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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 26 Apr 1951

Vol. 125 No. 11

Committee on Finance. - Vote 27—Agriculture (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the motion:—
That the Estimate be referred back for reconsideration.—(Deputy Smith.)

I am anxious to hear from the Minister something further about his scheme under which he proposes to replace uneconomic cows, to buy in such animals and to replace them by in-calf heifers. I am anxious to know some of the details of the scheme. It is an immense undertaking and I am particularly anxious to know whether it will be possible to create priorities in dealing with this problem. I think that if it is possible to deal with it on a broad basis, we might be able to alleviate some of the distress that may be consequent, particularly, among small stockholders on any loss of stock that they may suffer at the moment owing to the difficult feed situation. I am anxious to know how it is proposed by the Department to acquire the vast stocks of good class heifers or good class young cows that will be necessary to put this full scheme into fruition. I am anxious to know the general technique to be used and the quality of beast to be sought for this purpose. It is a scheme which is immense in its vision and which gets to the root of one of our main problems. Too long and too often have we listened to the talk about uneconomic cows and it might well be that, fundamental to the problem of milk price, is the fact that many of the cows in dairy herds are not giving what one might term a reasonably economic lactation.

This scheme should surely commend itself to such alleged agricultural economic purists as Deputy Cogan and surely it would have been worthy of Deputy Cogan to have passed some word of commendation to the Minister for the vision and tremendous courage necessary for the undertaking of such a vast scheme. The ordinary person whom we Deputies from rural Ireland represent will appreciate in a very positive way the consequences which this will ultimately have on his economy. This is a tremendous advance towards agriculture as many of us would like to see it. I am a great believer in the theory that it takes as much to feed a good animal as a bad one and, in fact, it sometimes takes more to feed a bad animal. I am glad to see the Minister tackling the problem of the replacement of uneconomic cows where it must be properly tackled. We are in a favourable situation from the point of view of the disposal of these cows. The only apprehension I have—it is not an apprehension by way of criticism, I should like the Minister to know—is whether we will have available the type of stock he envisages for replacement in the foreseeable future.

The time has come for all Deputies to realise that, if there is to be a sound basis on which to build an agricultural economy, the sooner we approach it from the angle of a national consciousness of our duty to the main industry as distinct from a political angle, the better for us all. I have advocated in public before the removal, if possible, of this Department from the arena of politics altogether, because it is something which needs sound and systematic planning, something which must be built, in the main, on our own capacity to produce economically the wherewithal to balance our economy.

I have adverted already to the simple maxim of the late Paddy Hogan, go ndeanaidh Dia trocaire air, and perhaps we might analyse the full import of that maxim of one more cow, one more sow, one more acre under the plough. There will be found there the basis of the Minister's advocacy of his present policy. It is true that he is not going to browbeat, direct or bully the farmer into his way of thinking, but what is his way of thinking? Let us analyse it and see where criticism is merited. His theory is simply that the most economic and most beneficial way the farmer can approach the problem of live stock is to produce at home on the farm, or have available to him in his locality, as much as possible of the feeding stuffs he will require. On that basis, he advocates (1) more cereals, more oats and more barley; (2) the growing of fodder beet and the growing of potatoes; and (3) a new but highly developed technique of green grass ensilage. Every one of these commodities is capable of being grown in an economic way in this country. The ensilage of green grass, particularly green grass in its early growth stages, does not present the problem which some people conceive it to present. I am not an expert on ensilage, but, so far as I can judge, it is possible, if you have no other source available, to do it in ordinary deep pits, if it is properly insulated against the shock of weather.

Is there anybody here who will deny the sound economy of producing that type of feeding stuff to feed stock? It will remove you from the caprice of international prices; it will keep you from relying on imported feeding stuffs; and it will ensure that the economy you build at home is built on sound foundations. I have heard the Minister very deliberately warn the person who wants to buy bonhams or suckers to feed them on foreign feeding stuffs and then hope to make a profit when they are fat and ready for marketing. Let us be reasonable and let us ask ourselves in a cold way which is the sounder economy—the farmer breeding his own pigs, if he is in a position to do so, growing as much of the feed as he possibly can, or rearing them in an area in which it is available to him, bringing them to the fattened stage and selling them, or the type of economy in which people take a chance on the in-between stage? Is it not infinitely more sound from the national point of view that the primary producer be encouraged to bring the pig from the bonham stage to the fat stage to ensure the maximum amount of profit to himself?

That presents itself to me as something fundamentally sound, and, on the Minister's statement, which has not been controverted, it is possible to find a balanced diet to feed the pig from bonham stage to fattened stage on home-grown materials. What is wrong with that? What is there inherently bad in that scheme that it merits the vituperative criticism it gets here? Is there something wrong about trying to get fixed prices for a reasonable period, so as to allow the farmer to plan his economy in the circumstances of his holding as he knows them? There seems to be something to quarrel with in the Minister's looking for long-term agreements.

We are in a most peculiar and interesting economic stage. I dealt lightly with the problem of milk, but let us take that problem as the subject against which most criticism has been levelled. If we had not had an abnormal winter and if the production of milk had followed the pattern we saw last year, we might have been facing a very serious position in the milk trade, from the farmer's point of view. Violent criticism has been levelled, both inside and outside this House, at the 1d. a gallon increase and the five-year plan. I have no hesitation in saying that if the Minister's scheme comes to fruition, and if you have economic herds producing milk, the farmer will find that that five-year guarantee and his 1/3 a gallon for milk may turn out to be a bigger boon than he could ever have conceived it to be. Let us analyse our problem and put the two things side by side. The Department is trying to improve the quality and the yield of a herd. It has increased the price slightly and it has fixed it for five years. If these two things work side by side and if this scheme gets, as I feel it honestly will get, the complete backing of this House, watch the development of milk. The farmers may find that many of us who have been criticised for the fight we made for their increase in the price of milk have not been as duped and as fooled as some of the caterwauling from the benches opposite would try to suggest.

Take the problem of our whole agricultural economy in this country. In my opinion, it has always been based on expediency. We have been inclined to make a violent rush to get into something that showed an immediate and a quick return. I want to see, and please God I shall live to see, agriculture in this country develop on a different basis altogether. I want to see it built on a sound economy. I want the farmer to be able to plan his industry with all the assurances that people have in other industries. The sooner we appreciate that all the small farms and the big farms of this country are the real industry that is keeping the wheels of the nation turning, the better it will be for us. The sooner we appreciate that we have to educate the Irish people to the point of view that farming is the premier occupation in this country, and that the farm labourer and the farm worker is of such value to this country that no industrial worker can claim to be of the same primary necessity, the better it will be for ourselves. Too long have we allowed a certain class of people to describe the lads in the country as "cábógs", and so forth. The sooner we get down to the task of making the farming community of this country a respectable and self-respecting community the better it will be for us all. It is not doing that to come here and try to make out that the farmers are mendicants and beggars at anybody's mercy. They have never been that, but they have been a source, throughout the years, of national strength. They have paid their contribution, in every form of national effort, to the development of Ireland. The sooner we appreciate them for what they are worth, and make agriculture a really sound and properly balanced industry, the better it will be for us.

I hate to see in this House nothing but personal bitterness and spleen being vented on an individual, as distinet from getting down to the problem of improving the lot of our farmers and their workers throughout the length and breadth of this country. We should realise that agriculture is the primary industry of this country and that the whole basis of economy in this country is the farmer. I suggest to the Minister that he should get his hand to the task of the replacement of stock, if possible on the basis of trying to deal first with the people who may have felt the impact of loss in the recent difficult months. I firmly believe that, if the Opposition could get a ground for it, they would blame our present Minister for Agriculture, Deputy Dillon, for the bad weather. That is the extent of the spleen that exists in this House, in dealing with our main national problem. I want to see the Minister improve the standard, as he is doing, in rural Ireland. I want to see the farmer with as decent a house as, or better than, that of anybody in the city or the town. I want to see the farmer with electric light and with water inside and outside his house. I want to see the farmer with all the comforts a modern State can give him. Unless he gets these benefits we cannot make certain for posterity of a continuation of effort on the land.

I am not a bit afraid to say that, in order to keep the boys and girls in rural Ireland, our farming community should have all the amenities and all the benefits that a modern State can give them. I want to see the Minister progress in that line. I want to see the Minister getting bigger and better schemes to enable the farming community reap what has been denied to them for centuries, and denied to them under our own Governments, namely, the benefits of their heritage in Irish land.

It is time for us in this House to cut out half the nonsense that goes on when the Estimates are under discussion. We have a national duty. Our national duty is to try and make things better. I should love to see Fianna Fáil come forth with new improved schemes that might help the Government in its task of development. That is their duty. They have had a long period of responsibility in this country. I do not subscribe to the theory that they did not do some good. However, I feel that we are not getting in this House the fair modicum of opinion that the long experience of the Fianna Fáil Party should be able to throw into the forum of this House for the development of our own Government. The Government of this country is for all the people. The sooner we come to the realisation of our complete national duty the sooner we shall get down to the task of making agriculture something that is not going to be the hazard of an individual Minister's opinion or of an individual Government's approach. It is something that has within itself, fundamentally, the ingredients of a sound balanced indiistry. Let us put our hands to the task of finding that. We know perfectly well what we can produce in this country. We know perfectly well, much as we may deride it, that there is available to us an eager and a large market. We know perfectly well—I am not saying this in any spirit of criticism —what desperate suffering and hardship the economic war caused. We know perfectly well the irreparable damage that was done to agricultural economy by making agriculture a type of political plaything. We must tackle the task of re-establishing in the farmer himself a pride in his job and a confidence in his future because, unless there is confidence in the farmer's future, there is no future for the country.

I end my contribution to the debate on this note: Can we, as people of reasonable intelligence and reasonable consciousness of our responsibility, get down to the task of improving the lot of the farmers generally and providing bigger and better schemes to make his economy sound and stable rather than indulge in the bickering, vituperation, petty hate and spleen which were so much in evidence in this House on every day the Vote for Agriculture was taken?

I want, first of all, to congratulate Deputy Collins on the very lengthy and relevant speech he has given. It is a speech which should commend itself to all Parties. It was a reasonable speech, an appeal for confidence, an appeal for tne co-operation and support of all people in this House so as to put agriculture in the forefront of our economy. I think that Deputy Collins' contribution should put people thinking. He made an earnest appeal for co-operation; if people engage in criticism, let it be constructive. I think that was the proper approach.

Due to pressure of other bnsiness, I, unfortunately, did not have the opportunity of hearing the many speeches delivered in the House during the past week. However, I had the pleasure, the consolation and sometimes the unpleasantness of reading them. The first speech which drew my attention to the Party opposite was the speech, which was one of primary importance, delivered by the former Minister for Agriculture, Deputy Smith. Up to a point, Deputy Smith's speech was a reasonable one, I think more reasonable than I have heard from him for a considerable time. It was more subdued than I have heard from him for a considerable time and I rather liked his approach. His speech was not so lengthy as the one when he occupied the time of this House for four and a half hours. In his 1948 speech, which I remember very distinctly, he said quite a lot but there was very little substance in what he said, but on this occasion I must congratulate him for saying something of some use and value to this House.

On the whole the speeches from the opposite side have been vindictive. I would construe quite a number as tirades of abuse. I expect every reasonable Deputy who gets to his feet in this House always to put forward something that may ,be constructive. Criticism is good; opposition is good; without both we could not succeed, but when a Deputy stands up to vent his feelings on an individual, not on the policy of that individual, as has been done in the case of the Minister for Agriculture, I think he is tackling the problem in the wrong way. A tirade of personal abuse has been poured on the Minister for Agriculture not as Minister for Agriculture but as James Dillon. I say it is unjust; it is unfair.

I am behind the Minister for Agriculture and his policy up to a point. The Minister referred to my contribution on the Vote on Account and said that I looked down on him with disillusioned eyes. I do not know what he means to convey, but in fact I always look with a certain amount of suspicion on everyone particularly on people in very responsible positions. By keeping a suspicious eye on those people you get the best out of them. These are my tactics. If a man believes that you are pinning your faith on him he will say: "This fellow is with me"; but I like to put him in the position that he does not knon-whether he has me or whether he has not and does not know whether I wilI depart from him or not, so maybe that is what the Minister meant when he said that I looked on him with a disillusioned eye.

The speeches I heard were a continuons harangue about desolation, ruin, poverty, and bankruptcy for the farmers of the country. I do not believe a word of that. I would ask people on the far side of the House who talk about agriculture to be a little bit honest, a little bit sincere about it. On the whole they must admit that the farmers of the country are better off now than they were for a considerabte time past. I will not go back into ancient history and say who were responsible for their evil times and who were not, but farmers are in a sound, independent prosperous condition at the present time and a lot of that is certainly due to the policy pursued by the Minister for Agriculture. They know exactly where they are and what they have to do. They have got long term agreements with England and other countries to which we send our produce. They can plan from day to day, feeling confident of what the future will be and their outlook is more promising. If Providence had favoured us with a better season I venture to say without hesitation our farmers would never have seen a better spring than this year. The weather has turned a bit better and even though the season was a bit later than it would be normally I think I may say that at the end of the year the farmers of the country will have something for which to congratulate themselves.

I heard Deputy Walsh's speech. I did not consider it a great speech but something emanated from it which was rather instructive and educational to me. He dealt at length with the tillage policy of the present Government and criticised the Minister for giving farmers advice contrary to what Depnty Walsh would like. From his speech we learned that the policy of Fianna Fáil—I suppose he was speaking on behalf of Fianna Fáil—would be if they got back into office to impose compulsory tillage on the country.

The word "compulsion" is obnoxious not alone to farmers but to every individual in the country. I would never like to apply that word to any individual in this country whether he sits at an office table, whether he is a business man, a farmer, a labourer or anything else. I would not say to them "you must do this or you must do that". This is a free country and above all sections the farming community who have fought for generations for their freedom feel that that little bit of freedom which they now enjoy should be left to them. Suppose we were to have a change of Government? What would the position be in regard to tillage and to agriculture? Our present Minister for Agriculture has encouraged the people by price inducement and by the spoken word to produce more cereal crops. I hold that that policy is a sound, sane and sensible one. If we had to revert to the Fianna Fáil policy of cumpulsory tillage I say that every farmer in the country would resent it. I do not know one in my constituency who would favour it. An appeal has been made to farmers this year by the Minister for Agriculture, and at any meetings I have addressed throughout Roscommon I have also appealed to farmers. I say that a farmer who farms a reasonable amount of land, 30 or 40 acres, is not worth his salt if he does not produce sufficient crops on his farm to feed his own lise stock plus a surplus for sale in the nearest market.

The Minister's approach to agriculture is sound and the Fianna Fáil approach to agriculture and tillage was wrong. I can attribute to this perhaps the downfall of Fianna Fáil and their loss of prestige particularly in my county. In our county we can see the reaction of our people to the extent that our Party have got a majority in the county council.

That is an indication that the people of Roscommon have confidence in this Government and are convinced that the agricultural policy pursued by the Government is a sound and a sane one.

Suppose we do go back to Fianna Fáil—should anything befall us that we would have that terrible misfortune, that the Fianna Fáil policy will be again implemented and that we will have a Fianna Fáil Government—I presume that if we have, we will have Deputy Smith as the Minister for Agriculture. He will go down the country and he will lecture the farmers and tell them what to do. In order to refresh the Deputy's memory, I will read just a couple of extracts from a speech Deputy Smith made in 1947. I want to know if this will be the policy of Fianna Fáil, if they come back to office. I hold it will be, and I issue a warning to the farmers to beware of their friends, the Fianna Fáil Party. I quote from Volume 106, column 2239, 19th June, 1947. I am glad Deputy Smith is in the House. He was speaking about the farmers in general and these are the words he used:—

"I shall tell you that I had them safely tucked in the back of my mind when I was talking in Navan and if it had not been for the kind of season that Providence decided to send us, I would not have had them tucked in the back of my mind; I would have had inspectors tucked after them, and I would have tucked them out into fresh land, and I would compel them to break fresh land, and if they did not do it I would tuck in the tractors through the ditches and through the gates and tuck out the land for them.

It is all very well for the leader writers. They can all get down to the job of giving the Government hell, as the fellow said when he was listening to a friend of his preaching a temperance sermon. He came into the hall about threequarters ‘shot' and said: ‘That's right, give them hell.' They can give the Government hell as long as they like and they can talk about the extravagant language of this young Minister who went down to Navan and, as they said, unleashed his fury on 300,000 farmers.

... If the Lord Almighty provides us with good weather that will enable us to make a start, and if there should be a necessity next season to be as rigid as heretofore —and there may be—I am going to tell them here and now that I will recruit the full of ten fields of inspectors, and I will spend plenty of money in paying them travelling expenses and everything else, and I will hire all the tractors and machinery I can get and I will go down and pick every one of the `cods' out and I will say: `Take down that piece of wire and put it around the other corner, and just break it up until we see will you get more than four barrels or four and a half barrels', no matter what their lamentations are about wheat-growing."

Further on, he said:—

"When I do that, you can call me a thug or a clod or a driver, whatever you like, I do not care. If I am here in the position of Minister, so sure as I have the Almighty to face some day or another, I will end this nonsense. That is my attitude to this question of production. I have heard more of this word `production' since this debate started than I have heard for as long as I can remember. My back is nearly broken listening to it. Maybe I should not say much more. We were talking earlier in the debate about Guinness, but Guinness is never about at the right time."

That summarises Fianna Fáil policy so far as tillage is concerned. These are the exact words of the Deputy.

As you see it.

As Deputy Smith saw it.

It was not all Fianna Fáil——

So there is a split in Fianna Fáil?

It was the policy indicated in that speech that convinced the farmers on the Roscommon County Council, that convinced the majority——

What majority? The farmers? You have got eight to 12.

We have an inter-Party majority in the Roscommon County Council, due to the policy of Fianna Fáil.

I cannot allow that announcement to go. You have eight to 12.

Deputy O'Rourke will have an opportunity of speaking, if he wishes to.

And when I speak I will speak the truth.

Will you tell us something about Croke Park?

I am delighted that Deputy O'Rourke is in the House and I will be delighted to hear him. I am glad to see him in the House.

Eight to 12! Where is the majority?

I say we have the majority—an inter-Party majority in the County Council of Roscommon.

You spoke about the farmers.

We have them supporting the present Government.

The Deputy must cease interrupting. Deputy Beirne is in possession.

I will answer these gentlemen as long as they keep interrupting.

There is a Deputy in possession.

The Deputy must interrupt.

The Minister was not in possession and he interrupted.

I do not see why Deputies should keep interrupting.

This is sore stuff; it hurts.

I am not arguing; I say that Deputy Beirne must be allowed to proceed without any further interruptions.

I have dealt with Deputy Smith's contribution in this House on the 19th June, 1947. I suppose that is fundamentally the Fianna Fáil policy and I am sure the farmers in County Roscommon would be delighted if we had to revert to that policy, when the tractors will be driven in through the ditches and through the hedges and gates and when we will have the full of ten fields of inspectors employed, irrespective of the cost, to compel the farmers of Roscommon to do what they know in their hearts cannot be done.

Now, I am talking about Roscommon. We were compelled to do all these things in Roscommon. The results were not bad, under very trying conditions. The growing of wheat, as I am sure Deputy O'Rourke will agree, is in many cases in Roscommon an absolute impossibility. I am sure he will agree about that. I would not blame the Minister to tell the people of Roscommon that he would not be found dead in a field of wheat in Roscommon, because the fields of wheat there were not fields of wheat, they were a disgrace. I am a farmer and I tilled my quota of wheat. I tried to get a return from the tillage and I did everything humanly possible, but I always put in more seed than I took out, in spite of every effort.

You are a good farmer.

I can compare my farming abilities with Deputy O'Rourke's, and I will place them on a much higher standard than his. I could educate the Deputy in farming.

I never heard such twaddle in all my life.

If you come in here for the purpose of interrupting, I wish you luck.

He thinks he is in the schoolroom.

That is possibly it. Now, can Fianna Fáil contend, or do they propose to contend, or can they establish any facts by which they can condemn the land rehabilitation scheme? Is it a bad or a good scheme? They supported it in the House. Then, as regards the Local Authorities (Works) Act, on eight occasions the members of the Fianna Fáil Party voted against it in the course of its passage here.

Eight times?

That is correct. They tell you in the country, as a result of the operation of the two things, the land rehabilitation scheme and the Local Authorities (Works) Act—there was a whispering campaign through the country—that if the farmers availed of this scheme and this Act and brought their lands to fertility and productivity, their rates would be increased. There is no doubt about that, with the result——

The Deputy knows that is untrue. The Deputy knows the Minister had to withdraw that statement in this House.

It is perfectly true.

You are a liar—do you know that, now?

The Deputy must withdraw that.

I will not withdraw.

The Deputy must withdraw it.

I will not withdraw, because the Minister is a liar, and I proved him a liar on the very same issue before. You are a liar and you know you are a liar. You know I applied myself——

That is defiance of the Chair.

Cavan is ashamed of you.

I applied under the scheme. I have not intervened in this—I have not interrupted. You are a deliberate liar.

The Deputy will resume his seat.

When I hear a deliberate lie, I cannot stand here.

I ask the Deputy to withdraw his remark.

I will not withdraw.

Then the Deputy will have to leave the House.

I will not.

Then I shall have to name the Deputy.

Is it right——

There will be no question raised once the Chair has decided—nothing now arises but a vote.

The man is a liar, and he knows it.

Mr. Murphy

The Deputy is making a public exhibition of himself.

It is not a public exhibition. He is a liar and any man who makes that statement is a liar——

Sit down.

I will not sit down in any place where that charge is made by a Minister. I will use the only suitable expression to repudiate it.

You cannot take it.

Proceedings suspended.

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