get for it? We were assured in 1948 that the more eggs we produced, the more we would get for them, but it had exactly the opposite effect. Therefore, if we go on producing in increasing quantities, producing to a point where there will be a rather big exportable surplus, where obviously we will have no bargaining power and where our prices will be influenced by the prices at which Britain can buy produce from other countries, what encouragement will there be for the farmers to increase production or even maintain the present low level of production?

It is the same way with pigs. I heard Deputy Rooney say that in 1947 the price of bacon pigs was 135/- a cwt. I wonder is that a mistake? I think there was no difficulty in the midwinter and the early spring of 1947 in getting 220/- a cwt. The fact is that pigs increased until we had an exportable surplus, and then prices went down to £9 10/- a cwt.—for heavier pigs the price was as low as £7 10/-. The inevitable consequence of increased production of agricultural produce is lower prices.

So far as the agricultural producer is concerned, what is there to justify lower prices for his produce? Has the cost of labour gone down? Has the cost of raw materials gone down? Has the standard of his requirements in any way gone down? Agricultural machinery has increased in price in the past couple of months by 10 per cent. In spite of what Deputy Allen said, the cost of fertilisers came down last year. The main types of fertilisers, including nitrogenous manures and phosphates, have come down by 10 per cent. Apart from that, can anyone point to any decrease in the cost of production? Therefore, what is to justify lower prices for farms produce?

Is it not obviously exploitation to encourage people to increase production and then, when they have the stuff ready to market, they have to face the position when they must accept lower prices? Is it any wonder the members of the farmer's family leave the farm? In many cases, the heir apparent to the farm will go off to find other employment, will go into one of the sheltered industries, the industries where the incomes of those working there, the dividends secured by the investors, are guaranteed and protected by embargoes and tariffs against imports, so that the produce of those industries can be sold at an artificial level.

If that is so in relation to other sections of the community, why should it not apply to the agricultural section? The fact is that the farmers' agricultural and household requirements have increased to a great extent and the ironic part of it is that he gets little or no benefit from the national policy of protection; he gets a good deal of the disadvantages.

I assert that the prices of agricultural and household requirements are at an artificially high level. If the farmer has to sell his produce in competition on a foreign market and to sell his produce on the home market at the same price—Deputy Rooney mentioned to-day that at the moment lambs are unsaleable—then it follows inevitably that these prices must come down if there is not some method by which prices can be maintained.

Until there is some standard of justice introduced whereby the same yardstick will be used as a measure of protection for both the agricultural producer and the industrial producer, what prospect is there for even the present small population that is engaged in farming? Is it not obvious that in such a situation industry must have a great advantage over agriculture? Since the end of the war the numbers engaged in industry have increased by 43 per cent., while the numbers engaged in agriculture have been dwindling year by year.

I come now to discuss the land rehabilitation and water scheme. To my mind, this is a wise scheme that will benefit the nation as a whole. The money invested in it is in safe keeping. I say that because any improvements that we make on the land will remain, at least, for a considerable period. This is interesting, in view of the fact that the £3,100,000 to be invested in this scheme is money which, I understand, is being borrowed from the American Counterpart Fund. I think the Government were wise in putting such an amount of that money into the agricultural industry. If they were to put a big sum like that into the erection of buildings, no matter how laudable the purposes for which the buildings were erected, well in these dangerous days in which we are living, with the atomic bomb or even bombs of lesser power, one of them could wreck and do inestimable damage to these buildings, whereas if a bomb of any description is dropped on the land it will only cause a crater which will not extend over a very wide area. That crater can be filled in and use can be made of that land again. Not so, however, if buildings were hit because they would be wiped out altogether.

At the same time, I want to say that the scheme falls very far short even of justice. It is, to a large extent, a premium on laziness. My use of that word may cause resentment to some, but the point is that over the past half century since landlordism disappeared, there has been a steady effort by the farmer, with the aid of his unpaid family labour, to improve his land, to drain it, to ditch it and to fence it. The injustice to the farmer who did that —and this is the point which I want to make—is that his farm is now held not to need any of the expenditure of this £40,000,000 of borrowed money that is to be spent in the next ten years, whereas his less industrious neighbour who did nothing to improve his farm can now avail of a grant up to £20 an acre for the reclamation, improvement and fertilisation of his land. To my mind, at least, that is not justice. It is no encouragement to the thrifty or industrious farmer. Further, it is unjust, because of the fact that the land which that farmer and his family of unpaid labour drained and cultivated during the early years of this century —up to the period of the war when that land produced food to maintain our people during the years of emergency and when very little could be got from outside—was depleted seriously in its fertility by the production of the crops which we needed at that time. During that emergency period we had less than half a sufficiency of farm-yard manure and for a considerable period no fertilisers at all.

In view of that I hold that this State is under an obligation to take considerable steps to restore the fertility of that land. That could have been done through this land reclamation scheme. Rather than spend all the £40,000,000 on land that needs reclamation, I suggest to the Minister that a considerable portion of that money should be used in refertilising land which had been put in a proper condition by the industry of the farmer and his unpaid family labour in the years gone by. I suggest that, even now, the Minister should give serious consideration to that suggestion which I make— that he should make available a considerable amount of that £40,000,000 in the provision of fertilisers and lime for land that does not require drainage. I do not say that it is necessary to put out fertilisers on, say, the lands of Meath or in the Golden Vale of Limerick. But, there is a considerable amount of mediocre land that has always been, particularly since the emergency period, very much in need of both fertilisers and lime.

I suggest, as a measure of justice to begin with and in an effort towards a measure of self sufficiency, that a very considerable amount of this £40,000,000 should be utilised for the provision of fertilisers and lime for such land. There is no reason why a proportion of that money should not be a free grant or, at least, a big proportion of it. I suggest further, in view of the necessity for becoming as nearly as possible self-sufficient in regard to the production of foodstuffs, that it would be a sound policy to encourage that, so that the land may be made more fertile and that there would be an encouragement for the farmer to produce crops on his land. By reason of the low return which the farmer gets for the stuff which he turns of his farm, apart altogether from the crops which he grows for sale as cash crops, I think it would be wise to encourage him either by the provision of fertilisers or by price subsidisation for the finished article, especially in view of the serious situation that is confronting the world at the moment. I think it would be a very wise policy to do that.

There is next the question of farm buildings. I think it is a good sound investment to borrow money for this purpose. I understand that £350,000 from the American Counterpart Fund is to be devoted to this purpose in the present year. Anything that will improve farm buildings will certainly lead to a healthier and a more reproductive stock.

There again I think it is a good investment to spend money on farm buildings. En passant, I would like to mention the fact that the supervisors of this new scheme were the supervisors who administered the farm improvements scheme in the years gone by. Some of them have now gone over to the land reclamation project. The remainder were given bigger areas over which to operate. In some cases one man is now expected to do twice the area he previously covered and many of them have had to provide themselves with cars in order to carry out their duties. In all probability they have a mileage allowance for those cars but that allowance will not be sufficient to meet the cost of the running of the car over the year. Some of these men have as much as 11 years' service. They are unestablished. They have no rights. They can be dismissed on a week's notice. Many of them have families to support. Yet, they are paid a lower salary than a builder's labourer in the City of Dublin. It is remarkable that in practically every sphere of agriculture incomes generally are on a much lower level than they are in any other sphere of activity. These men have accumulated a considerable amount of technical knowledge through the operation of these schemes, some of which included the erection of farm buildings. It simply does not seem right that men of their intelligence, ability and experience should be paid a lower rate of wages than an unskilled builder's labourer in the City of Dublin.

During last February and March I dealt in extenso with milk prices and pig prices when speaking on the motions I had tabled at that time. I do not propose now to weary the House in recapitulating all the arguments I then advanced. May I remind the House, however, that when speaking in connection with pig production at that time I said that at the prices bacon pigs were making then, which was about £9 4s. od. or£9 5s. 0d. a cwt., I held the view that it was not possible to produce on the farm feeding stuffs to feed a pig to sell at that price. I said at the same time that I was well aware that one could use a ration composed largely of imported feeding stuffs and on that ration produce pigs to sell at £9 10s. per cwt. I held that view then. I hold that view to-day. Is it any wonder that the production of food on the farm for pig and poultry feeding has dwindled? The farmer who was employing labour and who had either credit or capital available could increase his pig population considerably, buy these imported feeding stuffs and neglect cultivating his farm. In that way he could do with less hired labour. That is exactly what the farmer did and no one can blame him. In the circumstances what else could he do?

Seemingly, it was necessary to impose a high tariff and quota restrictions against foreign boots, shoes and clothing in order to maintain the native industries. Why on earth should it not be necessary to give some protection to the agricultural producer? Why should it be made well-nigh impossible for the farmer to produce food on his farm because of the low prices he will get for that food when he feeds it to his pigs and walks it off his land? The same yardstick should be used to measure protection in the agricultural industry as is used to measure protection in other industries.

I pointed out in February and March the increase in the cost of milk production. I drew attention to the increased production that had taken place as a result of more favourable weather conditions. The cows were yielding more. The price was inadequate. I gave figures to show that in the creamery area close to where I live the total income from the milk of the average cow, even allowing that 25 per cent. of her milk was retained for use at home, was only £20 per annum. To that must be added on the value of the calf and of the skimmed milk returned. That would probably bring the income from the cow up about £27 per annum. Owing to more favourable weather conditions the milk supply has been steadily increasing. But the turning-point may come in that even as it has come in poultry production. It may come in pig production, too. The farmer cannot change his economy overnight. He cannot even change it successfully in a year. Because a good crop in one year leaves him carrying on successfully in the following year, the farmer does not see results immediately. The prospects at the, moment are not bright. We are facing a reduced price for eggs, a reduced price for milk supplied to the creameries, and our bacon cannot be exported without a subsidy of 8/- per cwt. Is there any prospect, then, of employing more people on the land? It is possible that because of the increased imports of fertilisers a fillip may be given to home production. When we reach a stage where imported feeding stuffs are not so cheap the farmer may then be compelled to use the feeding stuffs he grows on his own land. He may get a higher price for his animals and his agricultural produce and that will be some encouragement to him to increase his production of cereals and root crops. So far as one can see at the moment there is no stability. The more industrious the farmer is and the more he produces the less of a future there is for him. He has no protection. The smaller farmers in the community, are in a state of unrest. They are labouring under a heavy sense of frustration. They do not know what to turn to next.

The industrial population is protected to such a degree that—apart altogether from the numbers available for employment, that is the numbers on the unemployment register—the wages of the workers are kept up and, through protection, the price of the finished article is such as to maintain the dividends paid to investors at a high level.

The Minister should make an effort to fix prices for the main items of agricultural produce for a period of years, to give the farmers some stability and encouragement. I know it would not be possible to fix the price of store cattle, as we produce so much that our own people do not require and which must be exported. No one will say that those prices are not very satisfactory at the moment, due not to our own efforts but largely to the fact that Britain cannot get from the Argentine the supplies she would like to purchase—she is able to buy at the moment there only a quarter of what she wants—with the result that she is driven to rely on the Irish supply, the price of which is very high. That is a great help to the farming community in Ireland and it is being availed of. It has led to the point where calves which used to be slaughtered as uneconomic are being reared, thus increasing the cattle population and giving a good return to anyone who has not to employ much labour. That does not operate with the small farmer, who cannot go in for extensive stock raising. He is confined, at least in my area, largely to the pig, the cow and the hen and if the income from these is small he is in a very low position.

I have come across some suggestions in the White Paper of an attempt to improve the dairy herds and I am glad to see that. The Minister suggests providing artificial insemination centres in the areas where there is a considerable number of dairy cows, as in the creamery districts, and to provide proven dairy bulls so as to give good milk and dairy stock. Good luck to his efforts. I am glad that it is being done. I made a request two years ago to him to provide these proven dairy bulls for the creamery area of Killeshandra in my own county and after two years' waiting I am glad to see that notification has come to that creamery committee that they will be provided with an insemination centre and with proven dairy bulls and the services of a veterinary surgeon to conduct it. We may hope that an improvement will take place, but not much earlier than in ten years. How is the farming community to exist for those ten years?

I have given the average milk yields for that creamery in 1949, which provided an income of only £20 per cow for the milk supplied to the creamery and used on the farm. That state of affairs, as I pointed out on the Milk Prices Motion on the 3rd March, has been brought about through the Live Stock Breeding Act of 1925. There has been a steady decline in milk yields year by year since that Act was brought into force, by reason of the fact that the official policy of the Department seems to have been during all the years from 1925 to 1948 to encourage the beef bull. If it has taken 25 years to bring down the yields of the cows to such an extent, what hope may we have for an increase in two, five or ten years? Would it not be a long time before we get back to the point we left at that time?

I hope these proven dairy bulls will be really proven dairy bulls and not the type we were accustomed to under the schemes of the Department in the past. My own experience during the late 20's was that from a 630 gallon cow, and a dual-purpose bull sent out by the Department of Agriculture, I got a 212 gallon heifer. That was no encouragement and I hope it will not take place again. I hope these bulls will be really reliable and will produce the milking stock that we so much desire and which it is difficult to get at the moment. It was right to provide this scheme to cow-keepers through cow-testing associations. Cow testing is the only means by which we can ascertain whether a cow is worth her keep or worth breeding from; and it would be only a waste of time if these bulls are not of the best type, as the progeny would show no improvement. The Minister's proposal to have cow-testing associations in connection with the scheme is a good one. Although the scheme is good on paper, when it comes down to practical application it will provide many serious problems for the Department.

The suggestions for milk recording were sent out from the Department to the creamery committees with a covering letter of the 24th February, 1950, as follows:—

"Sir,

I am directed by the Minister for Agriculture to state that, with a view to improving the general level of the milk yield of dairy cows and the elimination of those which are uneconomic, he has under consideration the introduction of a milk recording scheme on new lines which would replace the existing cow testing scheme. The broad outlines of the proposed new scheme are indicated in the enclosed memorandum.

The Minister will be glad if, when this matter has been considered by your society, you will indicate whether the society is prepared to cooperate with him in putting the new scheme into operation as early as may be found practicable. If your society has any suggestions to offer in connection with the proposals, the Minister will be glad to consider them.

I am, sir,

Your obedient servant,

M.H.HEELAN,

Assistant Secretary."

The summary of the proposed conditions is as follows:—

1. All milk suppliers to creameries to become members of local milk recording associations.

2. Weighing and recording of the milk to be carried out by a supervisor employed on a part-time basis. Milk yields to be estimated as a result of weighings made not less frequently than once every four weeks.

3. Supervisors to visit two herds per day, to take samples of the milk and to send these samples to the local creamery for calculation of butter-fat content.

4. Certificates of the milk yield of each cow in a supplier's herd to be furnished monthly to the local creamery by the supervisor.

5. Suppliers whose herds give a yield exceeding 400 gallons per cow to receive the standard guaranteed price for their milk, those whose herds include cows giving a yield of less than 400 gallons to receive 2d. per gallon less than the standard price, if, without any attempt on a supplier's part to improve his herd, such cows are retained in the next lactation period. The lower price to be paid also to suppliers who do not participate in the scheme.

6. Remuneration of supervisors to be at the rate of £3 10s. a week, rising by annual increments of 5/- to a maximum of £5 per week.

7. Suppliers participating in the scheme to make a contribution towards the cost at the rate of7/6 per cow per year. Payment to be made by deduction from suppliers' monthly cheques. A contribution of an equivalent amount to be made from State funds.

As I said, the desirability of milk recording in connection with an attempt to prove the milking properties of cows, is very desirable but to my mind the implementation of that scheme will be much more difficult than the Minister thinks. Take the question of supervisors alone. Number 3 says: "Supervisors to visit two herds per day, to take samples of the milk and to send these samples to the local creamery for calculation of butter fat content." I have been making some rough and ready calculations as to what that would cost in a creamery area and I confine myself to the creamery in regard to which I have an opportunity of knowing the facts. The supervisor is to get £3 10s. a week and he can visit only two herds per day. I do not believe that he will be able to do more than five days a week, that is starting off on Monday evening, because the difficulty is that if he wants to test two herds a day, he will require to make arrangements the previous day as to what herds are to be delayed in the milking period so as to give him an opportunity of being present at the milking of each herd. He can only make these arrangements on Monday morning, get to work on Monday evening and finish on Saturday morning. He has, therefore, only five days in the week. That means that he can only do ten herds in the week and in the particular instance that I am aware of —the Killeshandra creamery area—the average number of cows to each supplier, although they have something more than 15,000 cows altogether, is about four cows per herd. There are some big herds but not many, and there is a very considerable number of small herds. A big number of suppliers would have only three cows per herd and that would reduce the average down to four cows per herd. Even making some allowance for the bigger herds, you would require a very large number of supervisors. Say that we take the total number of cows as 14,000 —that will leave a floating number of 1,000—you would require 88 supervisors at £3 10s. per week or £182 per annum for each supervisor. That means that with 88 supervisors, the annual charge on the creamery would be £16,016.

The Deputy is not serious.

The Deputy can consider the figures when they appear in the Official Report and he can decide whether I am right or wrong. At the same time, the amount paid in salaries and wages to the management and staff of the same creamery would only be something like £9,000 per annum for the running of the creamery. I would suggest to the Minister that he will find problems like these confronting him even in this most desirable scheme. Whilst that scheme might work out beautifully in Limerick and in portions of Cork or in any place where the herds are big, it will impose an intolerable burden on the creamery industry where the herds are small. I would suggest a simpler scheme that might achieve quite as good results but one that would be more practicable, where the farms and the herds are small. Whilst I am not an advocate of low wages for anyone, I think the cow testing supervisors could do the work of sampling in, say, three or four hours, or five hours a day, working morning and evening. If they were local people they could do it very much cheaper, make the returns to the creamery and let the calculations be made by a few competent people at the central creamery. Furthermore, I would suggest that the element in cow testing in the past that led to what I consider is its considerable failure—that was the building up of records so that the progeny of the cows which are tested could be sold on the record of the dams and the sires— should be eliminated, although the registered record of each cow would be available only for the information of the man who owns that cow, and that anything in the nature of registered herds be discontinued. If cow testing had been any advantage in the past, it would have spread to a greater extent than it has done. The result that I mentioned, that I got a 212-gallon heifer from a 630-gallon cow with a dual-purpose bull, showed that the old records were not reliable.

I think to have any chance of success for cow testing on an extended basis under this scheme, we must eliminate that record-building. Mind you, these records can be built up quite honestly. By getting the dam into very good condition before calving and feeding her well during her milking period you might increase the yield of that cow by 150 gallons, but I would suggest that the keeping of records for the purpose of selling the progeny of that cow will not have very good results and should be eliminated. There is no need to build up herd records over a wide area for every herd. We can just simply provide that information for the owner of the cow so that he may know what his cow is capable of, the amount of milk and butter fat that it produced in the year and whether she is giving a reasonable return for the amount of food consumed.

Having dealt with that matter in detail, I turn to the suggestion I have already made that the general bulk of the small farmers are in a state of uncertainty. There is no security or no guarantee of what prices will be in future or whether they are going to get anything to enable them to retain the members of their own family on their farms or to employ hired labour.

By direction of the organisation that put me where I am now I am going to ask that a guaranteed price for the produce of the pig, the cow and the hen be established based on the cost of production and a reasonable profit and on what it would take to employ labour if necessary and that the produce of that labour on the farm be paid for from the price received for that produce. That it has not been doing so is evident from the fact that the numbers are dwindling. If that is to be stopped, guaranteed prices must be assured to agricultural producers just as well as the workers in the factory.

I mentioned the produce of the pig, the cow and the hen because unfortunately the farmers in my area have never benefited very much from the wheat or beet schemes. It is regrettable, and as a result they were driven to those three things I have mentioned. I have been directed to demand that those prices be guaranteed. That was the purpose of my motions on pig prices and milk prices but, unfortunately, they were not implemented. By a majority of the House my milk prices motion was defeated, but singularly enough my pig prices motion asking an increase in prices which would enable farmers to produce pigs on the produce of the farm was unanimously accepted by the Dáil. No attempt, however, was made to implement it and no attempt was made or is being made to find out what price it would be necessary to give for bacon pigs so as to give farmers the cost of production. Any figures I put up were ridiculed but when I challenged that no one could put up figures to refute them. Obviously ridicule takes the place of logic. The fact remains that there is no security and that is an injustice to this section of the community.

I would suggest to the Minister that he should take this Estimate back to his colleagues in the Cabinet and put the points he has heard in this debate during the past five or six days before them. Let him say candidly to them that the farming community are not getting justice or a reasonable share of the wealth they produce. In view of the fact that when no other food was to be got they impoverished their farms in the effort to produce food and worked very hard, late and early, it is not right that they should be continually kept as underdogs. I suggest that he put these points to his colleagues in the Cabinet and say to them that the farmers cannot be fooled any longer and that we will have to concede justice or at least a measure of it to them. If his colleagues do not agree to that, do not agree to set about finding the costing of agricultural production so that the prices at which farmers must sell will be guaranteed, my instructions are that I am to vote for the motion to refer this Estimate back for reconsideration. I will be sorry to have to do so, but whether or no the position is more serious than it would seem to those who look lightly at this thing because they are getting more pigs, eggs and so on at cheaper prices, while at the same time the agricultural population is dwindling at a greater rate even than during the years 1941 to 1947.

The people are in a state of discontent and unless they get some assurance of a guaranteed price for their produce based on the cost of production so as to give unpaid farmers and their families at least a labourer's wage—it is not too much to ask—there will be no question of generosity to the agricultural community. Again I would suggest to the Minister to take his Estimate back and put the position clearly before his colleagues and say that the farming community must get justice.

I have listened carefully to Deputy O'Reilly's speech and I must say that there is a good deal that is absolutely true and sincere in it. I would say that every farmer Deputy in this House must agree with a lot of it and I would suggest to the so-called farmer Deputies on the Government Benches that they should seriously consider it. He has sounded a warning and has stated that the farmers have been deceived and fooled, in short, that the farmers do not know exactly where they stand. I agree absolutely with Deputy O'Reilly on this.

Another doleful Jimmy.

Deputy O'Reilly quoted some figures to show that the Minister, in spite of all the eloquence of which he is capable, has not proved to the small working farmer, the farmer who matters in this country, that he is in any state of security whatever. From the very beginning the Minister's attitude has been a changing one towards farming and I would quote one or two examples, first as to what might be regarded as the main produce of agricultural land, the main hope that in the event of peace or war the ordinary citizen is entitled to and will get a loaf of bread. I refer to wheat. I will take the House back to the debate on agriculture in 1947 on the 18th June, Volume 106, column 2042 where the Minister stated:—

"Some day I am convinced that beet will go up the spout after beet and wheat. God speed that day."

We will come along to the agriculture debate in 1948 on the 9th July, Volume 111, column 2593, where the Minister still persisted in his attitude towards wheat when he said:—

"I hold precisely the same views now as I have always held about growing wheat on Irish land in times of peace when supplies are available from other sources. In my judgment it is a `cod' and a waste of land."

The Times Pictorial on the 19th March, 1949, quotes the Minister:

"Farmers who want a cash crop should sow wheat or malting barley."

I come now to 22nd August, 1949, and the report of the Minister's address at the Muintir na Tíre Rural Week in Limerick. He appealed to parish councils to encourage farmers to grow more wheat next year "and we will come still further". On 17th February, 1950, the Minister was addressing farmers in Cooley, County Louth, and he said:

"The plain truth about wheat growing is that, while it is true you are guaranteed a price of 62/6 per barrel for all the millable wheat grown upon the land of Ireland until 1953, every barrel of wheat that is grown represents a heavy burden on the Exchequer which must be met by corresponding taxes payable by our people. I would prefer to see barley and oats grown on our land which we will dispose of at a profit on our export market in the shape of live stock and live-stock products rather than wheat, which can only be disposed of by compelling the domestic milling industry to buy it and paying them a heavy subsidy on every barrel they buy. Don't believe all the nonsense about wheat saving dollars. Under the International Wheat Agreement, there is plenty of wheat to be had from dollar and non-dollar sources, just as good as any we can produce in Ireland, but I know of nowhere in the world where we can buy, for dollars or sterling, oats and barley which can compare in quality with what the land of Ireland can produce."

That is the Minister's attitude to wheat. What is the Government's policy on wheat? Shifting from one day to another, so that the farmer who can grow wheat, and has done so, is now in a dilemma and does not know exactly what he is to do.

He knows the price he will get.

Deputy Collins, I am sure, sows a lot of it.

More than you, I will swear.

I would not be a bit surprised by what the Deputy would swear. The Minister, in his opening remarks, admitted quite frankly that he cannot find a market for Irish butter. I wonder why? In 1949, at column 1839, Volume 115 of the Official Debates we find the Minister, speaking of farmers' butter, saying:—

"Any scheme which, at the end of 12 months, leaves your successor with 2,000 cwts. of butter surrounded by a cordon sanitaire at the port of Dublin, and which requires almost the fire brigade in gas masks to get it on board ship for export to a processing factory, is scarcely one which can aptly be described as `perhaps not perfect,' and not assumed to have reached the stage where Deputy Smith would describe it as having failed. The butter would blow the roof off the cold store.”

Here the Minister, faced with a situation in which farmers have butter to sell, starts off by shouting from the rooftops a warning to any prospective customer not to come in and buy that butter. Is that a proper method to adopt, even though the situation was becoming not so rosy?

The Greeks called that meiosis.

Can you imagine the Minister, being what is called a successful merchant himself, shouting off the housetops to his customers not to approach him to buy his produce?

He did not want to poison them.

He then says: "Put in one more cow," but he cannot sell the butter.

Did you not slaughter the calves?

The Minister will have the retort that he has set up creameries. In so far as the setting up of creameries has affected my constituency, I must give him credit for doing it—to the extent to which it affects those people who can conveniently get to the creamery. I assure the Minister that, where I can give him credit, I will do so, and, where he needs the whip, I will whip him also.

That is morning, noon and night.

I come now to another crop, oats. On 28th February, 1948, there appeared in the daily newspapers an advertisement from the Department of Agriculture:

"Next to wheat and potatoes, oats is the most important crop in our farming economy. It is a valuable human food. Oats not required on the farm commands a remunerative price."

In that same year, at column 2956, Volume 111 of the Official Debates, the Minister said:

"Oats I need not speak of because their value is too well known. `Grow,' I say to the farmers, `all the oats your land will produce and you will sell them profitably either in bag or on hoof during the winter and the spring of next year."'

"In bag", mark you. Acting on the Minister's advice and the Department's advertisements, the farmers sowed plenty of oats, as the House is aware. That harvest, the country was flooded with oats for which there was no market. Deputation after deputation called on the Minister and the Department but nothing was done about oats until the Minister left the country. The farmer who grew oats in 1948 was faced with no profit although promised a remunerative price—in the bag, mark you.

Or on the hoof.

I admit, on the hoof. He was told, during the 1948 harvest, that he must feed it to live stock. Is that farmer encouraged to sow oats again? The result is that, this year, there is a scarcity of oats. The Minister changed his tactics again in 1949, and at column 1081, Volume 115 of the Official Debates of 12th May, he said:

"Oats should be grown on an ever-increasing acreage by those farmers who understand what farming means and who realise that the bulk of the oats grown upon our lands must be consumed on the holding if they are to yield a profit in all circumstances. The farmer who grows them exclusively as a cash crop will confer a blessing on the community at large if he puts himself as an apprentice to a tailor or a cobbler."

Grow oats in 1948, but apprentice yourself to a tailor or cobbler in 1949. What encouragement has a farmer to grow oats?

Although oats generally were scarce last season, the Minister, in order to encourage growers to grow oats again, went to the Argentine and bought 8,000 tons of Argentine oats at 46/- a barrel, yet he could not fix a price of even 30/- a barrel the year before. What encouragement is there for the farmer who can grow oats to do so? I certainly admit that oats is an excellent food for live stock but there are farmers who cannot put in the extra live stock to consume all their produce. Such farmers will have a moderate amount of oats left and will naturally be anxious to have a price for them. Is it too much to ask the Minister to ensure that farmers who have a surplus will be able to sell it at harvest time rather than have it wasting in their barns? The Minister knows very well that many of these farmers have not the up-to-date equipment and accommodation for preserving all these cereals that perhaps bigger farmers may have. On every occasion that a Deputy on this side of the House mentions the matter of surplus corn, he is met with a series of jeers, gibes, and so on, but the poor farmer has still to hold his produce.

I want to refer to another very important branch of agriculture, namely, eggs and poultry generally. In May, 1948, there appeared in the organ P.E.P. a signed statement by the Minister as follows:—

"It used to be the rule that when egg supplies increased the price went down. That is no longer true. We have made an agreement with the British Ministry of Food that the more eggs we send to the British market the more they will pay for our eggs. It is as a result of this agreement that shippers can afford to pay 3/- per dozen for eggs to the producer."

I wonder what happened to that agreement. Perhaps the Minister will tell us. He will, of course, try to convince this House and the farmers that they are better off now with 2/- a dozen than they were when they were getting 3/-.

Is the Deputy going to choke his hens?

We will choke the British with them.

Are you going to choke your own hens? Divil a choke. He has a nostalgic smile on his countenance.

Deputies are entitled to a hearing without interruption.

Yes, Sir, but he was pausing.

The Minister is an expert on dragging red herrings across trails. It does not affect me. Perhaps the reduction in the price of eggs may be said to be due to the Minister's blowing. There appeared in the Irish Press of 6th May, 1950, a report which states:—

"We do not take Mr. Dillon's way of talking very seriously, said Mr. C. F. Whittal, chairman of the Morton-hampstead branch of the N.F.U., Devonshire, 32 members of which were entertained at Ashford by the County Wicklow branch of the I.F.F.

Mr. Dillon had told the British people he would drown them in eggs and bury them in bacon. Drowning and burying denoted a disorderly market, declared Mr. Whittal, but they would have to secure an orderly market to get anywhere."

Poor Mr. Whittal.

The Minister knows that the reduction in the price of eggs from 3/- to 2/6 does not meet with approval of the egg producers down the country. Large producers of day-old chicks from the hatcheries will say that the reduction in the purchase of day-old chicks last season was due to the reduction in the price of eggs as well as the scarcity in the supply of bran and pollard. Many of these farmers have a considerable quantity of their own cereals but cannot get sufficient bran, pollard, meat meal or fish meal to make a balanced ration. In latter months they cannot even get a complete balanced ration from their merchant. I think it was by way of interjection when my colleague, Deputy Beegan, was speaking on this Estimate the other day, that the Minister said he was about to establish a meat meal industry in Ballinasloe.

And another in Cahir.

I am very glad to hear it. Perhaps the Minister would follow that up and establish a fish meal industry. It would be very useful for poultry and pigs.

At Killybegs, Deputy.

Very good. I will take the Minister at his word.

I am flattered.

Perhaps the Minister may not know that there is complete dissatisfaction among the people who run poultry hatchery supply farms. Last season a number of farms did not even sell one egg to the hatchery.

Perhaps the Deputy would be kind enough to give me the names as he did so in connection with the barley?

I would not like to send the Minister rambling around the country again.

I thought not.

He might get lost or perhaps buried in the eggs.

He was not buried in the barley

Time will tell.

I did not get enough to feed a wren.

Last season there was a falling off in the demand for day-old chicks. Naturally enough, there must be a falling off in the demand for hatching eggs. I know some supply farms that did not supply any eggs. The hatcheries were closed to them in the middle of March. That is not very satisfactory because, as the Minister and the House know, these farmers went to considerable expense to build up stocks only to find that they have no market for their produce or an unsatisfactory market. These people are not satisfied and will not give the attention to this matter that they might give to it if they could get rid of all their supplies.

I am glad to note that there is considerable improvement in blood testing and that the first this year has already been taken. I note also that there is a very satisfactory result in regard to having disease free stocks.

There is another matter to which the Minister might give his attention and it is a matter which only came to my notice a few evenings ago when I was rambling in my constituency. There is, all over the country, I expect, as there is in my constituency, a mobile blood-testing unit. When I came upon this unit the other day it was stranded on the road. The blood-testing technician told me that one of the tubes had burst a fortnight before and that, although the matter had been reported to the Department and a request made for a spare tube, the tube had not arrived and now the second tube had burst. She was, therefore, stranded. She had to take out that tube on the road, bring it to a garage and try to have it patched up. The cost of petrol was about 12/6 and the cost of a new tube 14/-. Perhaps the Minister might give his attention to the matter and ensure that there will be no undue delay in matters of this kind.

I am sure the Deputy misunderstood the officer of my Department. It is not customary for civil servants to make complaints of that kind. They never do.

Is it customary to have the Department's blood-testing unit stranded on the road?

I am sure the Deputy misunderstood the officer of my Department.

The next time the Minister gets a complaint that the unit is stranded miles out the country will the Minister investigate any such complaint?

I am sure the Deputy misunderstood the officer.

Yet he will not investigate it.

Or will he investigate it in a slipshod manner—like the barley? Now we come to the barley.

Céad fáilte romhat.

About the 1st May last I was informed that the Minister was about to import something like 16,000 tons of feeding barley. A certain number of merchants asked me about it. I knew nothing. Nevertheless, these merchants asked me to look into the matter. Knowing the position as regards barley in my constituency especially, last season, I considered that it was my duty to do so. I know merchants who turned away last harvest, and up to very recently, several of their best customers with lorries of barley. Admittedly, some of that was malting barley but nevertheless the merchants had to turn them away because they could not get a market for it. Will any Deputy in this House suggest that any merchant will turn away a good customer with his produce if he can resell that produce at any price? The merchant will purchase it, even knowing that he will have to sustain a loss, in order to retain that customer. We have the spectacle of lorries of barley coming into my own town and being turned away again—and yet we find the Minister importing feeding barley from far off Iraq.

In reply to my question on the 10th May last the Minister asked me to send him the names of people who had some of this barley. I got some names from the merchants concerned and some people approached me themselves. I sent the Minister a list. Good enough of the Minister, he sent down his inspectors. However, the Minister's report does not tally with mine, somehow or other. The Minister said: "I first went to Mr. J.H. His barns were said to be bursting. He told us he had not any barley at all, but that he had sold 73 barrels some time ago for 42/-.""Some time ago!" He did not say at what time. Will the Minister now state, or when he is replying to the debate, if this man actually had his barley when the Minister went sweeping up the barns of Iraq barley? If the Minister says he had sold it at that time I will accept his word—I will leave it to the owner of the barley to accept it or reject it.

There is not a pound of Iraq barley in the country.

Does the Minister deny that he purchased 16,000 tons?

I will buy all the barley the Deputy can give me.

Hurrah, the Minister contradicts himself.

That is nothing new.

"Deeming Deputy Lahiffe's information to be an invitation to enter on the premises of Mr. T.K., I knocked at his door. He said he had three barrels, but that he would not take a penny less than 50/- for it because he wanted to feed it to his stock." He had half a ton and the highest price we get is 30/-.

There are only 4 cwts. between us.

We will divide it. I have the man's word that he had half a ton. He is only a small farmer. I resent any jibes from the Government Benches that this man is not entitled to sell his barley because he is a small farmer.

I hope the gentleman alleged no discourtesy against me.

"I then went to Mr. S.S. He said he had not a barrel of barley in the barn for some time, that he had sold the last of it for 44/- some weeks ago.""Some weeks ago"— some weeks from the week after the 10th May, when the question was down. I would say that the inspector called the week after the 10th May. The man had sold his barley "some weeks ago". Does the Minister now suggest that the man who grew his barley and still had it "some weeks ago" in the middle of May will be encouraged to grow it again?

I could not tell the Deputy. It is a free country.

The Minister has probably heard that this man is not a supporter of Fianna Fáil. He is, in fact, a great admirer of the Parliamentary Secretary, Deputy Donnellan, who is now sitting beside the Minister.

He must be a wise man, and he knows his comrade.

He is a good small farmer. I wonder if the Parliamentary Secretary was informed that this man had a lorry to take his barley to my town last harvest and had to take it back again only "some weeks ago." Was that man encouraged to grow barley again? "I repaired to Mr. P. H. He said he had not a grain in the place, and had not had for some considerable time." This man had got rid of his barley. Nevertheless, he had it, and yet the Minister went out to Iraq. "I went to Mr. M.C. His larder was also bare." Perhaps that is admitted. He then called to Mr. M. M. and Mr. O'B. "both of whom received him with genial but ribald laughter." They said "they had no barley at all, but that Mr. O'B had had three barrels which he had sold six weeks ago for 42/-." That is false absolutely. This man's name I got from the merchant. He could not sell the barley. Nevertheless, we see Mr. O'B. arriving at the merchant's premises with his barley—and not three barrels, but 39 cwt. 1 qr. and 7 lbs.

What did he get for it?

He got 50/-.

He did not do so badly.

As a result of my question. It was on the 14th June, and my question was on the 10th May, and the Minister could find only three barrels. He was bursting with ribald laughter, but he could not find the barley. There was more ribald laughter. There was Mr. M.G., whose name I did not give to the Minister.

Then I do not know where the devil I got it.

I gave the Minister the name of a merchant who would not purchase this barley. He did not send the inspector there.

Who is Mr. M.G.?

I did not give his name to the Minister, but I gave the Minister the name of the merchant who would not purchase it.

I have Mr. M.M. and Mr. O'B. but I have no Mr. M.G.

The Minister is trying to put another red herring across the path. I gave the name of the merchant who would not purchase it, because he could not get a market. Nevertheless, we have Mr. M.G. arriving at the merchant's premises on 1st June with 31 cwts. of barley.

What did he get for it?

He got 50/-

He was not doing so badly.

Considering he paid 46/- for it.

Deputy Corry had his opportunity to say all he wanted to say.

Then there was Mr. J.L.—I did not give his name to the Minister. The merchant concerned gave me his name. He arrived on 5th June with 44 cwts. of barley.

What did he get?

He got 50/- He held over his barley from the harvest of 1949 until 1950. In spite of the Minister's Iraq barley——

He got 50/-. What is the Deputy trying to prove?

That there was barley in South Galway. The Minister said the inspector called there. The barley was there, but they could not sell before that.

And they got 50/-.

The farmers should see the lovely stuff the Minister brought in from Iraq. I gave another name to the Minister that he cloaked; I gave him the name of Mr. T.C. There was no reference to it in the Dáil debates.

I will have Mr. T.C. looked up.

If the Minister went down there he might find himself blinded in barley.

Tell me what happened to Mr. T.C.

I did not give his name at the time I gave the bunch, but this man wrote to me a separate letter. Now maybe the Minister can catch on.

What happened to Mr. T.C.?

Mr. T.C. wrote to me after the question appeared in the Press. He had 35 barrels and he could not sell it. He asked me where he would get a market. I reported it to the Minister and it was not until then that this man got a market, but I will not tell the Minister the price.

Why make an exception in this case?

Before I leave the Chair, may I say that I do not think this type of running commentary helps the debate?

May I submit that the Deputy is now harping back on what I said in the House and he seems to challenge the accuracy of my report to the House?

The Minister will have his opportunity when he is concluding the debate—and not even a Minister has the right to interrupt a Deputy unless the Deputy gives way.

I gathered he did give way, Sir.

I was saying that I reported to the Minister that Mr. T.C. had barley he could not sell. It was about the middle of May last. The Minister's inspector did not call on that man. If he did he would be sent to three other neighbours who had barley—and not three barrels either. Mr. S. had six barrels, Mr. F. had ten barrels, and Mr. H. had ten barrels. Now, we will come to where the Minister was notified after my question appeared in the Press. The Minister received a letter from a merchant who had large stocks of barley, and more barley booked in the country. He asked the Minister if he could find a market for it. An inspector called to see the barley, but nothing happened. This merchant wrote to one miller. The miller is Robert Perry & Co., Belmont, Offaly. He replied on the 30th May, 1950, as follows:—

"We thank you for sample of barley and oats. At the moment we are not buying oats owing to the slow demand for oatmeal, but can offer you 40/- per barrel in our sacks ex your store or 42/- per barrel delivered at Belmont for the barley. We understand you have approximaately 200 barrels of same."

Yet the Minister could find no barley in South Galway. Perhaps the Minister and perhaps the Parliamentary Secretary will now admit that there was barley at that time in South Galway.

I do not know.

The Parliamentary Secretary has no responsibility for this Estimate.

I leave him to the tender mercies of those people.

You are at their tender mercies; I am not.

The Minister will now have to admit that it was my duty to raise the matter in the Dáil when, as I understood at the time, he was about to import about 16,000 tons of feeding barley. In raising the matter on the Adjournment I stated definitely that I was concerned chiefly with those farmers who were asked by the people opposite to sow Ymer barley, which is a feeding barley, and who may be confronted with the same conditions next harvest. Will the position be that these people, if they have this barley for sale, will be left with it until June, 1951, before they can get a market for it, or until a humble Deputy like myself has to make a protest on their behalf? Will the Minister not consider it his duty to take up the barley from those people before he goes sweeping in the barns in other countries for foreign stuff which must be described as inferior feeding barley? Will the Minister, when concluding, state what guarantee he can give to those barley producers for the future, or what guarantee he can give to the producer of any crop in the future?

It is useless for the Minister to stand up here and say grow this, that, and the other crop and then quote a lot of figures. The farmers know the figures, no matter how eloquent the Minister, or any other speaker, may be, and no matter how they may tell the farmer how well off he is. The farmer himself knows exactly how he stands. Is it a sound proposition in peace time, or in war time, or in a time of threatened war, to go trotting over the whole world for food stuffs for animals or for humans, that we have in this country? We have the land and we have the farmers who are prepared to grow the food stuffs if they are assured of a market for what they produce. It is only reasonable, I think, to ask the Minister to ensure that, for the future, these farmers will not be left stranded again. I would ask the Minister to reconsider his whole attitude on this matter.

I am only voicing the opinions of every practical farmer in the country on this matter. Farmers on the Government side of the House have criticised the Minister's attitude on this. Deputy O'Reilly to-day, in a good, sound reasoned speech, showed that the farmers are not satisfied, and that they do not know exactly where they stand. Perhaps it is too much for me to ask the Minister to throw off this cloak of deception and tomfoolery, to get down to groundwork and to let the people know if he is going to condemn entirely the tillage policy; to tell the farmers openly that they will not be allowed a market for their stuff before they go to the trouble of sowing it. Let the people know that the country must depend on outside sources for the commodities we require. If that is the attitude of the Government, well and good. At least the people will not be deceived again.

There is another matter I want to refer to. It is one that I would like to compliment the Minister on. I am ready to give credit where credit is due. During the last two years on this Estimate I made an appeal to the Minister to consider some form of veterinary aid for the farmers. He has initiated a scheme against contagious abortion in heifers. That scheme has been a success to a reasonable extent. In my area the Minister probably will have observed that the response to it has been slow, the reason being there is not a great number of reasonably good heifers in that area. The Minister and his Department will also probably have observed that the people there have gone over to a Hereford crossbreed of cattle. That would be a reason for the slowness of the people to avail of this scheme. Nevertheless, the scheme represented a start and so I want to give the Minister credit for that.

With regard to the land project, I cannot say much about it because I have not seen anything done about it. I know of one farm that has been inspected, and of an estimate that was given to the owner as to what he would need by way of a grant. The amount of money to be spent on ground limestone on that land was, in my opinion, excessive. I should like to know from the Minister whether his Department, before deciding to spend money on ground limestone, subjects the land to be treated to a lime test before the application of the limestone?

All the land is tested.

Before the scheme is put into operation?

Thank you. I will conclude with the note of warning that was sounded by Deputy O'Reilly, namely, that the farmers are not satisfied, and that the Minister must mend his ways if he expects the co-operation of the farming community.

I suppose, in this imperfect world, it would be very difficult to find a perfect Minister for Agriculture. I think, however, there is general agreement throughout the country that the present Minister has carried out his duties efficiently and well during the last few years. As Minister in charge of the agricultural economy, he has put forward a policy. Now it is not the Minister's duty personally to put that policy into operation. It must be implemented by those on whose behalf the policy is propounded. Listening to this debate, one would be led to conclude that it is the function of the Minister to spend all his time travelling around the country personally supervising every individual farmer in his daily work. I believe the Minister has sufficient confidence in the common-sense of our farmers to appreciate that once they are given a lead they will do their work well. As to whether the farmers are in the parlous state some Deputies say they are the only guide which we have on that is the material results of the policy propounded and pursued by the Minister during the past two years and the position of the farmers generally, more especially the position in the income which has come their way during that period.

Leaving out all personal prejudice and spleen—and spleen has been shown here in no unmistakable fashion against the Minister for Agriculture— I think most Deputies realise that so far as the farming community is concerned more money has poured into the pockets of the farmers during the past 12 months than poured into them during the previous ten or 15 years. That is a fact of which we should be proud. That is a fact we should frankly admit. Is it not a fact? Is it not the experience of every Deputy who has the well-being and the success of the farmers at heart, irrespective of political views or affiliations, that the position of the farming community at the moment is good? It is well for the country that that should be so because, when all is said and done, the interests of those who dwell in our cities and towns are dependent in large measure upon the success and the prosperity of the farmers. One cannot live without the other. For that reason I deprecate the line taken by certain Deputies who tried to put the farmers in a different class from those who live in our cities and towns. We must all pull together. We must all sink or swim together.

I shall not go into detail in relation to agricultural policy generally as outlined in the White Paper. Every Deputy has had a copy of that White Paper. I do not believe that document has been read by even one member of the Opposition because not one of the Opposition speakers has given the Minister any credit. They have tried to damn with faint praise. Any little credit that has been given has been the niggard credit of a mean mind. I shall not go into all the details of policy. Suffice it is to say that, if the present policy is pursued to its logical conclusion by the farming community, it will result in bringing increased wealth and prosperity to the country as a whole.

The Minister has been attacked by the Opposition in relation to his attitude on wheat growing. Most of the speakers spent their time quoting from speeches delivered by the Minister when he was a Deputy on the benches they now occupy. Time marches on. It is not with the waters that have passed under the bridge we are now concerned. It is the on-coming waters that claim our attention. We must accept the position as we find it. The Minister has been twitted because, it is alleged, he is against a tillage policy. To my knowledge and to the knowledge of every Deputy the Minister has, not once but on many occasions, implored the farmers to increase the acreage under oats, barley and potatoes. If the farmers failed to take his advice last year, especially in relation to the growing of oats and potatoes, the responsibility for that rests entirely on those members of the Opposition who carried out an insidious propaganda against the publicly announced policy of the Minister. In that connection I would refer in particular to Deputy Davern and Deputy Blaney.

That is not correct. I emphatically deny that. You know very well it was the muddle the Minister made when he scuttled off to America and left the farmers in a mess.

With regard to oats and potatoes, I have had personal experience of that insidious propaganda. Because of that propaganda every farmer throughout the length and breadth of the country wanted to sell his oats and his potatoes on the same day. They were all going to the workhouse. If a farmer with 1,000 barrels of oats could not sell that 1,000 barrels on a particular day, he was ruined. He could not afford to wait for even one day. That was the type of propaganda. The same situation existed in relation to potatoes. I took upon myself the responsibility of advising farmers in my constituency to have patience and keep their oats and their potatoes. Those who took that advice were wise men because they subsequently sold these oats for 35/-, 40/- and 45/- a barrel.

The rats eat them.

The decrease in the acreage of oats and potatoes was due to that propaganda.

Hear, hear!

It took Deputy Lahiffe an hour to say what could have been said in a few minutes about barley in Galway. I am not surprised that he tried the patience of the Minister. He referred to the Minister having gone to Cooley and talked there about wheat and potatoes and oats. The Minister did go to Cooley. He was the first Minister to visit that area since 1923 and he was received there with open arms. He made an impression on the farmers of that area, who for husbandry are unequalled in any part of this country. They are men who work and they have told me since that the present Minister was the finest man who ever addressed a meeting in that area for the last 50 years. Eighty per cent. of those men supported Deputy Aiken on the last occasion.

What is the position there in regard to this question of potatoes and as to whether the farmers are in a prosperous condition at the present time? I am not going to say they are millionaires. There was a year in which I myself, some 15 or 16 years ago, rode down on the wettest day we ever saw in this country, on a Sunday, to plead for 5/- on the top of £3 for their potatoes, which they could not sell. I remember making a prophecy on that day that possibly the day might come when the people of this country would be glad to buy these potatoes, not at £3 5s. 0d. and £3 10s. 0d. but at £7 and £8—and I am glad to say that, due to the foresight of the present Minister, who made an agreement with the British Government, the British market is again available. That was the market about which Fianna Fáil said: "Thank God, it is gone, and gone for ever." It is there still and I say thank God it is. It is the only market in which the farmers can dispose of their agricultural produce. The Minister arranged for the sale of 50,000 tons of potatoes and the farmers of Cooley got from £8 to £8 10s. 0d. per ton for every stone of potatoes they grew in that area. They had the satisfaction of disposing of between 7,000 and 8,000 tons at £8 a ton, which is in the region of £56,000 to £60,000—as against £20,000 which was received during the régime of Fianna Fáil.

I would not say this at all were it not for the statements that have emanated from the far side of the House. I believe that we should all work in the interest of the farming community in general. We should not talk about what appertains to our own constituencies only but talk of the policy as it affects this country as a whole. Look at the income that has been derived from agriculture in the last few years— the cattle industry especially. There again, Fianna Fáil tries to make out that the Minister is out for grass, for the graziers, for more cattle and less tillage. I always think about the old story, the more cattle you have the more tillage you must have, as they go hand in hand. Cattle are necessary for farming.

I am going by what I hear throughout the length and breadth of the county which I represent. It is one of the best farming counties in Ireland where they go in for mixed tillage. Although it is the smallest, I would put them against any farmers anywhere. I mix as much with the farmers as any one else. I say here, honestly and above board, that I have not heard any great complaints on the part of the majority of farmers in County Louth. We all know that, human nature being what it is, people will complain. Taking the matter in general, I am proud to say that the farmers seem to be in as good a position to-day as ever they were, though they are not millionaires. There is no use in talking about the poor farmer being pauperised, being a slave and so forth. There has been no slavery in this country for the last 25 or 30 years.

A good deal has been said about eggs. I never heard a more doleful speech than that of Deputy O'Reilly. According to Deputies opposite, the farmers are not to raise an extra hen for fear they could not sell the extra eggs. They are not to grow any extra oats or potatoes. As regards the price, I think the Minister made a good bargain regarding eggs—2/-, 2/6, 3/6. There is more money coming into the pockets of the farmers as a result of that increased trade with Great Britain. The Minister is right when he says that the more eggs we export the more money we will have in our pockets. That has been proved. There is more than £3,000,000 income being derived from the sale of eggs.

Again, we have heard from many of the Opposition in regard to barley and oats. In the same way, they are putting their hands up and asking what will happen in the event of any little extra crop. If we all went on that line, that the sky might fall, we would do nothing. In the same way, some members are trying to scare the people about a war period and our people caught napping. As far as I am concerned, the wars come and will come. We have had two great wars and we are here still. The Irish people will live and will not starve. As far as the growing of wheat is concerned, the farmer will not have to serve five years to grow wheat. He simply rotates his crop.

That is good Munich talk—1938.

The farmers do not need to serve their time for five years to learn how to grow wheat. They are not going to be forced into the war as Fianna Fáil tries to make out, in trying to convince the people down the country—in fact, they are at it already —that the Minister for Agriculture wants to get the people of this country into the war.

There is no truth in that whatsoever. I think the Deputy should withdraw that statement.

These are political statements and Deputy Davern will have an opportunity of repudiating them, if he so desires.

It is a serious statement, when we might be on the brink of war.

It has been said by the Deputies opposite and it has been implied in no uncertain way that one of the reasons why the Minister is against growing wheat is that we would then not have food in stock and in the event of war we would have to go into the war.

Uncle Sam will finish the war without any help.

The Minister will not be there. He will lead from behind.

I want to answer that by stating that it will not take the farmers six or 12 months to learn how to change over from oats to wheat or vice versa, or to potatoes. They are doing it every year since the world began. Of course, Fianna Fáil would like to be talking of war. In so far as going into the war is concerned now, we would be just as good as Fianna Fáil were during the last war. They were not such bad friends of the British, though they pretended to be the other way about.

The Deputy should speak to the Estimate.

He is embarrassing the Minister.

They were always good friends on the other side of the water and we are not going to starve. Those opposite need not be trying to frighten the people about the threat of war. Wars come and wars go, and we still get through.

The land rehabilitation scheme has been referred to. After all, it is a new scheme and the child must creep before it walks and the Minister must serve his time. If it is a bit strange, even a man going to a strange job feels out of place for a few days. This scheme is novel and new and will require time and, above all, the sympathy and co-operation of all concerned. It has been introduced for the benefit of the farming community and I thought that one of the men who would be the first to praise the scheme would be Deputy Smith, the ex-Minister for Agriculture; but it seems that he spent most of his time in spying upon the officials of the Department who were engaged in that scheme. He said they were doing nothing but spending time in the offices, drawing maps, when they should be out in the country. It seems that he has his Quislings going around watching the officials. Again, their hatred of the Minister is such that they even attack the officials in order to get at him. I move to report progress.

Progress reported; the Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Wednesday, 28th June, 1950.
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