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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 21 Feb 1951

Vol. 124 No. 3

Private Deputies' Business. - Agricultural Workers (Weekly Half-Holidays) Bill, 1950—Final Stages.

As there are no amendments, I suppose we can now take the Report Stage.

Question—"That the Bill be received for final consideration"—put and agreed to.
Question proposed: "That the Bill do now pass."

Just before Christmas we had a discussion on the Second Stage of this measure and a vote of this House was taken. Following that, the Bill went to a Select Committee of the House and, though it comes back from that Select Committee somewhat amended, I still think that we are in a situation in which I would not like to let the occasion slip without saying something before the House decides the fate of the Bill as it stands. We had on a previous stage of the Bill an effort by certain people to wash their hands of their responsibility as members of this House. They were not prepared to vote either for or against the Bill. They were not prepared to say whether they believed in the principle of this Bill or whether they did not. All of us who come to this House have the responsibility, whether we may think what we say is popular or unpopular, at least to have the courage of saying what we think and supporting that statement when a division is called by going into one Division Lobby or the other. I think that every one of us, whether on this side or that side of the House, ought at least to have the courage of his convictions on any measure that is before us and cast his vote on it.

When this measure was before the House around Christmas certain people deliberately abstained and walked out of the House and deliberately did not give the House the benefit of their decision. Those people were on that side of the House.

When the Government refused to take responsibility for it. You refused to take responsibility for the Bill.

This side of the House is made up on a different basis from the basis that Fianna Fáil was used to.

Well the country knows it.

That basis was—one man lifted his finger and the rest of the boys had to troop. We are allowed to have our own opinions and to express our own opinions.

Collective responsibility.

And when a thing becomes the responsibility of the Government it has to be acted upon.

On a point of order, is this a lecture to the House on their duties and on political organisation? Is it a boast for the Coalition or is it not?

On the Fifth Stage of the Bill, the matter for discussion is what is in the Bill.

I presume I am entitled to give the reasons as to why I ask that the House should vote on that.

Is Deputy Sweetman inciting the Opposition to defeat the Bill?

I am inciting the Opposition to make up their minds. The truth of the matter is they have not made up their minds. They have accused everybody else of being divided when they are more divided themselves.

Does anybody else desire to speak?

Deputy Dunne rose.

Having regard to the fact that Deputy Dunne sponsored the Bill, has he the right to conclude?

It is no longer a motion.

Everything in this House is a motion.

I know, yes.

I have already stated that if a Deputy desired to rise, he could do so.

On a point of order. I think I am entitled to conclude on this Bill.

It is a misunderstanding. The Deputy was not aware that Deputy Dunne had a right to conclude.

I did not intend speaking on the Bill until the gentleman on the other side intervened to lecture this Party on their responsibility to this House. We can tell Deputy Sweetman that every member of this Party fully knows and realises his responsibility and is prepared to make decisions, that this Party are different from the elements that make up the Government of the day, who are without leadership and who are incapable of taking any responsibility. Seven Taoiseachs in a Government!

The Deputy might come to the Fifth Stage.

We listened for ten minutes to a lecture on what our duties were and I am just following that line.

The time, Deputy, was three minutes.

We listened to a lecture on the duties of the people on this side of the House.

A Deputy

Was not the lecture long enough?

We can assure Deputy Sweetman that we are quite capable and competent to make up our minds and carry out our responsibilities to the people on all occasions. We have never at any time in the past, as a Government, Opposition or otherwise, been lax and afraid to make up our minds on all important matters. The reason why we did not vote on the Bill was explained by Deputy Smith. It was because of the fact that the Minister for Agriculture and the Government of the Republic of Ireland were incapable of making up their mind and were not prepared to take responsibility for a measure that vitally affects the lives and interests of a large section of the community. There were on that Front Bench 13—a hoodoo number—of Ministers who were not prepared to make up their minds as to whether this Bill should be accepted by the country or accepted by the Government, recommended to this House, or opposed, by that Government. That is the reason why we refused to do the work the Government of the country should do. There were other occasions here in regard to Land Bills.

That does not arise.

There were other occasions.

They do not arise either.

All right, a Chinn Chomhairle. On the occasion of this Bill the Minister for Agriculture, the Minister responsible to this House for the welfare of the agricultural community, both the farmers and farm workers, refused on behalf of the Government to take responsibility for a measure introduced by Deputy Dunne.

I spoke and voted against it.

He refused on behalf of the Government to take responsibility. The backboneless, spineless, Government we have to-day were not prepared to take responsibility for a measure that affects the farming community and the agricultural interests.

Are you for or against it?

That is the type of Government we have in this country.

The Deputy cannot go on like that indefinitely.

I quite agree.

Are you for it or against it?

The Minister had better hesitate before entering the debate. The noise he has made here for the last three years has been detrimental to the agricultural community and to the best interests of this country. We know that quite well.

The noise that he made is not in this Bill because he was in opposition to it.

Perhaps it is as well. The Bill before the House was a Bill which a special committee of the House considered. Nobody knows what Deputy Sweetman's views were and we do not know even yet what his views are. If the Government even now are prepared to take responsibility and to advise the House that this Bill should be passed or to advise that, in their opinion, the Bill will damage the interests of agriculture, then this Party will vote one way or the other, as they may decide.

You will vote the opposite way.

But you have not made up your mind yet.

When the Government elected with collective responsibility are prepared to make up their mind——

The Deputy may not continue further on that line.

——and cease attempting to blow hot and cold and seeking to get the Opposition to do the work of the Government, this Party will vote one way or the other.

Might I suggest to the Deputies that what is important in this Bill is the getting of something for agricultural workers and not any effort to make political capital on one side or the other? It is the farm labourers who are important.

The Deputy realises that he cannot speak again.

Lecture your colleague, Deputy Sweetman.

I rise to pay a tribute to Deputy Dunne, a tribute that is well and richly deserved. He has the appreciation and the goodwill of every farm worker in the country because of his straightforwardness in coming here and presenting a Bill of this kind. As he has the goodwill and the support of the agricultural workers, the Minister, for his straightforwardness, for his courage and pluck in saying that he disagreed with it and voting against it, has the support, the co-operation and the goodwill of all the farmers. That is why Deputy Allen is so sore. The Deputy always reminds me of Lanamachree's dog who goes a little bit of the way with everybody and the whole road with nobody. He should at least have told us in part of his attempt to speak that he was either for or against the Bill, but he did not do so. He must realise that in his constituency there are the holiday resorts of Gorey, Rosslare and Courtown where the majority of County Wexford farmers spend their holidays. They were never as well off and I am reliably told by hotel owners in these holiday resorts that they were inundated with bookings by farmers, especially from the Gorey district.

That is not in this Bill.

I am endeavouring to convey that, if the farmer is entitled to his holiday, the farm worker is entitled to his. When we have such a wave of prosperity flowing over the employers of these workers for whom Deputy Dunne seeks to provide, is it not only right that we should all lend a hand in bringing about conditions which will make for a little more prosperity and contentment in the homes of the working class people? This is the type of Bill I have been labouring for and anxious to see law in this country since I left school and I am delighted and proud to-night, even though I differ 100 per cent. from the Minister on it, that Deputy Dunne has had the pluck and the courage to bring it forward. He has my support, my co-operation and my blessing. I am glad that the Bill has gone so far and I hope it will achieve the results Deputy Dunne has in mind. I can assure him that it is highly appreciated by the workers whom he has the honour to represent in this House.

In company with the Minister, I opposed this Bill on the Second Stage. We opposed it because fundamentally it is a bad Bill. However, the principle was accepted on Second Reading and the Bill was referred to a Select Committee on which all Parties, Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, Independents and Farmers, were represented. They sat around a table and discussed the Bill in a very constructive way and I am satisfied that, with the co-operation of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, we improved the Bill. I would be an unreasonable person if, now that the amendments put forward on Committee Stage have been accepted by the promoters of the Bill, I were to force a division at this stage. I think we should as far as possible seek co-operation not only between all Parties but between farmer and worker. They are the biggest and the most important section in the community. We may have differences —some may say that the Bill is good and some may hold that it is bad. Many farmers will find it somewhat irksome but our main idea is to work together, whatever difficulties may beset us, and, if this Bill adds to the farmer's difficulties, he will accept them and try to overcome them to the best of his ability. I have no sympathy, however, with these people who talk about a wave of prosperity sweeping over the farmers. There was no wave of prosperity in Leix-Offaly a month or two ago when Deputy Flanagan sought to get relief for the unfortunate farmers there——

I referred to Wexford.

——but I will let that pass.

I was a member of the Select Committee on this Bill and I did my best to make my contribution towards its success. I hope that contribution was in the best interests of those for whom the Bill is meant. What I object to is Deputy Sweetman getting up here to accuse Fianna Fáil Deputies of not taking part in the discussion or voting on the Second Reading. Our reasons are pretty obvious. This is a Private Member's Bill and it was the duty of the Minister to bring in a Bill such as this, if the Government proposed to take responsibility for it. The Government refused to take that responsibility. They had not got the backbone to take responsibility for it and that is why it was left to a private Deputy to bring the Bill forward. We had no other reason than that. We believed in the principle of giving a half-holiday to agricultural workers, and we still believe in it. I do not know if Deputy Sweetman believes in it. How did the Deputy vote on the Second Reading? Did he vote for a half-holiday for agricultural workers? How is it that he has the audacity to accuse Deputies on this side of being opposed in principle to this Bill? He got no indication from anybody that we opposed it.

Hear, hear! He got no indication one way or another.

We knew what was at the back of the Minister's mind. I take it he refused to bring forward such a Bill. Otherwise, it would not have been left to Deputy Dunne to do it.

I voted against it.

Why did you not bring it forward? It was your duty to do so.

He was entitled to vote against it.

He did not wish to.

But I did vote against it.

You did, because you did not believe in the principle.

I did not vote against it.

The Minister did. Of course, Deputy Flanagan has gone up and is sitting behind the Minister. It is part and parcel of his plan to throw bouquets. Was he doing that a couple of weeks ago, looking for extra pulp for the farmers in Wolfhill? There was no spirit of affluence amongst the farmers then.

We got them all the foodstuffs they could take

How did you get it?

The Deputy was there and he ought to know.

It was due to the generosity of other farmers and not through the generosity of the Minister for Agriculture—and the Minister knows that. If Deputy Sweetman and those like him want to make accusations, let them be truthful. If they want to disseminate propaganda for Fine Gael, let them go outside and do it, but let them tell the agricultural workers that you voted against the Bill to give them a half-holiday.

Well, the Minister and Deputy Sweetman did. I am glad this Bill has gone through, and I hope that I have contributed something to make it acceptable both to the farmers and to the agricultural workers. It was high time that the agricultural labourers were recognised and got the amenities available to those in the cities and towns. At no time during my period in public life have I ever done anything to stop the agricultural labourers from having the same amenities as the industrial workers.

I think Fianna Fáil shirked their duty on this particular measure. It is amazing to hear Deputy Walsh say now that his Party are and always have been in favour of a half-day for agricultural labourers. They did not indicate that in 16 years, they did not indicate it in the last three years, and certainly they did not indicate it when this measure was presented to the House for Second Reading. On the contrary, when the Fianna Fáil Minister for Agriculture was asked on several occasions to introduce legislation to provide a half-day for the agricultural labourers, he spent a considerable time in telling the House that it could not be done and said it was not feasible. His Party to a man voted against the Private Members Bill which I think was brought in about five years ago. Now, Fianna Fáil have found themselves in a spot on this occasion. If they were to vote according to their past behaviour, the Bill would undoubtedly have been defeated. But they were playing politics and they stood as they were on the plea that the Government would not take responsibility for it.

There is no point in the wide earthly world in any of the Opposition twitting the Minister for Agriculture about voting one way—voting on this occasion in the minority—or twitting me or Deputy Norton, the Tánaiste, with voting in the other Lobby. I reserve the right to disagree with the Minister for Agriculture.

Hear, hear!

As a close colleague of his, as a Front Bench colleague, if you like, a junior colleague, I have disagreed with him and I will disagree with him again. When it is a Government measure and on the agreed policy of the Government, I will vote with the Government on every occasion; but when it comes, as on this occasion, to a free vote of the House as to whether the agricultural labourer should get a half-day or not, I have not the slightest hesitation in voting against the other 12 or 13 members of the Cabinet, as I believe and always have believed that this holiday was due. That may make me unpopular to a certain extent with a section of the farmers in County Wexford. I submit that many of the farmer Deputies in the Fianna Fáil Party tried on this occasion to play a double game. There is no point in saying at a time like this: "We would like to see the agricultural labourer get a half-day and we were always for it." There has been no indication of that up to the present. There is no indication of it now, even though Deputy Walsh gives the assurance that his whole party is in entire agreement with giving that half-day. There is not the slightest use in anyone talking about splits in the Government merely because, on occasions such as that of the Second Reading of this Bill, half the Cabinet were in one lobby and half in the other. As I have said, I disagree with the Minister for Agriculture on this measure and I have no apologies to make for voting in a different lobby on this particular Bill.

I am wondering whether there is such a thing in the Constitution as the collective responsibility of the Government. I am wondering, in regard to the allies that Deputy Corish has picked up now and that he is so happy about, whether he was so happy about these particular gentlemen away back from 1933 on, when they were following the voters around and telling the agricultural labourers: "If you are going to vote Fianna Fáil or Labour, I will sack you."

That does not arise.

It may be no harm to tell the Deputy also that the Civil War does not arise either. That would be the next one.

The question that does arise very much is that we are making provision for people who, like the Red Indians, are disappearing fast. In a few years, if our present Minister for Agriculture, with all due respect to him, has his way, there will be nobody left on the land but the old age pensioners and the cripples.

The policy of the Minister for Agriculture does not arise.

There are 3,000,000 people in this country for the first time in 40 years.

In the words of a famous Cork poet, there never was such a flight from the land since the days of Brian Boru.

They are building the houses you did not build.

They might build a monkey house for the Deputy.

People in glasshouses should not throw stones.

This Bill means giving a half-holiday to people who are not there.

The population was never higher for 40 years.

The population is very high in the cities, towns and villages, but when you come down to the land——

The flight from the land does not arise on this Bill.

This Bill is brought in at this stage to give holidays to people who do not exist, namely, agricultural labourers. They are gone. There is no worker I know of who will be fool enough to work on the land for 50 per cent. of the wages that he can get as an unskilled labourer elsewhere.

The Deputy must come to the Fifth Stage of this Bill. He is discussing general policy, which does not arise.

Opinions might differ. I thought I was exactly in order.

You are absolutely out of order.

If I am, I will let somebody who is in order carry on.

I want to intervene for a moment to express my personal and profound gratitude for the lucid exposé of the position of the Fianna Fáil Party on the Final Stage of this Bill. We have heard a rather discordant trio, the first of whom said nothing, the second of whom said that he was pledged to the principle of a half-holiday for agricultural workers through his whole active public life, and the third of whom advanced the astonishing proposition that there were not any agricultural workers to be pledged to.

He qualified that statement.

If you had your way, there would not be.

I only intervened to assure the Opposition that there are agricultural workers in this country— a growing number. I intervened to reassure the Opposition that, despite their depredations of 15 years, the tide has begun to turn and, far from declining, for the first time in 40 years, the population of this country is on its way up and has passed the 3,000,000 mark. It is a country to come back to now and people are coming back. I am prepared to say that it is a country in the rural part of which there is now a labour shortage. I am prepared to say that if there is a competent agricultural worker in any parish in Ireland, far from having to seek employment he will have a competition among his neighbours to secure his services.

The minimum wage for agricultural labourers has gone up by 10/- a week since we came into office, but for the first time in 20 years it is indeed a minimum wage and I do not believe that 10 per cent. of the agricultural workers in rural Ireland are in receipt of that minimum wage. Certainly in my part of the country if you offered the minimum wage to a man who was a good, trained, skilled agricultural worker, he would laugh in your face and one of the proudest boasts of this Government is that its agricultural policy has created a situation in rural Ireland in which agricultural workers are not constrained to accept the minimum wage and in which farmers in every county can well afford to pay them more.

What section of the Bill is that on?

I stated my view on this Bill on the Second Stage and I do not propose to reiterate it now lest the time of the House be unnecessarily trespassed upon; it is there for anyone to read. If there is a division on the Fifth Stage I will vote against it and for the reasons set out in my Second Stage speech because no fundamental change has been made in the Bill on the Committee Stage or the Report Stage.

You, Sir, have indicated that you do not desire the Opposition case on the suggestion of joint responsibility to be pursued. It was suggested——

On a point of order, where is the opposition except it is from Deputy Sweetman and the Minister? The Minister voted against it.

I have always believed that few of the Deputies opposite were qualified or competent to sit in any legislative assembly but the Irish people have the right to put anyone they damn well like into the benches of this House—they put in the Deputy —and, as such, they ought to know by now that they are the official Opposition of Dáil Éireann and that as long as this Government is in office their leader, their deputy leader and their corporate body will be treated with the respect to which they are entitled as the official Opposition of the Irish Legislature.

We will get you out.

I am not going to pursue that balderdash.

Would the Minister deal with the Bill, Fifth Stage?

I think I have done that. I think I am the first speaker in the last few minutes who stated reasons. I have explained why I propose to vote against the Bill, my express intention of voting against it if there is a division upon it. In so far as the trio who have sung to-night so far have left nothing but fog behind them, I think it might be helpful if their new leader, Deputy Briscoe, on an Agricultural Bill——

Ah, do not be so ignorant. I am not interested in the Agricultural Workers Bill. I am waiting for the next Bill.

I thought so, but the man occupying the front Opposition bench is a man born and bred in the City of Dublin who would be lost if he were five miles outside it.

The Minister might return to the Bill.

He cannot help his ignorance, his pretended magnificence.

I want the Opposition to state what they intend to do on the Bill. The Bill is submitted to the House for free discussion on all sides and no one will restrict or limit that discussion within the rules of order. Deputy McGrath is there, a plainspoken man from the County Cork, and he will tell us what they are going to do.

Deputy McGrath rose.

It is for the Chair, not for the Minister for Agriculture, to say who will be called upon. Deputy Desmond.

I am glad to say that the time has come when the farm workers of South Cork will get a half-day. Perhaps we may be a little more inclined to forget the past and, please God, the men to whom it was denied in the past will now be able to enjoy what they are entitled to and what is long overdue to them. I was glad to see that the members of the Opposition at least faced the matter in a sensible way. When I spoke on the Bill in this House before it was referred to Committee, I said that I believed that if it were left to a free vote of the House even the members of the Opposition would have supported a Bill to give a half-day to farm workers. They have proved by their attitude that they are in favour of it. Therefore, in fairness to the House and in fairness to the farm workers, the less we have to say about it the better and the sooner we finish it, the sooner the farm workers in Cork and elsewhere will be able to say: "Thank God we are to get a half holiday."

I voted against this Bill. I am a farmer. It is not just a question of whether farm workers ought or ought not get a half-holiday, but we are forgetting the people in the cities and towns who are crying out for butter, for example.

What will happen to the cows between 12 o'clock on Saturday afternoon and 6 o'clock on Monday morning? There is an all-out effort at present to encourage the farmers to produce more and more but when the farm labourer gets his half-holiday the farmer will decide to produce less. Picture a farmer's place where there are 40 or 50 calves to be fed in addition to the milking of the cows and the looking after of the other animals and the poultry. Ewes do not drop their lambs to schedule. The farmer is out Sunday and Monday looking after them. By the introduction of this legislation we are setting the headline to make the farmers of Ireland ranchers with a dog. People may say that we are making a slave of the farm labourer but do not forget that the farmer is a slave. He slaves for you people in the cities and the towns. It is hard to take the half-holiday from the farm labourer, but it is harder still to take the butter and the potatoes and the wheat from the children in the cities and towns. That day will come with the passing of this Bill by this House. Mark my words, you are encouraging the farmers, small and big, to be ranchers. They will take the easy way. I know farmers who live in my county. They rear calves and they breed sheep and cattle. This House is going to set the headline and the time will come when the people of Dublin will be crying for butter. I know that Deputy Dunne means well, but the farm labourer is different from a city or an industrial worker.

What about the position in England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland?

I am not ashamed of what I say. I should like to see the farm labourer have his half-holiday. I heard Deputy Flanagan say that the farmers have their holidays, but did we not give the farm labourers their holidays? We do not object to that. I am a farmer and an employer and I may say that I would sooner give my men 14 or 21 days holidays than a half-day on a Saturday. Think of a field of hay down and what the position would be at 12 o'clock on the half-day. The men would lay down their implements. I do not blame the men. They would see the road men go home at 12 o'clock.

They will not let you down.

I know. However, it is the industrious farmer, the farmer who keeps cows and breeds from them, and who keeps poultry and so forth who will suffer. Animals do not drop their young to schedule. They have a certain time to go and it may be that it will happen during the night. The farmer himself is up all night looking after his animals. Then the calves must be fed too. I myself and my sons have to go around the farm Sunday after Sunday because we cannot get a man on a Sunday morning to milk the cows for us. We have to feed 50 or 60 calves and we can get no man to do that for us on a Sunday morning. When this Bill becomes law the farm worker will go home at 12 o'clock on Saturday, and I do not blame him.

I am voting against the Bill although I do not grudge the farm labourers the half-holiday.

This discussion has ranged over a very wide territory. Every conceivable red herring that could be dragged in was dragged in with a view to keeping off what might be looked upon by some as the evil day. Some Deputies spoke with a good intention and others with perhaps not so much of a good intention. I am at a loss to understand why Deputy Sweetman should, at this juncture, seek by a manæuvre of this kind to bring about a division when obviously the House is practically unanimous that this measure is desirable and that it should be passed. I hope it will be passed without the discreditable performance of having a division on it before it becomes law.

This Bill has been rather fully discussed in this House. In addition, it was closely examined by a Select Committee of the House. It represents a big advance in so far as agricultural workers are concerned. To one who has been fighting this issue for six years, since we organised agricultural workers, this measure represents the culmination of much effort—and the same can be said of the efforts of many Deputies in this House who represent agricultural workers.

Deputy Corry made some surprising statements, not the least of which was the assertion that there was very little use in passing this Bill because farm workers are non-existent. I can only think that Deputy Corry must have had a trying time on his farm over the past few months doing the necessary work because obviously he must have had to do it on his own. Farm labourers are probably fewer now. This Bill will have a lesser application than it might have had during the war because the number of men employed on the land for wages, as distinct from the sons or relatives of farmers, is probably lower now than it was previously, but that is not because of the policy of the Minister for Agriculture. If that were the reason, I should be the first to state it. The reason why farm labourers are fewer now than they were previously is that they have gone to work in the cities and towns. They are running into industry, building jobs and so forth, because wages are higher—and small blame to them. Under this Bill we seek to do something which is good and constructive.

I want to say, with regard to the Select Committee, that Deputies Allen and Walsh, Fianna Fáil Deputies, offered constructive help in company with other members. Everybody in the country, farmers as well as farm labourers, will now realise that the time has come when this section of our people, who are so essential to our economy, should get this very small consideration of a half-holiday in the week. For the benefit of those who have doubts, I might say that the amended Bill, as it now appears before the House, provides that if a farmer finds it impossible during certain periods of the year, such as the harvest, to give a half-day in a particular week, he is empowered to give a full day's holiday in the following week. Further, if it should be necessary for the farmer to ask the farm labourer to work, as he generally has to, on the Saturday afternoon, he may do so provided overtime is paid in respect of that period and provided the farm worker is agreeable and that there is no compulsion.

This Bill is eminently reasonable. It is time the House passed it and put it on the Statute Book. I will not concern myself at this stage of this important issue with the reasons why the Opposition abstained from voting on the Second Reading. That is past history now. We will have other opportunities to deal with that matter—and we all know the reason for it. The Opposition and the majority of the members of this side of the House have indicated that they wish to see this Bill become law, that they accept the principle of a weekly half-holiday for farm workers, and I do not propose to interfere with their wish or desire except to say that we have gone a certain distance along the road to making the conditions of these workers something better than they were. We have left them a little better than we found them. If God gives us the strength and the power, with Deputy Corry's help, I hope with Deputy Sweetman's help, and with the help of others, we will establish for farm labourers a wage of £4 per week throughout the country. When we have done that, we will have gone a little further along the road towards securing a fair deal for this worst-treated section of the Irish community.

Question put.

Before the vote is taken, is it not necessary, when a division is challenged on a private member's Bill, that a number of Deputies should indicate that they are challenging a division?

Not necessarily, but the Chair may ask for a show of hands after the bell has rung and the Deputies are all here.

I see; thanks.

Would those Deputies who are challenging a division on the Fifth Stage of the Agricultural Workers (Weekly Half-Holidays) Bill, 1950, please rise in their places?

Several Deputies rose.

The Dáil divided: Tá, 86; Níl, 18.

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Allen, Denis.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Belton, John.
  • Blaney, Neal T.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Brennan, Thomas.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Browne, Noel C.
  • Butler, Bernard.
  • Byrne, Alfred.
  • Byrne, Alfred Patrick.
  • Childers, Erskine H.
  • Coburn, James.
  • Colley, Harry.
  • Collins, James J.
  • Collins, Seán.
  • Commons, Bernard.
  • Connolly, Roderick J.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Corry, Martin J.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Costello, John A.
  • Cowan, Peadar.
  • Crowley, Honor Mary.
  • Davern, Michael J.
  • Davin, William.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • Desmond, Daniel.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • De Valera, Vivion.
  • Dockrell, Maurice E.
  • Dunne, Seán.
  • Fitzpatrick, Michael.
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Flynn, John.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Friel, John.
  • Gorry, Patrick J.
  • Hickey, James.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Hogan, Patrick.
  • Keyes, Michael.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Kinane, Patrick.
  • Kissane, Eamon.
  • Kitt, Michael F.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • Larkin, James.
  • Lehane, Con.
  • Lemass, Seán F.
  • Little, Patrick J.
  • Lydon, Michael F.
  • Lynch, John.
  • McAuliffe, Patrick.
  • MacBride, Seán.
  • McCann, John.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McGrath, Patrick.
  • McQuillan, John.
  • Maguire, Patrick J.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • Murphy, William J.
  • Norton, William.
  • O'Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Donnell, Patrick.
  • O'Gorman, Patrick J.
  • O'Higgins, Michael J.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • Ormonde, John.
  • O'Sullivan, Martin.
  • Pattison, James P.
  • Rice, Bridget M.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Mary B.
  • Sheehan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Spring, Daniel.
  • Timoney, John J.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Tully, John.
  • Walsh, Thomas.

Níl

  • Beirne, John.
  • Browne, Patrick.
  • Cogan, Patrick.
  • Dillon, James M.
  • Fagan, Charles.
  • Giles, Patrick.
  • Halliden, Patrick J.
  • Hughes, Joseph.
  • Lehane, Patrick D.
  • Madden, David J.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F. (Jun.).
  • Palmer, Patrick W.
  • Redmond, Bridget M.
  • Reynolds, Mary.
  • Rooney, Eamonn.
  • Sheldon, William A.W.
  • Sweetman, Gerard.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Dunne and Desmond; Níl: Deputies Fagan and Sweetman.
Question declared carried.
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