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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 26 Apr 1951

Vol. 125 No. 11

Committee on Finance. - Vote 27—Agriculture (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion: "That the Estimate be referred back for reconsideration."

Last night, when discussing this Estimate, I was asking the Minister for Agriculture if he would provide facilities for cream separating on the islands off the coast of Cork and I pointed out to the Minister that he gave an undertaking that where there was a reasonable quantity of milk available the facilities would be provided. The Minister said that as far as Whiddy Island is concerned, he had made some arrangement with the creamery co-operative society to take the milk if it was transported by boat to the mainland. That is quite a useless arrangement. It is an arrangement that was made some seven or eight years ago and was found to be impracticable. The Minister has an obligation to provide the facilities for these islanders. The Minister cannot afford to let milk production fall in any degree this year and he cannot afford to allow any butter to go to waste.

In reply to Deputy de Valera last night, the Minister hinted that he was preparing to import butter again during the coming season. The Minister indicated that the butter which he would import this season would be used off the ration. If that is the view the Minister has of the butter situation, he should take every step to see that the milk available in the districts to which I have referred is turned into butter that can be used and sold on the ration.

Some time ago I asked the Minister, by way of Parliamentary Question, what loss or profit there was on the sale of imported butter off the ration and the Minister replied that no imported butter had been sold off the ration. I find that answer rather unconvincing because, in travelling to Dublin that particular week, on the train, I got what appeared to be imported butter. I also thought it peculiar that the Minister should supply all Irish creamery butter off the ration to hotels, restaurants and caterers while the ordinary consumer in Dublin and in the country was expected to take his ration of imported butter. We have had the experience in country districts, where there is a creamery, that a box of Irish creamery butter is issued to that creamery for distribution in the village and a box of imported Danish butter is issued for distribution to the farmers in the particular area.

If the situation is as the Minister appears to visualise it, that there will be a shortage of butter again during the coming season, it is incumbent on the Minister to take every step to see that the facilities for turning the milk that can be produced in these remote areas in West Cork into creamery butter for the people.

There was one matter mentioned by Deputy T. Walsh when he was speaking on this Estimate, that is, compulsory tillage. I am in absolute disagreement with Deputy Walsh when he advocates compulsory tillage. I cannot see that the Minister is sincere in saying that he will get wheat grown by price inducement when he expects producers of wheat bushelling 57 lb. to sell that wheat at £25 a ton while they are expected to pay £35 a ton for imported sorghums. The Minister had an advertisement in the paper not so very long ago and I think there is not much difference between the Minister's outlook and Deputy Walsh's outlook. The Minister said, "grow it now without compulsion or, if you do not," question mark. The Minister's attitude and Deputy Walsh's attitude seems to be compulsion. I disagree with both. I think the way to achieve the result is by price inducement.

We heard a good deal from the Minister from time to time on the question of the parish plan. At one time the Minister seemed to be flirting with Muintir na Tíre. Whatever happened subsequently the Minister seems to have jilted Muintir na Tíre and started flirting with the Young Farmers Clubs. The parish plan and the three-parish schemes were forgotten and instead we had the three-club scheme. Then, when the Minister had succeeded in putting the Young Farmers Clubs and Muintir na Tíre at each other's throats, we had neither. It has always been a very good principle for anybody who wants to defeat something to divide and conquer. The Minister has done the same, or has attempted to do the same, between the I.A.O.S. and the Creamery Suppliers' Association. The Minister fell out with the I.A.O.S. last year. This year he went back to them and he used them as a stick to beat the Creamery Suppliers' Association on the principle that any stick is good enough to beat a dog. I think that we ought to have a clearer statement from the Minister as to what he actually proposes to do in connection with these parish plans.

There is another matter which the Minister mentioned in the House some time ago. He told us that he had a scheme ready to put into operation for the eradication of uneconomic cows and that if anybody who had an uneconomic cow would give it to him, he would give him a first-class heifer instead. He said he was starting immediately with that scheme in the Counties Limerick and Tipperary, and in other counties later. I find that the scheme is exactly as the Minister has stated, but it appears to be confined to the parish of Bansha.

There are a number of complaints around the country as to the slowness of the Department in redeeming fertiliser credit vouchers. I should like the Minister to do something to have payment made more promptly when the vouchers are returned to the Department.

A great deal has been said on the question of the land rehabilitation scheme. It has been used as a stick by everybody who wants to have a kick at the agricultural community. We are told that we are getting £40,000,000 and that the people of the country will have to pay it back. Of course, everybody knows that that is ridiculous. If the £40,000,000 is expended, I do not think any section of the community will have to pay it back. The fact of the matter is that this is Marshall Aid money which can be used only for certain purposes where we can show the result of war damage——

Nonsense.

Nonsense.

You are restricted in the uses to which you can put it.

Nonsense.

We are using it for that purpose. It is proposed under the scheme to reclaim 4,500,000 acres. The farmers are supposed to get all this done free and for nothing, but the farmers themselves, out of their own pockets, may be asked to contribute as much as £58,000,000 for that work on the basis of £12 per acre. I want to make the point that some farmers are paying a considerable amount of that money themselves. They are doing something in the national interest in extending and developing national assets. If the taxpayer has to contribute eventually some portion of this £40,000,000 and if it is expended, they will get very good value in the development and extension of the national assets that will be created. I think that there is a certain amount of slowness in getting on with that scheme in certain areas. If a farmer is prepared to do the work himself, something can be done, but in very few areas can anything be done if the farmer elects to have it done by the Department as is provided under the scheme.

Having offered these few mild criticisms, I should like to pay tribute to the Minister for a number of very useful schemes and some very useful work which has been done by the Department since he has taken it over. I am satisfied that unless you had a man of the vision, the ability and the courage of the Minister, and maybe the recklessness of the Minister, some of these schemes never would have been tackled. I think the Minister has done a great deal of useful work in developing the veterinary section of his Department. The officers of that Department are certainly doing very useful work, which is a national asset, in connection with the eradication of contagious abortion and other diseases with which they are dealing. The Minister has also tackled the question of artificial insemination and he appears to be doing it well. For that we have to thank him also. I remember that about six or seven years ago we sent up a request from the Cork Milk Board to the then Minister for Agriculture asking him to do something in this direction and we merely got a printed acknowledgment in reply. I also think that the Minister has, with his optimistic outlook, done something to remove the depression that existed in agriculture. I believe that the Minister could develop further useful schemes and, if he would listen to advice as to the directions in which he is going wrong, he would do a magnificent job for the primary industry in this country.

I was referring last night—and I do not think I made my point quite clear to the Minister—to the ground limestone scheme. The Minister has apparently an arrangement whereby Córas Iompair Éireann will draw all the ground limestone and dump it as near as Córas Iompair Éireanm can go to the farmer's land or fields. Then the Minister has arranged that any individual in the country may get a grant to help him to purchase mechanical lime spreaders. It strikes me as being a great waste of time for the Córas Iompair Éireann lorries to go out and dump six or eight tons of ground limestone on the side of the road, and then for this local man to come along with his lime spreader and shovel it back into the lime spreader, take it away and spread it on the field. I think that, if the Minister is giving a subsidy or if Marshall Aid is giving a subsidy for the distribution of limestone, it should be given in a way that would be most beneficial to the agricultural industry which it is supposed to benefit. Instead, the Minister would appear to be more concerned in doing a subtle manæuvre with Marshall Aid by subsidising our national transport system rather than in giving the genuine help that should be given in the distribution of limestone.

To go over a few points briefly. I disagree completely with the Minister in his attitude to the milk producers of the country, and I disagree with him in his attitude to the Milk Suppliers' Association. I would appeal to him, even at this late hour, to reconsider his attitude in that direction. I do not anticipate that there will be any strike of milk producers or any throwing of milk down the drains. I hope there will not be. I do not believe the farmers would be so foolish, but they can be quite effective in meeting the situation by turning over to beef and cattle, and by not providing the store cattle which are necessary in the Midlands and the West. I think that the Minister can be a big man if he likes. I think this is an occasion for him to show that he is a big man and that he should reconsider his attitude to this milk problem.

While I disagree with the Minister on the milk question, I also disagree with him in permitting the price of bacon to be pegged while the price of pig meal is being increased. I disagree with him when he says that 2d. is not a bad price for an egg. I disagree with him when he says that farmers can afford to sell wheat at £25 a ton, while he buys sorghums at £35 a ton. I disagree with him on these four points. At the same time, I want to give him credit for some things which he has done. I can tell him that, in the country, the good schemes which he has put into operation are fully appreciated. I would like to assure the Minister that any little influence I have in my own constituency to further these schemes, I shall use it to the best of my ability.

Deputy Lehane reminds me of Tadhg an dá, thaobh. We hardly know which side he is on. I think we ought to give up any pretence in the matter of governing this country. Government is fundamentatly based on force, on the authority given to it by the people to promote their security. If certain action is needed to be taken by the Government to promote the security of the people, even though that cuts across the normal procedure, we must put up with it. In war years, certain things have to be done that are quite reasonable, given the circumstances that exist. The putting of certain proposals into operation during war years, without many years of training, so far as the community is concerned, to an acceptance of the idea that these conditions may arise, often creates difficulties that might be avoided if the Government and people had agreed in years of peace that that procedure was likely bo be necessary. I am not in favour of compulsion, but I am in favour of educating the people to the idea that this is a very unsettled world, and that if we neglect to do certain things that we can do for ourselves, our people are likely to find themselves in a bad way.

Deputy Lehane mentioned certain proposals that came from Cork to a previous Minister. Deputy Lehane knows, as well as I do, that the Cork County Committee of Agriculture was a sounding board for all those who opposed the Government in the County Cork, and that they utilised the pages of the Sunday Independent to make all the propaganda they could against the late Government on matters which, very often, it was no concern of theirs at all to deal with. I am anxious to discover what the calculations——

On a point of correction?

If the Deputy in possession gives way.

Certainly.

Deputy Moylan has referred to the Cork County Committee of Agriculture. I did not make any reference to the Cork County Committee of Agriculture. I referred to the Cork District Milk Board, of which Deputy Corry is a member. Whether the Deputy regards him as an opponent of the last Government or not, I do not know.

I cannot always accept responsibility for Deputy Corry. Of course, Deputy Corry intimated at one time that he came up here to defend the farmers against the Government and went down to Cork to defend the Government against the farmers. Sometimes, I think he did not know exactly where he was, with the associates that he had. What I am anxious to discover is what the calculations of the Minister were that justified him in announcing an advance of ld. per gallon for milk as adequate compensation to the farmers for their increased costs of production. I cannot imagine for one moment that all the relevant facts were considered. I fear that the published proposal to advance the price by ld. per gallon for six months of the year, coupled with an increase of 2d. per lb. for butter, will result rather in a saving to the Exchequer than in any assistance to the farmers in their rather difficult task. In view of the significant drop in production during the first three months of this year, coupled with last year's very bad hay crop and the late spring, it is only reasonable to assume that butter production this year cannot equal last year's, except on the basis of a diversion of milk from other forms of production. Assuming that that diversion does not take place, I would say that a reasonable calculation of this year's butter production would be 650,000 cwt. The period to which the 1d. advance is applicable—May to October —accounts for 80 per cent. of our butter production, and that would amount this year, if my reasonable argument is accepted, to 520,000 cwt. Assuming 260 gallons of milk to one cwt. of butter, the 1d. advance amounts to £560,000.

Deduct from this the amount of the advance of 2d. per lb. for butter £485,000, and we get the amount payable by the Exchequer, £75,000. Some 130,000 cwt. of butter, if my anticipation in regard to production is reasonably sound, will be produced from October to May and, without any advance in the price of milk, the return to the Exchequer from this, as a result of the advance in the price of butter, will be £121,000. Deduct from this sum the £75,000 paid for summer milk by the Exchequer and we discover the net profit on the transaction to the Exchequer is £46,000.

There is a further disadvantage imposed on the dairy farmer. During the war years and in the post-war years, when other consumers were closely confined to the ration dairy farmers consumed 100,000 cwt. of creamery butter per annum, an approximate conservative average of 12 ounces per head of each family, and paid for this only the controlled ration price. With the coming of the off-ration butter on the market, the farmer got the eight ounces to which all are entitled, for which he pays 2/8 a lb. That means that for the consumption of the eight-ounce ration he pays an extra sum of £62,000. If he maintains the normal consumption of the post-war years and war years, for an extra 33,000 cwt. he pays 10d. per lb. extra, amounting to £154,000, or a total of £216,000. The farmer is therefore mulcted in the sum of £216,000 on the butter he consumes. How can the Minister claim that he has bettered the position of the dairy farmer? I may say that I was not in agreement with the idea of giving the farmer a privileged position with regard to butter. If he could be brought into line with the rest of the citizens, I believe it would be right. But we must accept the weaknesses of human nature and we cannot always do exactly the thing we would like to do. That is what was done, and the new arrangement mulcts the farmer in the sum of £216,000.

Much play has been made with the increased share of the national income of those engaged in agriculture. In 1938 the agricultural income was 22.8 per cent of the national income. It rose steeply in 1944 to 34.6, and in 1950 it was 28.31. In assessing the real value to individuals and families of the agricultural income one must take into account the percentage of the population that lives on 28.3 per cent. of the national income. In doing so, we will discover the fallacy of the statement that agriculture is getting an undue return for its production, investment and efforts. I have no doubt that the Minister is most desirous of advancing agricultural prosperity. I have no doubt that he believes, as I do, that national prosperity and security depend on increased agricultural production. Dr. Paul Millar, a few days ago in Killarney, said he had come to Ireland to work on agriculture but that he found he could do little with the farmers. I wonder what the reason is?

So do I.

It is a good thing that. we are both wondering. My wonder is are the Government trying to impose on the farmers an unsuitable economy? The late Minister for Agriculture, Mr. Patrick Hogan, stated, "I often marvel at the theory that everybody, except the farmer, knows the farmer's business best. The view seems to be widely accepted that every body except the farmer knows everything about farming."

Hear, hear!

Professor Busteed, of U.C.C., spoke in London during the week-end and he said that we are getting rid of the scrub bull, that the uneconomic cow was on her way out, but that we are on the verge only of considering how to get rid of our scrub grass. As far as grass is concerned, he is perfectly correct. The man who refused the co-operation of Dr. Paul Millar, the man whom the Minister is finding the most difficult, is the drone of the permanent pasture, the man who believes that grass is a gift and not a crop. If the Minister achieves even only partial success in destroying that parasitic form of farming, he will deserve well of us. But it is wrong to say that we have got rid of the scrub bull or that the uneconomic cow is on her way out. Everybody knows more about farming than the farmer. The Minister may do a very good job, and I have no doubt he a doing a good job, by importing high quality dairy bulls, but any change made by that policy and that importation is bound to be slow and bound to be within a narrow compass.

I still want to insist, as I did last year, that the operation of the Livestock Act has imposed a new type of scrub bull in the dairying areas. Until a change is made in that type of bull, the uneconomic cow, like the poor, will be always with us. Until the dairy farmer is permitted to use his own judgment and knowledge, production will be low and the price of milk will have to be increasingly great.

The Evening Echo, an offshoot of the Cork Examiner, of April 24th, reports His Lordship, the Most Reverend Dr. Lucey, Coadjutor Bishop of Cork, as saying the other night in his own village:—

"But I do want a levelling up of the country labourer's wages to the urban standard. And that can come only by way of a just price for milk, eggs, pigs, poultry—the produce of mixed or genuine farming. At the moment the prices for these commodities are too low to give the farmer himself or his man the standard of living others in the community have. The key to justice for the labourer is justice for the farmer—the one hope for both is a square deal for agriculture from the rest of the community in the way of prices."

The Minister, I think, said on one occasion that his Ministry would have to be judged on what it was possible for him to do by way of betterment of the conditions of the agricultural labourer. I am completely at one with him in that. Until we are able to better the conditions of the agricultural labourer we will be a failure as an assembly here.

I know it is a most difficult task and, no matter what is said about farming prosperity I, who know the farmers in my own constituency, know that until their condition is bettered we cannot hope to better the condition of the agricultural labourer.

There are a few points that I would like to bring to the attention of the Minister. They are points which may be of fairly general application but I am dealing with them as matters which I promptly admit concern my own constituency. The Minister himself knows that area fairly well. At one time he actually represented the area. I hope he will bear with me while I briefly remind him of the economy practised by the farmers in East Donegal. The area is one of mixed farming, coupled with a high degree of tillage. The traditional rotation is two grain crops, a root crop and a grain crop, hay and then three or four or five years' grazing. That has to be borne in mind when the impact of agricultural policy is considered.

A considerable amount of help could be given at a relatively cheap cost to the farmers in these areas. That system of farming is a popular one at the moment with scientific agricultural experts. That system involves what is known as the short ley. Deputy Moylan referred to the disaster that can overtake badly looked after permanent grass. Though I would not be prepared to admit that we in East Donegal succeed in having good grass because of our short ley system, nevertheless that system does make it possible to have good grass. In order to encourage that system I would suggest to the Minister that a most useful object could be achieved if further consideration were given to the age-old question of demonstration farms. I am not now referring to that type of farm run by the State in order to demonstrate agricultural costings. That is something in which no farmer will ever believe because every farmer can with perfect truth say that the costings on a State farm bear no relation to his. The system in operation at present of demonstrating new types of grass, new types of grain, new types of potatoes to the farmer by means of small plots is not really a satisfactory one.

Is not the three club plan operating around Raphoe and Newtowncunningham?

I think "operating" is a rather wide term to use. I believe it is about to be put into operation. There was a meeting at which the question of the development of seed oats was discussed.

And grass.

I am not sure about grass. Any development on such lines will, of course, be very good. I want to urge on the Minister the necessity for having demonstration farms in order to demonstrate variations in rotation, for instance. Example is always better than precept. One matter that struck me very forcibly in the Holmes' Report was the question of dissociating the sowing of grass seeds for hay and for grazing. I think that experiment would be well worth trying in East Donegal. Apart from the obvious benefits which accrue directly from such a system, there is the indirect advantage in that it gives more flexibility in relation to the amount of crops grown on any particular type of farm. By sowing Italian rye grass for hay and ploughing down the aftergrass one can, by growing another root crop in rotation there, roughly double the acreage of potatoes. If that should prove to be uneconomic, then direct re-seeding can take place. That flexibility could be of very great importance. If, through the medium of the parish plan, or whatever scheme is finally settled on, such rotational changes can be demonstrated, I would be quite satisfied. But I am still inclined to think that a demonstration farm offers even greater advantages which make it more valuable, so long as it is made abundantly clear that there is no question of showing the farmers how to run their farms at a profit by means of a State farm.

Undoubtedly this question of the short ley raises other problems. In that connection I want to refer to another matter in which I would like to see the Minister extending a system he has already introduced. I refer to the water supply scheme to farm houses. That is more than welcome. It is a big step in the right direction. But I would urge upon the Minister the further extension of that scheme, or some scheme on roughly the same lines, for the purpose of bringing water to the fields. The system of grass land which depends on short leys, quick grazing over limited areas, depends entirely for its success on adequate water supplies at as many points as possible. If the farmer finds, as he finds in my constituency, that he has only one water supply in one of four fields on the side of a hill it is impossible for him to graze those fields properly under the present system and I am convinced that the present system is the one which shows the greatest production both of meat and milk. I urge upon the Minister, therefore, consideration of the question of initiating a water-supply scheme for the purpose of making water available in individual fields. It need not be very elaborate. Any provisions to safeguard against foolish expenditure where it would obviously be uneconomic can be included. But I think such a scheme would show good results.

The next item to which I will refer is the land project. Before I go into details on this matter, may I say that I fully agree with Deputy P. D. Lehane and Deputy Moylan in regard to both the direct reference and the inference in relation to help given to farmers in such schemes. The plain fact is, and it ought to be acknowledged, that if the consumer is not willing to pay remunerative prices to the farming community while the country at large believes that a farming community is essential—and everybody seems to be agreed on that judging by all the talk about rural depopulation and so on— the community is then faced with paying indirectly through taxation if it is not willing to pay directly in price. A lot of nonsense is talked about the enormous benefits conferred on farmers by the remission of rates and the £40,000,000 for drainage and reclamation. I grant the remission of rates has a direct influence on each individual farm. But the £40,000,000 for drainage can very easily put a man, who both in himself and in his forebears slaved to improve his land and the drainage of it, in competition the lazy farmer who has been waiting for State help. That is putting it in the worst possible light. I can understand that, from the national point of view, such a consideration must be brushed to one side, but it is unfair to the agricultural community to have even a Minister talking about the great benefits that he is passing on to the agricultural community for which they should bow down and give grateful thanks. This is not being done through any love of agriculture but because it is a national necessity. The plain fact is that the consumers are not willing to face such prices as would make farming remunerative and the State has to step in and take it out of their pockets by taxation and see that it goes to the right place.

As for the working of the land project, it is rather early yet to be unduly critical, but I must say I am disappointed that in my constituency there has not been any large scale development. Most of the work is being done by the farmer and most of the schemes are relatively small. The only criticism I might make is that, so far as the scheme goes, it is not materially different from its predecessor, the farm improvements scheme, except that now there seem to be four officials instead of the one previously. I admit that that is not quite fair criticism, as naturally an organisation is being built up to deal with large scale projects; but at the moment everyone seems to be driving tin tacks with a sledge hammer. Maps are produced and issued out by the appropriate officials, whereas in the previous days a man pointed out a certain place and said: "That is where you ought to put it"; he then came back when the drains were open, measured them, and certified it to get the grant. There seems to be an amount of over-elaboration, probably due to the necessity of dealing with larger schemes as they come along. In that respect, I do not see any immediate hope of the project developing to the large scale scheme in my area. I take it that some economic relevancy must be observed, and until there are enough applications by farmers for fairly large drainage works it would not be economic for the Department to put in a contractor who would be in a position to do the work. That means that one or two farmers who have applied for that type of scheme have to sit and wait. Now, one of the reasons why there are not more applications for large scale work is that the area in the constituency which is in greatest need of drainage cannot make any use of the land project without the intervention of the Board of Works.

The Minister, in the very informative list of things being done by the Department which was given to every Deputy, refers to the Board of Works being asked by the Department to undertake minor arterial drainage in certain areas. I want to urge consideration of a particular area, an area which lies, roughly, in a triangle between Raphoe, Castlefin and St. Johnston and is affected by the Swillyburn and the River Deale. I sent the Minister a memorandum on it some time ago and a map showing the affected area. I fully admit that every Deputy from every constituency could probably make a hard case for somewhere in his constituency where such work is urgently needed. That does not mean that I am apologising for looking for it myself. In that particular area there are several thousand acres of land which, if the water-table were lowered 18 inches, could not be matched in Ireland for productivity. It is rich valley land and the only difficulty which would arise, once drained, is that probably one could not keep the grain crops standing on their feet. For the want of relatively minor arterial drainage, all these areas are growing rushes—which are very useful to thatch stacks but are not highly productive from the national point of view.

That the position can be remedied reasonably easily is shown by the fact that at the time of Griffith's valuation most of this land got a valuation of £2 an acre. The trouble has arisen since then from the silting of the mouths of these streams, which run into the River Foyle, from the fact that the only attempt made to do anything about them has been in the way of deepening them. As they are fairly tidal, there is no great advantage deepening them, as that only allows the tide water in, but by widening them it would mean that at a particular level of the tide, though there was not depth, there would be width to take the water coming down. That area is not one where the people have sat down tamely and allowed the problem to overwhelm them.

The Deputy is aware that there is a statutory duty on the Donegal County Council to maintain it?

In the condition it was in in 1945 at the passing of the 1945 Arterial Drainage Act. That only applies to the Swillyburn and not to the Deale.

They are not under the Local Authorities (Works) Act?

My trouble has been that I am chased from pillar to post. Every fellow says it is the other man's job.

It is for the local authority to put up a scheme.

I would be glad if our county engineer could have an interview with the Minister to hear his point of view.

Has he put up a proposal?

No. I do not want to go into the matter now as it is a local government matter. The Minister will not deny that he has done the very same type of work, or got the Board of Works to do it, as set out in the statement he has given. Whether it can be done under the Local Authorities (Works) Act or not is another matter. I do not know whether I can absolve the Minister from all responsibility.

Deputy Lehane referred to ground limestone and its delivery by Córas Iompair Éireann. I am afraid he was rather inclined to take a local view on the feasibility of getting it across directly from the mill by the person going to spread it. By and large, the Minister's arrangement is the one that suits most areas reasonably well. Some farmers have their own spreading machinery and there is not much point in allowing someone else to do the spreading and leave their own machinery lying idle.

It is a welcome scheme and one which, I should imagine, in other years will be more availed of than this year. The late spring has rather militated against the use of ground limestone. When the land was dry enough tillage operations had to take first place. That is probably only a local view.

I now want to turn to a somewhat less pleasant topic. It is one on which I am prepared to be quite frank and say that a great deal of nonsense has been talked by way of criticism of the Minister. I refer to the growing of potatoes. People have been talking as if the trouble with potato growing this year was something that had never been heard of before. I have been farming 23 years and in that 23 years I have never heard of what could be called a normal year. The most remarkable things have always happened in the potato industry. The only blame that does attach to the Minister is that as Government control increases Government responsibility increases. I am not satisfied that this business of setting up the Irish Potato Marketing Company has been an unqualified success. The criticism down the country is that the merchants are too busy fighting with one another to pay much attention to potatoes. That criticism, from my own experience, has a good deal of solid fact behind it. There seems to me to be a good deal of time taken up with bitter recriminations in the trade among the members. I do not know, if they have made a great success of selling the potatoes. The point was made to me and I make it now with a certain amount of reserve——

Is the Deputy referring to seed or ware potatoes?

I am referring to both, but the particular instance I have in mind has reference to seed potatoes. The case was made to me that there was an odd situation this year in that Northern Ireland undersold us in Spain by £2 per ton, but the Northern Ireland farmer received £1 a ton more for his potatoes than the Donegal farmer.

For what variety?

For Aran Banner seed delivered last autumn.

What did the Donegal farmer get?

Unfortunately, I have not yet been paid myself. It will be somewhere between £10 and £11, I hope.

Not so dusty.

Not so dusty as you say. I am also informed that the price paid landed in Spain was £16. This sort of thing bothers the farmer. I feel that where an organisation is handling a situation in a vast way it must be possible to cut down some of the overheads much closer than they are being cut.

Why don't the farmers market them co-operatively?

That is, I admit, probably a way out. I think it is an unnecessary way. It is not easy to get farmers to do that.

It is much easier to do that than to eat the face off the Minister.

I am not eating the Minister's face. I am merely pointing out to him the troubles of the potato growers which are nothing new. There is a way by which the grower could be reassured very simply. I hesitate to give it because any time I mentioned this before someone was sure to growl at me: "Why don't you go there." A very simple system exists in Northern Ireland. Instead of publishing f.o.b. prices and that type of thing, ex-farm prices are quoted. By this means every farmer will know the price he will get. He is not told the prices which potatoes will fetch when they are put on board or put on a quay. With this and that deduction for expenses—perfectly fairly deducted but confusing to the grower—the f.o.b. price for ware potatoes up to the end of January was £10 13s. 6d. The farmers in East Donegal got £7 to £7 10s. Looking at the matter from the farmers' point of view, they get considerably perturbed at the difference in prices. An examination shows that most of the difference is reasonably explained away, but it does create a certain amount of ill-feeling that could be very easily got over by adopting a system of publishing ex-farm prices and not f.o.b. prices.

On a moment's reflection the Deputy will realise that in Great Britain the Government buys all potatoes. In Ireland, the Potato Marketing Board buys only so much of the potatoes that are not to be exported. Ware potatoes are not purchased at all by the board.

I do not see that that makes the difficulty of announcing ex-farm prices any greater. They can very easily enter into contracts.

They do.

I know. They have picked on a most unfortunate year to insist on the grower putting his name on stamped paper. The grower was, of course, anxious to deliver the potatoes but the merchant was not willing to take them. The farmer, having signed the contract to supply, is left in the position that the merchant was not willing to take.

No farmer, who has signed a contract, had his contract broken.

He has had it considerably delayed.

Not broken.

There is a custom in a good part of Ulster, and this applies to the Minister's own constituency, to leave potatoes in the pit until they are sold. This year the effect of the delay was to delay ploughing of fields, where pits of potatoes lay.

As I have said, this trade is one that, was never easy. I think that there was a great show of initiative on the part of the potato trade before war-time restrictions put it into the present position. They were willing to take a chance. They bought the farmer's crop and sold it as best they could.

There were a number of well-established, good potato firms which transacted their business in a way which undoubtedly gave them a fair profit, but was of great help to the potato grower. Unfortunately, wartime systems of marketing produce, under which the consumer overseas was willing to buy potatoes only from a central authority here, resulted in quite a number of people going into the trade who had never been in the potato trade. It was easy money and there was no risk. Instead of buying potatoes and taking your chance of selling them, it really came down to this, that anyone who bought potatoes was sure of a commission of 10/- per ton.

Why did they not sell them co-operatively?

There is no point in talking about why they did or did not. I am not saying that it was right or wrong. I am merely discussing the change. I am not blaming the Minister.

Nor I the Deputy, but I am asking, if there is a guaranteed profit of 10/- per ton, why the heck the farmers do not take it.

I do not want to go into particular cases, but I know one case where two or three farmers got their quota very considerably clipped. They were not registered as co-operative, but there was a kind of cooperation.

If they will register as a "co-op."

They did not, I admit.

Will they?

I could not say.

Urge them to do so.

I am not quite so enamoured of the co-operative movement as other Deputies. I think there are catches in it. We still very firmly hold to our independence in the North. It is one of our characteristics.

Even at 10/- per ton?

Yes, I should imagine so.

It is a free country, thanks be to God.

The system that allowed people to come in who would not normally come in added to the confusion because these people were allocated quotas and established merchants felt that their ground was being trampled on. I can see a problem arising in this connection now. It may apply only to the Ulster counties, but I think that the phenomenally late spring will undoubtedly affect the Dublin potato market. In the old days, where that sort of thing happened, the potato merchants bought from the farmer in the expectation of a rise in price. They took the potatoes off the farmer's hands before he had put in his new crop, but that is not happening now, and I can foresee, unless something radical is done, that there may very easily be an acute shortage of potatoes in Dublin in June. Farmers who have held on to them may do very well, but most of them would prefer that the trade would revert to its pre-war system under which the potatoes were taken off their hands. They do not want to make an extra 10/- by holding them for a month or two; they want them out of their sight when they are working at the new crop.

Does Deputy Hickey realise it—10/- per ton? They would not give a snap of the fingers for it.

What the Minister can do about it, I am not quite sure, but I think he ought to revise the potato marketing company and see if he cannot devise some better system of marketing our potatoes abroad.

Like Deputy Lehane, I have my points of difference with the Minister, but I realise that it is impossible for anybody to arrive at an agricultural policy which will suit every county, never mind every parish, in Ireland, because where my area is anxious to see dear feeding stuff because they grow it, other areas are anxious to see cheap feeding because they use it, and there are bound to be points of difference.

No Minister, no matter how inspired he may be, can arrive at a policy Which will suit everybody. In these circumstances, I think the Minister has done reasonably well, although I am terrified that I will be told I am damning him with faint praise. That is not my intention.

My respect always goes to anyone who can show enthusiasm and I would prefer a man to go ahead in the wrong direction than to sit down and do nothing. That is something which I feel the Minister will not do. He may frequently go in the wrong direction but at least that is better than sitting still, waiting for everything to happen around him and raising his hands to heaven and asking: "What can I do? I do not control the weather." From that point of view, the Minister is an advantage, and there is this point, too, that the agricultural community are inclined to be rather conservative and the Minister may act as a very successful catalyst, and, by his filibustering methods, may move the agricultural community into taking rather more modern steps than they might otherwise be inclined to take.

I was interested to hear Deputy Sheldon use the word "catalyst" in connection with the Minister's capacity for improving production. As the Minister knows, I am not one of those who have the capacity to indulge in personal abuse. Efforts have been made here to defend the Minister on the ground that the type of speeches that come from these benches include a good deal of what might be called personal abuse of the Minister. I think that many people are confusing personal abuse with a feeling of exasperation, and exasperation arises because of the fact that about half, if not more, of the farmers vote for the Fianna Fáil Party and because, when the Minister came into office in 1948, he did his best to vilify all the work done by Fianna Fáil, to vilify the agricultural administration of Fianna Fáil and to make us personally and collectively responsible for whatever defects still existed in connection with the production of farm produce by the agricultural community. He boasted wildly of the achievements for which he could be responsible and I think he caused a feeling of what I might describe as perpetual resentment against himself.

I am quite willing to believe that the Minister has a genuine enthusiasm for increasing agricultural production. But I should like to go back to some of the things he said when he first came into office three years ago and which, as I have said, caused the most intense resentment. Speaking in the Dáil on the occasion of his first Vote —Volume III, column 2589—the Minister said that the live-stock population of this country had fallen to the lowest levels that had ever been known in our recorded history. He recorded the number of milch cows, the number of cattle under one year and the number of heifers in calf. Then he went on to say:—

"But when one turns to the relevant figure for poultry, pigs, sheep and every other branch of live stock and finds that in each case they represent a much more catastrophic decline than the cattle figures I have mentioned, one begins to get some idea of the magnitude of the problems that await solution."

He continued:—

"But when I tell the House that the fertility of the land in this country has reached a degree of degradation lower than has been known for 100 years past..."

—and then, further on, at column 2590, he is reported as follows:—

"I venture to say that, despite the grim spectacle with which we are confronted on the agricultural horizon, I still believe that we are standing now on the threshold of the greatest period of expansion in the agricultural industry of this country that we have ever known. I believe that in the course of the next five years we can confidently look forward to an expansion in the volume of output which will represent at least 25 per cent. of our existing volume and a consequential increase of close on 100 per cent. in the volume of our exports. I have deliberately chosen a conservative figure."

Was that not true?

The whole of the Minister's observations were characterised by a bitter attitude towards the Fianna Fáil Party. He made no effort, during the course of his speech, to allow for the experiences which we had encountered during the war—when ordinary fertilisers and all the ancillaries to production were diminishing in volume and became, in many cases, unprocurable. He made no effort to allow for the fact that if we chose to indulge in an economic dispute with Britain, for certain constitutional ends, it was therefore impossible for us to bring about a great increase in expansion of production during the six years prior to the war.

Did you choose it?

The country chose it—in three general elections.

The country chose it and one of the remarkable features of the whole business was that at the end of five years of economic war, no matter how much prices had declined, the volume of agricultural production miraculously remained almost stable. The farmers were able to stand in the trenches and assist us in our efforts to solve constitutional difficulties and to advance towards freedom. At least it can be said that at the end of that period the volume of output was very nearly the same—in spite of the fact that at one time cattle could be sold at £5 and calves for a few shillings.

And milk for 4d.

The Minister implied that we were responsible for all the difficulties of the war period. He made no allowance for the fact that we were not engaged in a normal agricultural scheme during the economic war, whether he liked it or not. He made the colossal boast that he could bring about a 25 per cent. expansion in the volume of agricultural production in five years. On every occasion that he could, he used the statistics of his Department with a view to showing expansion, regardless of whether the figures were influenced by weather conditions. Apparently he thought it was a good thing to take figures for a year during which we had one of the worst winters in history, and use them as a basis of comparison in respect of production and exports. He did so, and he made no excuse for doing it. He did not mention the fact that adverse weather conditions and a decline in the consumption of fertilisers in the years 1946 and 1947 had naturally caused a reduction. The attitude of the Minister caused resentment to the people of this country—particularly to those people who are traditionally loyal supporters of this Party.

In many ways, the Minister, in his boast of what he could achieve, showed a lack of appreciation of the difficulties of increasing agricultural production in any country and of the continued conservatism manifested in this country. What has happened in the way of an increase in the volume of production and in exports since the Minister came into office falls far short, and still is, of the boast which he made.

You hope.

I should like to see an increase in agricultural production under any Government in this country. But the whole purpose of the Minister's speeches was not "Whatever Fianna Fáil have done, right or wrong, I am going on with big schemes and increased production". The whole atmosphere of his speeches and of his conduct as a Minister is that "Fianna Fáil——"

——is the greatest curse that ever fell on this country.

"——did everything evil they could during the conduct of their Administration and I am going to do so much better that the world will be astonished at the results." If the Minister remains in office much longer I think he will come to learn that it is unlikely that any Government charged with the responsibility of looking after agriculture and led by Deputy Eamon de Valera could have been as bad as he said they were.

It is hard to believe but it is true.

The Minister was guilty of gross exaggeration for purely political purposes.

Some of the first and most notable contradictions of his assertions were the facts that when we had two years of good weather in 1948 and 1949, and the moment fertilisers came into this country in quantities which were sufficient for the needs of the farmers, and when the war crisis was over, the land whose fertility had "reached a degree of degradation lower than has been known for 100 years past," bounded in fertility, and the yields of the crops, long before any long-term schemes of the Minister's could have their effect, showed an increase.

In six months.

That is a clear proof that no matter what difficulties we encountered, no matter what the effects were during the economic war and despite our policy of compulsory tillage during the emergency, there was still plenty of natural fertility in the land of this country. When the Minister boasted of increased yields in crops subsequent to a decreased acreage, he was paying a tribute to the Fianna Fáil Government, because it required only good weather and a normal quantity of fertilisers to bring back to the land the yield which it was capable of during 1938 and 1939.

And a good Government.

I am not going to recount all these figures. If the Minister compares the yields in 1948 and 1949 with those of 1938 and 1939, after five years of economic war, he will find no great measure of improvement. I am mentioning these things because I think it is important that this whole business should be looked at in its proper perspective. I am quite willing to pay tribute to the Minister to the extent that he is enthusiastic for increased farm production and to the extent that he has introduced a number of new schemes in this country, some of which are, I think, highly satisfactory. I have no desire to be prejudiced against him in that way. However, I feel it is time we tried, shall we say, at least even in a perfectly friendly way, to remove the halo from his head which some of his supporters believe is there.

Which so maddens Fianna Fáil.

I am not going to juggle with figures in any way. I am just going to give some figures to prove that some of the Minister's efforts, while praiseworthy, are not so remarkable as they might seem.

I begin with the agricultural prices index. I am going to take figures showing the increase in prices in the last three years of our office taking February as the month and the increase in the prices of agricultural produce during the first three years of the Minister's office. As I said the impression has been given abroad that the increase in prices is marvellous and that it is mostly due to the negotiations carried out by the Minister, due to the great work he has performed in the way of farm production and improved yield. I am going to show that a great many of these things are greatly exaggerated. In February, 1945, the figure was 191 and in 1948, the last year of our office, the figure was 247 showing an increase of over 50 per cent.

Did the Deputy say 50 per cent?

Over 50 per cent. I am sorry it is 28 per cent.

There is a difference.

I have not got the figure for February, 1981, as it has not been published.

I can give it to the Deputy. It is 287.

In 1950 it was 265. The Minister can work out the increase in February, 1951, but whatever result he gets will show that the Minister's achievement in regard to the general price level is not miraculous but is merely continuing the increase on what we had achieved during the last three years of our office. I have not got time in the course of this debate to work out the difference between 265 and 287 but I think it is slightly less than our increase.

I will now refer to the question of store cattle prices from one to two years as recorded in the economic indices which are available in the Trade Journal. In February, 1945, the price was £12.79 and in 1948 £18.

That is 50 per cent.

That is an increase of £5.21 per head. In February, 1950, the price had gone up to £24. For 1951 I have not got the official figures. I am told that on account of unusual weather conditions—I am not going to make a point about that—it is about £18

Rubbish.

Perhaps it is about £22. However, take the figure £24 and again the Minister cannot prove in connection with store cattle one to two years old that he made any miraculous increase in prices as compared to that which took place during the last three years of our office.

I am only asking the Minister to be reasonable in his assertions and in the manner in which he boasts of his achievements. People I think have got the feeling that the Minister is an individual with a certain amount of magic attached to him. His most enthusiastic supporters go around the country as if he had only to raise a wand and everything would be perfect, but many of them have learned a lesson.

I will take fat cattle two to three years old which I understand are forward stores. In February, 1945, the price was £25.44 and in February, 1948, it was £36.58, an increase of £11 on £25. I am told that the February, 1951, price of these beasts was about £45 to £50. I got that from three Deputies. That is to say that the increase averaging about £11 is practically the same in the past three years as in the last three years of our office. I can tell the Minister that in February, 1950, the figure was £43 and again he may say that that last price is underestimated, but whatever it was, £45, £47 or £50, it again shows no miraculous increase in his first three years as compared to what we were able to achieve in the last three years of our office.

I am going to be perfectly fair with the Minister. Where there has been a remarkable increase I am not going to refrain from instancing it. Take bacon pigs. In February, 1945, the price of prime bacon pigs was 166/- per cwt. dead weight and in 1948 it had gone up to 192/-. I understand that at the present time it is about 235/-. That does show quite a considerable increase during the Minister's period of office compared with our last three years. The Minister can have it for what it is worth.

On account, I think, of the tremendous demand for wool, the increase in the price of sheep has been very remarkable during the past three years compared with our last three years, but the Minister can hardly take responsibility for the buying capacity of the Russian and American Governments of Australian wool and I think he will admit to me that unless that remarkable demand for wool for military purposes had taken place there again the increase in price would not have shown that he had succeeded to any greater extent than we did.

The price of eggs in February, 1945. was 25.25/- per 120 and in 1918 32.42/- per 120. In 1951, I understand, the price is about 25/-. There is no remarkable increase there as far as the marketing of eggs in Ireland is concerned. In Britain, in fact, they have gone back in price at the moment to what they were in February, 1945. That may be a temporary thing, but there again the Minister cannot produce out of the period of three years after he came into office a miraculous increase in prices.

I mention these things because it is time that they were pointed out to the people and because it is time that the people realised that we did not do too bad a job, as far as the price structure of agriculture is concerned in the last three years of our office. It was nothing to be ashamed of. As far as farmers were concerned, there was a very good increase in prices during that period. I am not saying that it was not even more difficult to increase prices when the period of post-war inflation was over; I am simply saying that the increases were not as have been indicated in propaganda.

I next want to speak about the Minister's boasts about the 100 per cent. increase in agricultural exports he was going to achieve in five years once he had got the rotten Fianna Fáil Government out of office. Three out of the five years are over. He spoke of volume not value. He is going to have the figures cited because it is time that the country learned the truth about these matters. In 1947, the last year of our office, the number of cattle exported was 482,000 and in 1950 the number exported was 494,000. I think that is an increase of just about 12,000 and there is no sign of 100 per cent. increase there. It was all nonsense that the Minister talked about being able to increase the volume of cattle exports in five years when they only increased by 12,000 in number since 1947. What kind of talk is that? How much longer will we have to listen to that kind of talk in this House?

As to dead poultry the Minister did achieve his object and I hand it to him. I will be perfectly fair on this: he about doubled the volume of our dead poultry exports. Of course it is not a very large part of our trade.

As to eggs he did achieve his object but, of course, a great part of the measure ot his achievement lay in the foundation agreement which we made with Great Britain which he has not been able to preserve in its original form and already a decline in egg exports is beginning and at the rate it is going we can, I think, say that it is very doubtful that at the end of five years the net increase in the volume of our exports will be 100 per cent. If the number of people who are producing eggs at present go out of production at the same level for the next five years as they have done in the last few months the Minister, I think, will not be able to say at the end of that period that he has achieved a 100 per cent. increase.

Those are the principal things. The volume of our raw wool exports has not increased by 100 per cent. Our condensed milk exports have not increased by 100 per cent. Pig products and ham exports have only just begun so it is impossible to say what will be the result at the end of the five-year period.

Anyway, these are the facts. He has not been able, and he will not be able, to carry out the wild boast he made when he was exultantly taking office and saying that everything Fianna Fáil did was so rotten that, provided he applied himself to his work, the result would be a miracle. I might add that there are other features in connection with his ministerial statements which again show a great exaggeration. The Minister talked about the appallingly low figures of the number of cattle under one year in this country in our last year of office. In column 2589, Volume 111, speaking of cattle under one year, he said there were 850,000 in the country, and he described that as the lowest ever in the history of the country. In 1939, there were 978,000 cattle of under one year. After three years of the Minister's miraculous efforts the figure, for 1950, was 980,000. We all think of the Minister in this country as a cattle man more than anything else. Well, those are the figures. After five years of an economic war and after six years of a world war, those figures do not show that we did very much to wreck the cattle industry.

Under the most ideal conditions of famine prices everywhere, and with Senor Peron and his Ministers holding the British up to ransom, the cattle have gone up from 978,000 to 983,000, just by 5,000. You would find it hard to discover them if you were to scatter them around the length and breadth of the country from Donegal to Cork: you would scarcely notice 5,000 cattle. Just 5,000 more in one year! It is just as well to call the Minister's bluff. Take the whole cattle stocks in 1939. They numbered 4,026,000, and they are now 4,322,000, an increase of 7 per cent. You would not notice even those 296,000 more beasts since 1939. Remember in that connection that it was the end of the five years' economic war. I think there are about 283,000 occupiers of land in this country. They have just about one more beast each after the Minister's three years' miraculous achievement.

The Minister boasted of vast numbers of heifers in calf coming into line throughout the country. The figures show that in January, 1947, there were 142,000 heifers in calf, and according to the latest figures there are 140,000. There does not seem to be any very great increase there. He used to make speeches at meetings of county committees of agriculture saying that the increase was a remarkable achievement. He showed everything was going his way and he gave the impression that that was one of the prime fundamental indicators of what the farmers would do under his régime. In January, 1951, there were 140,000 heifers in calf, 2,000 less than in January, 1947. Admittedly, there were difficulties and there was bad weather, but the fact is that there again the Minister was boasting in a way in which he should not boast if he wishes the farmers, who have reasonable respect for Fianna Fáil —and they amount to more than half— to follow his advice or carry out his wishes or co-operate.

A lot has been talked about milk and I do not want to go into that matter in any detail, but I would like to mention that milk has gone up in price since 1947 by about 7 per cent., and that includes the best period of the year; that is, this year's price is up 7 per cent. over 1947. The price of fat cattle went up in the same period by 28 per cent.; that is, fully-fattened cattle. The price of forward stores, two to three years, went up by over 30 per cent. in the same period. I could go on mentioning other prices, some of which show a very much larger increase. I know you cannot relate the price of milk directly to the price of cattle, but can the Minister stand over an increase of 7 per cent. in the price of milk when there have been so very much larger increases in the prices of cattle? Where does the logic come in? There may be some technical reason, but I would like to hear about it from the Minister. I do not think it is fair so far as the dairy farmers are concerned.

I come now to the question of tillage. I will not repeat what has been said about wheat growing, but I will issue a direct challenge to Deputy MacBride, the Minister for External Affairs, in connection with the whole of the wheat business. It is a very good example of Coalition co-ordination. Deputy MacBride informed this country one and a half years ago, in the course of an interview he gave on his return from an O.E.C. mission, that so far as he could see, this country was exporting more and more cattle to Great Britain and borrowing money to pay for wheat and he added the phrase that they should be growing more wheat. Everybody here knows that there are certain fundamental dollar imports. You have to bring in petrol, tobacco, wheat and other grains and phosphates, some of which come from the dollar market. We have a certain volume of exports to America and invisible imports in the form of tourists and emigrants' remittances. We consider it is wrong to borrows more than is absolutely necessary for the consumption of goods which we import. We do not like the idea of borrowing money for the bread we eat.

I would like to hear the Minister making a justification for the idea that we should borrow money for the bread we eat. Is there any justification for it? Do the members of Clann na Poblachta, who tried to pretend they were true-blue Sinn Féiners, far better Sinn Féiners, "ourselves alone" men, than Fianna Fáil—do they believe it? Why was there that one solitary little bleat from Deputy MacBride in the course of only one speech, only one interview, in which he remarked almost in a whisper that perhaps we ought to be growing more wheat? Why is it Mr. Paul Millar of the E.C.A. has given a broad hint that we might be growing more wheat?

I ask the Minister to give a definite idea of how we stand in this picture of the European plan of the E.C.A. I am not prejudiced. If it is regarded as right and proper by European countries that this island should borrow money from America in order to send more meat to Great Britain, not because it is Britain, not because we love Britain, not in spite of Partition, but simply as part of a European plan, and that it is truly desired by everyone that the E.C.A. mission regard it as part of their over-all plan, then let us have someone who will get up and say frankly:—

"Yes, we are going to borrow money from the Americans for our daily bread in order to take part in a European plan and part of that plan is that at least for the moment we should send more and more meat to the English." I am sufficiently an internationalist to say that while it goes against my natural feelings and natural inclinations, that, if it is a deliberate plan and if the House is taken into confidence in regard to the matter, let us go ahead and do it. My own belief is that it is not necessary that we in this country should contribute to an all-over European plan for the increase of meat consumption and for exports from meat exporting countries to other countries, without having to engage in borrowing for wheat at least more than is absolutely necessary.

My point is this: what is Mr. MacBride doing? There is no Dr. Browne in connection with this matter to raise his head in the Coalition Government. There is no Dr. Browne to come and say: "Either you go out or you make it clear to the people that you are going to run in debt to the Americans for the sake of a European plan. Either you go out or you are going to clarify the issue and you are not going to discourage the growing of wheat because the Minister for Agriculture does not like it or because it might be unpopular in the country or because the farmers might say that the Government is all out for growing Wheat, like Fianna Fáil." There is no Minister like Dr. Browne to get up at that point and plant his feet squarely on the ground and say: "Either I leave or you do it."

My own belief is that when Mr. MacBride made that statement that was an absolutely clear case where he should have called the tune because no one can make an observation of that kind, of that seriousness, without bringing it to the attention of the Cabinet and without making a fundamental stand upon it.

I have tried to be fair about this matter because, as I have said, I will not try to pretend that it necessarily is possible to pay for all our wheat in cash, but I do believe, and we on this side of the House believe, that we need not go so far as we are going in regard to the matter. I Would remind the Minister of his statements in 1947, that he would not be seen dead in a field of wheat, and of the fact that for a very brief period, just after the oats and potatoes debacle, we had a few advertisements about wheat and a few speeches about it, and then, for months and months, so far as his more violent declamations and so far as Department of Agriculture advertisements were concerned, complete silence about wheat, until just recently, when quite suddenly, far too late, we see at the top of the list of the crops to be grown by the farmers, the word "Wheat"; the wheat suddenly coming back again, when it is already too late to sow in many cases, and the Minister has offered an increased price for wheat which, as I am told by wheat farmers, is virtually useless if we have a bad cereal year, as we are very likely to have. He has offered an increased price for wheat which bushels well under conditions when it is unlikely that there will be a good yield of wheat. As I have said, we need some very definite statement with regard to this matter.

Mr. Costello, the Taoiseach, in the course of his speech made in O'Connell Street after the British had passed the Act re-sanctifying the Parliament Act of 1920, said that we would hit the British in their pride, in their pocket and in their prestige. He made a laughing stock of the country in making a statement of that kind. Again we need a definite statement from the Minister for Agriculture, Who is responsible for food exports, that an economic boycott of England was not Government policy, that the statement was never intended, that it was one of those independent statements made by the Taoiseach in his personal capacity, that it was not Government policy and that the Government never had the smallest intention of hitting the British in their pocket. There has been so much blah about Partition in the last three years, there have been So many things said, that, at least, if we are ever going to end Partition we ought to have clarification of our public policy. I want to know who is right. Is the Taoiseach right in regard to that or is the Minister for Agriculture right, and what place does Mr. MacBride take in the picture?

The Minister for External Affairs.

What place does the Minister for External Affairs take in the picture? When he said that we should be growing wheat instead of borrowing money to send more meat to England, was he saying it because he believed what Mr. Costello, the Taoiseach said in O'Connell Street or was he saying it for purely economic reasons? We have a right to know from the Minister for Agriculture that this statement of the Taoiseach's in O'Connell Street is definitely off. We think that we should be clear about it and that we should not be making such damn fools of ourselves so far as the British Government is concerned and so far as our brother Irishmen in Northern Ireland are concerned.

I do not want to detain the House much longer. I have tried to avoid at any point repeating what other Deputies have said. I now come to miscellaneous matters of interest to farmers. First of all, I wish to talk about the rehabilitation scheme. I am one of those who are unblushingly in favour of the land rehabilitation scheme. I believe it is essential. I believe that a scheme for assisting the farmers to drain their land is absolutely essential. I thought the Fianna Fáil farm improvement scheme was a good one. I know that it is right, if we are offered American aid, to improve upon the Fianna Fáil farm improvement scheme in so far as we are able, particularly now that economic conditions are more stable than they were during our time. I, therefore, want to make it quite clear that I have no prejudice against the scheme itself, but I just want to make some observations in regard to its management.

Rightly or wrongly, there are a great many small farmers in this country who dislike the idea of big machines going on their land. That is not any hostile criticism of the Minister. It just exists. Some of the machines tear up a good deal of the subsoil and leave the ground in a messy condition. The Minister has a varying group of machines of all kinds. I want to make it quite clear, in case some people in the House may know that I am a machinery agent, that the machines the Minister would have to get in have not anything to do with my own personal machinery. They are even smaller. There has to be a smaller scale of machine development under land rehabilitation. There are certain smaller farms on which the Minister must alter his methods because I know there are farmers who dislike the idea of either the big machines or the medium-sized machines, including those that I look after, and who want the thing done without the same disruption of the land surface.

I mention that as a point of constructive criticism which the Minister should take advantage of. I have heard about it over and over again in North Longford. The Minister for Defence who is sitting opposite to me, I am sure, has heard the same criticism, that they rather dislike big machines in small fields. I recommend that the Minister consider that in connection with the land rehabilitation scheme.

There is another matter, and again I can speak absolutely impartially in this, in regard to the work done by the Government direct. I want to pay the greatest tribute to the officials in charge of the land rehabilitation scheme who have had to learn what is an entirely new job so far as they are concerned beeause land reclamation on that scale has never been done in this country. At the moment, there is a good deal of work being done direct by the Government. I have had the advice of an engineer with a world reputation who has been appointed by Governments all over the world to assist them in various public works schemes. In every case where the Government was doing the work direct and where there was a great number of works to be carried out over a wide area under varying conditions, to be done not as part of a continuous project, as in the case of arterial drainage, where one Department of State atarts working up a main river and does all the tributaries in one continuous operation, but where the work is done in bits and pieces everywhere, that it is far better to do all the work by contract. I want to make this proposal to the Minister, that he follows the plan adopted by a great many other Governments, including the British Government, in connection with open cast coal mining, that he publishes tenders for contract work and that he offers his whole plant at a given price per week so that the people who tender can use either their own plant or his.

They know exactly what they have to pay for it. They have to bring it back at the end of the contract in good condition, allowing for fair wear and tear, and there can be a firm of independent engineers to judge doubtful costs. The result of doing work in that way is to cut out rings, such as you will always have unless you have plant of a new kind to lend to prospective contractors. There are a good many contractors who will not purchase plant tor themselves, but who are quite willing to hire plant purchased by the Government. In that way you avoid rings, you get the lowest possible prices and the largest number of contractors coming in to carry out these schemes. You get schemes carried on over the widest area and you get a lot more work done, more cheaply and more quickly. The Minister could include in his scheme of hiring out machines facilities for repairing these machines. He could give details of what it would cost to repair a machine, and he could continue to use the central workshops for that purpose. I know it is a matter that requires consideration but I can tell the Minister that there is no country in the world where the Government have changed over to contract work on schemes of this kind and where there is a large number of miscellaneous operations carried out, not continuous work, where the cost has not been enormously reduced.

In the case oi open-cast coal mining in England, which is a colossal operation carried out in different districts at different periods of the year accordto weather conditions, I think the cost of mining coal was brought down from 40/- a ton to 26/- a ton in the course of a few years by the change in the system. The Minister may be aware that in Northern Ireland the construction of airfields, concrete strips and a great deal of other military work scattered all over the country, was done at enormously reduced prices as soon as the Northern Government began to lend machines at fixed prices to contractors to carry out these works. I offer this as genuine constructive criticism and I recommend the idea seriously to the Minister. It does not mean that the Minister will have to sell a single machine.

It does not mean that he will have to alter his workshops and it does not mean any great disturbance in administration. He may have to dispose of a certain number of officials, but so far as I know these officials can get alternative work. I would put the suggestion to him as an excellent idea.

Having mentioned that, I want to make another proposal to the Minister. The Minister now knows what it is to have bad weather so far as the hay crop is concerned. We all know about it. I suppose one of the ways in which farmers in this country are most conservative is in regard to the erection of silos. I speak with knowledge because, in my own family home, there have always been silos. For twenty-five years, we spent a great deal of our time in providing these silos in County Wicklow. There have always been silos of every kind—concrete silos, net silos, wooden silos and pit silos. I have seen a great many experiments carried out and the work progressed year by year. I believe myself that if there is any direction in which farmers are over-conservative in this country and need a little bit of encouragement, it is in making silos. We know now from the experience of the Department that the pit silo is at once the cheapest and the most satisfactory. We know that the results are good. I should like to make the proposal to the Minister that if he is going to use Marshall Aid for grinding limestone, there is nothing better he can do than offer to make pit silos, using modern machinery, for every farmer who wants such a silo, at a ridiculously cheap price. I do not think there is anything better he could do to help farmers over difficult weather conditions. He can get machinery which will dig out the soil quickly, such as small portable shovels. It might be just the stimulus that is required to get farmers to adopt more progressive methods. Farmers are naturally conservative and I do not blame them.

I suggest that if Marshall Aid is to be used to promote production on the farm that is an excellent method of using it.

The officials of the Department will be able to compute very quickly how much it would cost the Government to go into every farm and quickly dig out a silo, make the drain and prepare it for the farmer. I put that forward as a definite proposal. Of course, the beneficial results of the construction of more silos will be manifold. It will encourage farmers to do more harrowing of their grass in the early months, to put more fertilisers on the land, and to get an early crop of lush grass. Everybody knows that there will be more lush grass produced if the farmers are encouraged to construct silos. It will have another result. It will encourage the farmer to till old land and to produce better crops. It should also have the indirect effect of increasing tillage.

I might remind the House that the New Zealand expert brought over by the Minister to this country estimated in his report that there were 7,500,000 acres of grass which required recultivation and he meant largely by the plough. That was the advice which the New Zealand expert gave to the Minister, but the result of his report, as far as I can see, has been a continual reduction in the tillage acreage. So far as Mr. Holmes was concerned, his report did not result in any great increase in tillage. Most of the 7,500,000 acres which his report mentioned still remain for recultivation.

So far as ground limestone is concerned, I have been told by a great many farmers—I suppose they may be asking for too much—that they would like to have the grant applied to the point of the spreading of the lime. It is a desperate business for the farmer, in many cases, to spread ground limestone and it is not easy for many of them to be able to pay 16/- a ton at the point of unloading. In some cases, it would be much better to arrange to have the limestone spread and portion of the subsidy included in the cost of spreading the lime, so that farmers could have made available to them the spreading machines which are running around the country. I put that as a suggestion to the Minister. He will find that there has been quite a lot of agitation along those lines.

I should like to conclude by asking the Minister to give us a firm statement, issued from the Government as a whole, as to what our grain policy is in relation to the degree to which we have to borrow to purchase grain, in relation to our overall export picture and to relate his statement to any European plan which exists and to what is considered by the Government to be the right thing for the nation to do. I should like if the Minister would give an official statement, not his own private view but the view of the Government including the view of the Minister for External Affairs, on that matter.

I propose to be very brief. There are three or four points that I wish to refer to. One was mentioned yesterday, but the Minister did not seem to believe it. I refer to the difficulty of getting rid of suck calves. In fact, I think the Minister said to Deputy O'Reilly that if he knew of anybody who was giving them away to send them to himself.

When he was asked what he was prepared to pay for them, he said nothing. The position, at any rate, is that it is very difficult to get rid of suck calves at the moment. They have been sold at as low as 3/6 each in West Cork. Anybody can purchase a lorry load of them in the Cork city or county markets any week-end at prices ranging from 10/- to £1. The Minister does not seem to believe that that is true. I dare say he will not believe it either because I say it. In this debate, and on other occasions, every possible point relating to agricultural policy is put up to the Minister from time to time, but he very definitely seems to have his own views on these matters and will not take any notice of any request that is made to him.

We have had the experience of calling together the poultry instructresses in the county to a meeting of the Cork County Committee of Agriculture. They have proved to us beyond yea or nay that, with the present price of feeding stuffs, there is a loss at the moment of 13/- on each hen reared in the county. Of course, when these hens were hatched we had a guarantee from the Minister that maize would not cost more than £20 per ton in any foreseeable time. The foresight was very short indeed. The fact remains that those experts appointed by the Department, and serving under the Cork County Committee of Agriculture, went into this matter and proved publicly that there was a loss of 13/3 on every hen produced in the country.

The Minister does not seem to believe either the case made here by many Deputies that, at the moment, there is a high rate of mortality in cattle. There is definitely a great loss in cattle. The losses which many people have suffered are so heavy that they are faced with the situation as to whether they will be able to continue to live on their small holdings or have to emigrate. They are terribly anxious to know if there is any possibility of help being afforded to them. I know one small-holder whose area of land has a carrying capacity of about 12 cattle. He has lost nine of his cattle. I know another man who has lost three cattle, and I know several who have lost two and one. There are a great many people at the moment who have their in-calf cows lying in the stalls unable to rise, so that there will be further losses even though the grass is coming on now. I should like to know from the Minister, when he is replying, whether any hope can be held out to those people that they will get help to overcome their losses.

I should like to refer briefly to one other matter, and that is creamery facilities in West Cork. We had Deputy P.D. Lehane, being out of work in South Cork, proceeding to West Cork, where all the West Cork Deputies, I must say, were anxious and pressing for creamery facilities in certain parts of their constituency. Deputy Lehane evidently was not satisfied with their work. He thought, possibly because of the great friendship that existed between the Minister and himself and because of the assistance that he had given to the Minister, that he could do better. At any rate, the fact remains that nothing has been done. I think the Minister made a very bad case when he told us that Whiddy Island was in the Drinagh territory. How, and by what means, did any creamery get control of that territory? Is there any Act of this House which gives it control of that territory. I could easily understand, if there were a few townlands in the very centre of a co-operative society's area, that these could be described as being in its territory. But how a border area, which such a society has never developed and has never taken any notice of, can be described as being its territory, I cannot understand. If the Minister wants to fall back on that excuse, I can give him the opportunity of doing so by telling him that there is an area in the Drinagh territory between Durrus and Kilcrohane which the Drinagh Co-operative Society has absolutely refused to make any provision for. If it refuses to create a market for milk in territory which it has gobbled up, I believe it is the duty of the Government and the Minister to step in and ensure that it will cater for all the milk supply in its so-called territory.

With regard to Whiddy Island, I believe that a sensible scheme was put lip to the Minister by people from Whiddy. I sent in a scheme myself. The reply which I got was a copy of the reply to the question put by Deputy Lehane in this House. There was no reference whatever to the points which I had made in my letter. The reply to that appeared to be a personal letter from the Minister. I replied again referring to my previous letter and drawing attention to the different points in it suggesting the possibility of establishing a store and cream separating station on the island, and the disposal of the cream by sale to the dealer.

There are precedents for such a scheme in this country. I do not know whether that possibility has been explored and investigated. In fact, I have not had even the barest acknowledgement from the Minister. That is quite true.

It is quite untrue. I answered your first letter and, if you have written another, it will be answered in due course.

I mean the second letter.

When did you write it?

If you will have a look in your office yon will find it.

When did you write it?

A month ago. I referred in it to my previous letter and asked you to investigate the possibility, instead of sending me the reply to Deputy Lehane. The three Deputies from West Cork made this claim for creamery facilities and were well able to make it without any help from Deputy Lehane, but we have all failed. The people of Whiddy Island have put up a scheme to the Minister. I am satisfied that the scheme is a sensible one, a simple one, a good one and one which is quite feasible and for which there are precedents. I protest in the only way I can against this failure to do anything in that respect because the season is now on again.

It is refreshing to hear Deputies to-day approaching this Estimate in such a realistic way after listening to some of the things introduced into the debate during the last few weeks. I am one of those who will not interfere and tell the farmer how he should till his land. But, after listening to different farmers' representatives for the past two weeks, I would say that many of the things they are pleading for in this House could be obtained if they took full advantage of and developed the co-operative movement as they should, because many of the things they are complaining about are due to the fact that the middleman is exploiting the farmer. We had a striking illustration of that this morning from Deputy Sheldon when he talked about the marketing of potatoes. These are matters in which I should like the farming community to take a keen interest and they will have no greater supporters in doing that than the representatives of the Labour Party.

I also want to protest against some of the statements made by Fianna Fáil Deputies, especially Deputy Corry, in maintaining that the Labour Party were always opposed to giving necessary assistance to the farmers. Since this House was farmed, it is on record that the policy of the Labour Party is that the farmers deserve every encouragement and financial assistance possible. They advocated that for many years and they still maintain that loans, free of interest, should be given to the farmers to increase the fertility of their land and for the purchase of cattle and so on. We believe that the farmers are the hardest worked section of the community. They are the most important element because they produce the food for the nation. It is not an exaggeration to say that 60 per cent. of the milch cows in this country are carried on farms of 60 acres and under and that the largest production of pigs, eggs and poultry is on farms of 60 acres and under. We must remember that the people who are working on these farms are the farmer and his sons and daughters, and it is not too much to claim that they should have a weekly wage the same as any other worker, but they have not.

We hear from industrialists that the agricultural community are getting a rather big share of the national income. Anybody who takes an interest in farming must admit that for many years those engaged in agriculture did not share as they should have shared in the national income. It is not fair to talk about the improvement in their share of the national economy now when you compare it with what operated from 1930 onwards. We in the cities are naturally very much concerned about the price of milk. Comparing milk with any other food produced for the people of the cities and towns, I say it is the cheapest food available even at the present price. I have in mind the position of the agricultural worker whose wages to-day in most parts of the country range from £3 5s. Od, to £3 10s. Od. Picture him trying to rear a family on that wage. Think of the 58,000 workers signing at the labour exchanges because they are unemployed and will not be allowed to work. That is the lowest figure of unemployed which we had in this country for the last 25 years. But, notwithstanding that reduction in the unemployed figure, it is a sad state of affairs that we have 58,000 signing on at the labour exchanges for a miserable pittance.

What is the purchasing power of the 58,000 workers who are now signing at the labour exchanges? What is the purchasing power of the agricultural worker who is receiving £3 5s. 0d. or £3 10s. Od. a week? If you like, what is the purchasing power of the small farmer and his family throughout the country? We should bear in mind that the people who are gainfully employed on the land are very important factors in maintaining the factories which are operating in this country by buying their products.

For years I have advocated an increased consumption of milk, because I am satisfied that nobody can estimate the social cost of poverty amongst sections of our people as regards the maintenance of health. We seem to be much more concerned with dealing with facts rather than causes. There has been an increased consumption of milk in England, Scotland and Wales since the war started in 1939 and, because of the guaranteed ration of milk for mothers and children, the health of the people, especially the younger children, has improved to a remarkable degree. According to medical officers, the children attending schools in Glasgow increased in height and improved in physical fitness because the ration of milk they got during the war was larger than they got in peace-time.

If the mass of our people were able to buy at least one pint of milk per day per person, I should like to know where would the supply come from. Hence, we come to what is an economic price for the production of a gallon of milk. Deputy Corn accuses us of going into the Lobby and opposing an increase in the price of milk to the farmers. I do not think it is fair that Deputies should decide what should be the price of milk. The price of beet is decided between the beet growers and the Minister responsible and so also is the price of wheat. There is no reason why the economic price of producing a gallon of milk should not also be decided between the responsible Minister and the people producing milk. These are matters I should like to bring to the Minister's attention. I can tell the Minister, as I told previous Ministers, that the Labour Party will at all time support him in anything which is done for the benefit of the farmers, because the real wealth of this country lies in the farming community.

We have heard a great deal of talk about the grants given to the farmers and about cattle dying. What truth there is in that statement I do not know, but I know that some of the cattle are in poor condition.

But, as to how many of them died of starvation, I would like to hear more about that. If these people, because of distressing weather conditions and because of the international situation, require help and loans, I think it is wrong that they should have to go to the Agricultural Credit Corporation and pay 4½ per cent. interest on such loans. I know a case where a man borrowed £200 in 1924 from the Agricultural Credit Corporation. He was a hard-working man but he met hard times and he was unable to pay anything off the capital. The original borrower died 13 years ago as the result of an accident and his widow is Still paying interest on that £200; there is now £250 paid in interest. She still owes the capital. Are not the people who loan money at 4½ per cent. doing an injustice to the nation rather than the poor man and woman who have to produce food for it on bad land? It is time that matters like this were inquired into. Matters such as this, coupled with the matter raised by Deputy Sheldon about the marketing of potatoes, are damaging the farmers' interests.

Most of us agree that there is now vision in dealing with agriculture. Apart from some derogatory statements made about the Minister, everywhere I go I hear him spoken highly of. There were some insinuations made here which I consider very unfair. It was even hinted that he was unfair to the minority groups. Everywhere I go there is appreciation of the vision of the Minister in dealing with agriculture and his desire to increase agricultural production. As far as the Labour Party is concerned, we would like to see him even more vigorous in his efforts to increase productivity on the land in order to safeguard the future of our people.

For the past ten days practically everything said both for and against the policy of the Minister has been repeated at least 15 times. I hope the Minister will bear with me, therefore, if I speak more from a parochial point of view rather than from the point of view of the national outlook in relation to agricultural policy.

I do not represent an agricultural constituency. The majority of the holdings in that area are small uneconomic holdings. That being so, it is essential for the livelihood of the people there that every square yard of land available should be reclaimed. We are grateful to the Minister for the introduction of the land reclamation scheme. If we have any criticism to offer of it, it is that there seems to be some delay in the scheme reaching West Donegal. I would appeal to the Minister to pay a little more attention or get his officials, rather, to pay a little more attention to the old congested districts area so that the people there may be enabled to take advantage of the scheme in the same way as those in other parts of the country are taking advantage of it.

In the Rosses and Gweedore districts of West Donegal very few of the applicants have had inspections carried out. I quite appreciate that there must be an enormous number of applications from all over the country and that it must be difficult to get round them all. I would suggest to the Minister that he should allocate a special inspector to the congested districts and give the people in those areas an opportunity of getting on with the work.

In South Donegal, particularly around Bundoran, there is an area which, if it were reclaimed, would prove to be one of the most fertile areas in the country. To my knowledge, about 60 acres of fertile land in that region is flooded for nine months of the year as a result of the flooding Bundrauss River. I have made appeals to the Donegal County Council and to the Office of Public Works and to the Minister, but no one seems to want to take responsibility for the flooding of this particular area. We are losing thereby some of the best land in the south of the county because of lack of drainage in relation to this particular river. I understand that such drainage might interfere with certain fishery rights, but I do not think fishery rights should be allowed to interfere with the rights of farmers to till their lands.

We are sincerely grateful to the Minister for the initiation of the scheme by means of which Kerry cattle have been introduced into the county.

We had a very serious problem in 1948 and 1949 in the congested areas because of the low milk yield. The Minister decided to experiment by introducing in-calf Kerry heifers into West Donegal and I am happy to tell him now that the people are delighted with these animals and are most grateful to the Minister for the interest he has taken. I have been instructed to ask him if he can procure more in-calf heifers, even at the top market price. Every heifer brought into Donegal will be disposed of. Unfortunately, our dealers cannot themselves go down and buy the animals. If the Minister will formulate a scheme to transport Kerry in-calf heifers to Donegal we will buy all we can get of them. But I might mention here that we might be reluctant to pay a very big price having heard Deputy O'Sullivan talking about calves at 3/- apiece. However, if the Minister sends them we will be very glad to get them.

In reference to the cultivation of tomatoes in the Gaeltacht areas of Donegal and Connemara, I do not intend to enter into the merits or demerits of the scheme here. I do not intend to discuss whether or not the scheme should be introduced. All I do say is that a predecessor of the Minister's spent thousand of pounds on the erection of houses in the Gaeltacht and I think these houses should be put into production now. I think the people who produce tomatoes in these areasshould be given every opportunity of competing with tomato growers throughout the rest of the country. I know the Minister is solicitous that the poor in the cities should get cheap tomatoes and I appreciate his point of view in that regard. I would like to point out to him, how ever, that prior to the erection of these houses the people on the holdings on which they have been erected were in receipt of unemployment assistance. These people live on uneconomic holdings and hitherto for six or seven months of the year they received unemployment assistance. Since the erection of these houses they are debarred from drawing unemployment assistance. Not alone that, but when work is available in the district under minor relief schemes or the county council they cannot procure employment because they are not in receipt of unemployment assistance and, therefore, they are put at the very bottom of the list.

This is a very serious matter for them. It is driving them out of the country again. I know that these people would prefer to remain at home. The only suggestion I can make to the Minister is that he should subsidise tomatoes grown in the Gaeltacht and congested areas for a few months in the year. If they were subsidised to the extent of 2d. or 3d. per lb. that would not affect the price that the poor of the City of Dublin or elsewhere would have to pay because the quantity of tomatoes so subsidised would be small in relation to the quantities produced elsewhere, and such a subsidy could not affect the price generally all over the country. I appeal to the Minister to give serious consideration to the matter. If he can do something to help these people he will earn the undying gratitude of the people in the congested areas and the Gaeltacht generally.

In the normal course of events, this Estimate would have produced a spirited debate, during the progress of which every aspect of our agricultural economy would be subjected to analysis and criticism both of a constructive and destructive nature. Had it taken place a few short weeks ago, I would have gladly and enthusiastically engaged in the discussion, contributing to it the views and opinions I so strongly hold on the agricultural industry, our principal and most vital industry.

The atmosphere surrounding the debate has been artificial and unreal. There has been no heart in the discussion which has painfully and monotonously dragged on for several days. Deputies have been marking time and waiting expectantly for some thing or some person to determine and direct the course of future events. Larger issues painfully obtruding themselves during the past 14 days have dwarfed into insignificance the routine mechanism of parliamentary, procedure. The air of uncertainty and unreality that now permeates this House prevents proper consideration of this or any other Estimate.

That is outside the scope of this Estimate.

Is it outside the scope of this Estimate to say that it is carried on in an artificial and unreal atmosphere?

That is not exactly what the Deputy was saying, or intending, surely?

I have said that the air of uncertainty and unreality that now permeates this House prevents proper consideration of this or any other Estimate.

The duty of the House is to consider this Estimate at the moment.

I suggest that parliamentary government cannot be carried on in such an atmosphere or under such conditions.

The present condition of alleged uncertainty is not the question before the Dáil.

I submit, with respect, that it is, that this debate has carried on for several days, that there has been this air of unreality in regard to it and that that unreality——

The Deputy rose to speak on an Estimate for Agriculture and he must speak on it or resume his seat.

I am going to speak on it. That is what I am doing.

The Deputy has a habit of contradicting the Chair——

——when the Chair gives a ruling, and going back on what was not relevant.

I have not.

The alleged uncertainty of the present position does not arise on this Estimate.

I take it, a Chinn Chomhairle, that there is a motion to refer back in regard to this Estimate, which widens the scope of the debate——

Quite. On agriculture.

——and which brings into discussion the suitability of the Minister to be Minister for Agriculture. I take it that that aspect may be discussed.

The Minister's policy may be discussed, certainly.

And the Minister's suitability to be Minister

I want to see how far the Deputy is proceeding on those lines, and not on personal abuse.

I do not think that personal abuse is part of my equipment. The Minister has put before us his policy far agriculture in the coming 12 months and it is my opinion that that matter cannot be entirely divorced from his particular suitability for carrying that policy into operation in the next 12 months. Now, the Minister is a member of the Government and as such, he must be responsible to this House for his own actions as a member of the Government. He has associated himself and identified himself with actions of his colleagues.

They do not arise. It is the Minister's policy and the administration of his own Department that arises, not his relations or his alleged relations with his colleagues.

I want to take this on the broadest possible lines and I want to make clear why, when I come to vote on this Estimate, I shall vote in the way that I shall vote. The Estimate is before the House for approval. Deputies may be asked to vote either for or against it. Those who propose to vote for it are entitled to say why they do so; those who propose to vote against it should likewise be entitled to say why they will vote against it.

I cannot disassociate the Minister or the Minister's policy in regard to those larger issues from influencing and determining the vote which I propose to give. If I am not entitled, within the rules, to express my reasons for adopting a particular course, that will make it rather difficult.

Those reasons must be related to this Vote and the Minister's administration of his Department and his policy, not to any extraneous matter.

I am entirely relating it now to the one question of the suitability of the Minister to carry out the policy which he announced to the Dáil in introducing this Estimate.

The Deputy will observe that he has not yet said a word about agriculture or agricultural policy not a word.

I want to be guided by the Chair on this.

I am afraid the Deputy does not.

I do. I want to be guided by the Chair in regard to this particular matter. If the question at issue is the suitability of the Minister. I take it that that is the purpose of the reference back. The question of the Minister's salary is part of the Estimate. I recollect that, on the Supplementary Estimate on this Department, I was prevented from going as far as I should have liked to go, on the grounds that the Minister's salary was not then a part of the Supplementary Estimate then under discussion. As I say, serious matters have been responsible for the artificiality and unreality of this debate up to the present and I cannot disassociate myself from those larger issues, although I am bound by your rulings, Sir, not to refer to them.

The question is, can the policy of the Minister for Agriculture be carried out by the Minister or by the Government? That is one of the issues that arise. I feel, and I think it is the feeling of the country, that there ought to be an end to this uncertainty and this unreality. I feel that this debate on the Department of Agriculture gives Deputies an opportunity of putting an end to that artificiality and to that unreality because, if this House rejects the Estimate that is put before it by the Minister, that will be considered by the House and by the country as a vote of no confidence— not in the Minister—but in the Government.

That does not arise.

It does not arise, Sir, but if this House decides to reject the Estimate, it will be a decision of no confidence by the people, not in the Minister, but in this particular Parliament.

As I said in the beginning, I should very much have liked, in different circumstances, to contribute what I could to the discussion on this important subject, but I feel that any thing that is said now, either for or against the Estimate, is a waste of time. I feel that the country expects this House to reject the Estimate, not because they dislike the Minister, not because they dislike his policy, but because that rejection will have bigger and wider repercussions. I am prepared to take the responsibility of acting, in regard to this particular Estimate, in such a way that will give an oppotrunity of having the bigger and wider issues determined early.

I want to make it clear—I am sorry that I cannot make it clear in a very concise way—that I propose to vote against this Estimate. I hope that my vote on this Estimate will be interpreted in the way I want it to be interpreted, as a decision to have those bigger and wider——

I will ask the Deputy to resume his seat. He is quite out of order.

Am I out of order?

The Deputy is out of order and he is aware of the fact. We have before us a Vote for Agriculture on which policy and administration may be discussed. The Deputy insists on discussing wider issues.

No, Sir. I was endeavouring——

The Deputy will resume his seat now.

The Chair will not allow me to continue?

Very well.

I was very pleased to hear Deputy O'Donnell of Donegal giving such high praise to our Kerry cattle. I can assure him and the Minister that if they require any more of them, they will be placed at their disposal, provided, of course, they will give a good price for the stock that will be available. All sides of the House will agree that agriculture is the basic industry of this country. Therefore, all should agree, as we at all times in Fine Gael agreed, that it is essential that long-term agreements should be made for markets and prices. Such agreements have been successfully negotiated by the Minister for Agriculture, agreements which resulted in increased rewards for the farmers. During the Minister's period of office, live stock of all kinds have appreciably increased, even on the admission of Deputy Childers, who spoke a while ago. The highest prices ever are now obtainable. In fact, at, the present time, the price of common fowl is high and the prices of certain types of cattle are higher than they were during the period of the reign of Fianna Fáil. However, I had better not go back too much to that period. At any rate, there is a big change to-day. One has only to look around or to have a conversation with an ordinary honest-to-God, industrious farmer to see that such farmers will admit that there was never such prosperity in the country as there is at present. Provision made by the Minister for the supply of ground limestone, phosphates and other fertilisers has been the means of enriching the land to such an extent that now, on an acreage smaller than heretofore, there is much greater production.

That increased production has been brought about under voluntary conditions, whereas the policy of Fianna Fáil was, and is, compulsion, more compulsion and still more compulsion. I was glad to hear Deputy Kissane last night, however, saying that he believed the best way to increase the production of wheat was by an inducement price. He was correct in that and I am sure that all the supporters of this Government feel likewise.

If they carried it into effect.

We are carrying it into effect.

You are not.

Agricultural income is much higher to-day than at any period in the past and much more money is now being granted for agricultural development than ever before.

Representing as I do a Gaeltacht or congested area, I should like to congratulate the Minister on the steps he has taken to develop to the greatest possible extent the natural resources of the seaboard areas from Donegal to Kerry. I am anxious to know from him whether, as time goes on and in the light of the experience he will have gained from what is to take place in Galway, he proposes to extend the Connemara scheme to the whole western seaboard, down to South Kerry and even West Cork. Just as the Minister has planned and is planning to improve the drainage, fertilisation and production of the land, we are glad to see that there is about to be evolved a scheme for the removal of the uneconomic cow which has been the means of lowering the average milk yield amongst the dairy herds. If I understand it rightly, farmers will be compensated in cash or will have the option of getting an in-calf heifer for the eliminated cow. The carrying out of that scheme should improve to a great extent the milk production of the dairy herds.

Deputies on this side and all honest people throughout the country feel that, during the past three years, there has been, both within and without this House, a sort of determined organised attempt to belittle the character of the Minister and to attribute to him ulterior motives in the various pronouncements he makes with regard to some of the well-planned schemes he has evolved. I think I am safe in stating that when all the growlings, the groanings and the vindictive spirit shown towards the Minister have passed away, as they will, unheeded over the heads of a grateful people, the farmers of this country will always remember that he is the Minister above all other Ministers in this Administration who shielded them from the kind of poverty and slavery into which they had been plunged by the inefficiency and maladministration of Fianna Fáil.

I want to refer briefly to a matter of some importance to the people of the Donegal Gaeltacht, namely, the future of the glass house industry and to ascertain, if possible, the policy of the Minister in regard to it. We are very anxious about the tomato industry in the Gaeltacht because industries are so few and far between in that barren area. Fianna Fáil some years ago established this industry in order to help the people of that area, the smallest farmers in the country, farmers of an area where the poor law valuation is not £25 but 25/-. We in Donegal are most anxious that the Minister should reverse his policy with regard to that industry and give it an opportunity to survive. In asking the Minister to help the industry in West Donegal and the Donegal Gaeltacht by putting an embargo on Dutch and other foreign tomatoes for two months of the year, we feel that we are not asking too much, because that simple request would enable the tomato producers there to make the industry pay and would enable the industry to survive.

When the Fianna Fáil Government established the industry, they had in mind the extension of the scheme, after a few years of trial in the selected areas, throughout the congested areas, and at the time we felt it was a step in the right direction, a step towards doing away with the unemployment and emigration which has been endemic there for centuries and towards helping the people to stay at home, to raise their families at home and keep them working at home in the production of food for this country. The Minister, unfortunately, has other ideas, and, if these ideas are carried out for a few more years, they will spell disaster and the end of one of the very few industries established in the Gaeltacht. My colleague, Deputy O'Donnell, pointed out that emigration and unemployment still continue in the Gaeltacht and, that being the case, it is the duty of any Irish Minister, and particularly the Minister for Agriculture, to do all he possibly can to stem that tide of emigration.

We feel that if this industry got a chance, if it got the same chance as any other Irish industry is getting and is entitled to get, it would help conditions greatly in that part of the country. Other industries, as I pointed out, have been protected, industries which would not otherwise survive. Is it too much to ask the Minister, even at this time of day, to help the tomato industry by putting an embargo on foreign tomatoes for even two months of the year?

Keep out those tomatoes which lower the price so much as to make it uneconomic for the growers in the Gaeltacht to continue producing tomatoes. We realise that the Minister is anxious to give very cheap tomatoes to the poor of Thomas Street, Marlborough Street and other areas in this city, but the first consideration of any Deputy representing a Gaeltacht area is the poor of his area. Any steps that an Irish Government can take to help the poor in the Gaeltacht should certainly be taken. If every other Minister adopted the same policy and gave the poor of Dublin and of every other area cheap food, cheap clothing, cheap footwear and so on, imported from every country of the world, then there would be very few industries in this State and very few people would be employed by them.

The larger farmers of this country have been guaranteed prices for their grain crops. It is not too much to ask that, with the small production we have in the Gaeltacht, guaranteed prices should be offered to the tomato-growers in West Donegal.

In view of the scarcity of sulphate of ammonia this year, I appeal to the Minister to make supplies available to the people in the congested areas to cover their needs. The Minister is well aware of their needs in that regard. There is alarm in the congested areas, owing to the shortage of sulphate of ammonia, that the people there may be left out in the cold and that their production may suffer later on. I hope the Minister will do what he can to give the people in the congested areas additional supplies of sulphate of ammonia this year.

Time and again I have approached the Minister in regard to various schemes. In fact, I have tabled questions with a view to bringing these matters to a head. One particular scheme has been mentioned here to-day—the Minister made an announcement in regard to it—and that is the matter of water supplies to farmers. I am sorry that the Minister has just left the House, because I had hoped that he would take a note of these matters.

I will take it.

The Minister did not want to hear you.

Somebody will hear me, in any case. The Kerry County Council suggested that the Minister, acting in co-operation with the Department of Local Government, should have a proper scheme for farmers in rural districts. I understood that the Minister was co-operating with the Department of Local Government in that regard. However, six months have passed and nothing has been done about it. I hope that when the Minister is replying he will tell me what he proposes to do in connection with the matter of water supplies to farmers. The scheme was suggested in order to provide supplies for groups of small villages in rural districts or groups of farmers in the country, away out in the parish districts where water supplies could be made available from a selected centre—a community scheme, if you like to call it that. That was the type of scheme which was suggested and put forward by the Kerry County Council six or seven months ago to the Department of Agriculture and to the Department of Local Government. There is very little use in advertising schemes and in issuing statements on them if some effort is not made to implement them.

I have very great fault to find with the administration of the land rehabilitation project. I appreciate the Minister's efforts in the matter, but the approach by his inspectors to the implementation of the scheme is very poor. Take, for instance, a man who availed of the scheme and who drained or developed his little holding previous to the visit of an inspector. If the work was started even one week previous to the visit of the inspector, it is excluded from the scope of the project. I have told the Minister of a man in my own district in County Kerry who qualified for the scheme for portion of his holding. He had developed the other portion of his holding earlier in the year, previous to the visit of the inspector, and that particular portion was excluded from the scope of the scheme. I suggest that that is not the correct approach by a Department to assist hard-working and industrious small farmers. I am as anxious as the Minister is to see that this scheme will be a success, but, again, I repeat that the approach to it is not appreciated by the people whom I represent.

I see that the Minister has come back to the House. I was speaking about the approach of his inspectors to the land rehabilitation project. There is a complaint in my constituency that smallholders who, in their anxiety to avail of the scheme, started any operation before the visit of the inspector are not able to claim benefit under the scheme in respect of the work which was started before the visit of the inspector.

The Deputy said that before.

But the Minister was not present when I said it.

Notes are taken.

I am repeating it in order to emphasise my statement. The same can be said in regard to other matters under the land rehabilitation project. Everyone admits that it is a good scheme and that it has been welcomed by the people, but the people do not appreciate the way in which it is implemented by the Minister's inspectors. No doubt, they are carrying out their work as they have been told to carry it out by their Department but I think that their approach is too rigid because it makes it impossible for industrious smallholders to qualify even though they may be only a few days late. If they start the work before the inspector comes along, they are excluded. I do not think the Minister ever intended that that should be so. Anybody in the country who welcomed the scheme in its initial stages never thought that it would work out as it is working out. The same remarks apply to water supplies.

I have already spoken about water supplies to groups of farmers in rural areas. I am now speaking about water supplies to individual farmers under the land rehabilitation project. I had occasion to speak to the Minister and his Department in regard to farmers who initiated their own schemes and who had hand pumps installed at their own expense. When the Minister's inspectors came along they would not recommend them for the portion of the grant to which they were entitled, on the grounds that the Minister favoured a mechanically propelled machine to bring up water. I think that is unfair to these people. They installed this apparatus in good faith and provided their own water supply and then they were told that they could not get any fraction of the grant simply because their ideas did not coincide with the Department's description of what that plant should be. That is a very limited approach to the whole question. I know that the Minister will reply that these schemes were advertised and that people should adhere to the terms of those advertisements, but in the country districts people cannot live up 100 per cent. to the Department's requirements. The Minister should review the matter and see what could be done for these people. They acted in good faith thinking they could avail of the scheme; they applauded the Minister's effort; yet through a technicality they were excluded from its benefits.

I welcome the Minister's statement about the sand subsidy scheme. As the Minister is aware it would be very important for us in Kerry, particularly in South Kerry. If he is in a position to do so I should like him to tell us what the position is. I inquired in the Department two weeks ago and was informed that the matter was being considered and that the Minister would probably make an announcement at an early date. If the Minister initiates this scheme it will be very important for smallholders along the coast in County Kerry.

I was present at Killarney recently when Dr. Millar made that statement about agriculture and it appeared to me and to everyone else who attended that convention that Dr. Millar had had some clash with the Government, the Minister or the Department of Agriculture and I would like the Minister's opinion on that. In fact—speaking for myself—I resented his remarks. It would appear that Dr. Millar had made an effort to assist the development of agriculture in this country and that he had been disappointed and if you like obstructed or that he could not get on with our farmers. I think it was a very disrespectful reference to our people, particularly the agricultural community. It appeared that having failed with the development of agriculture in this country he was now trying to see what he could do with tourist development.

What rights has he in this country at all?

The speakers that night were confined to the Minister for Industry and Commerce, Dr. Millar and people in the tourist industry, but I can tell the Minister that if I had had an opportunity of speaking I would have answered. I would have informed Dr. Miller that I resented and that the people resented his remarks about our agriculture.

The Minister should take the Parliament and the people more into his confidence. I had a question down yesterday about a sheep breeding scheme in County Kerry and I asked the Minister in a supplementary question if he would meet the breeders and the people concerned. He was very doubtful, in fact sceptical, about the whole matter. In a democratic country the Minister representing us in agriculture should go all out to meet the people who are conversant with these sections of agriculture. The Cattle Traders' Association in County Kerry and the Kerry County Committee of Agriculture went all out to meet the deputation with a view to selecting two or three of their people to go over to Scotland with an official from the Minister's Department to select rams for breeding purposes in Kerry. I myself consulted with one of the officials in the Department and I am very grateful to him because he gave me very good information. We would like the Minister to have an approach to this other than saying that he would not at the moment give any definite assurance that he could meet the deputation. They are asking for nothing; they are asking for no special concessions. They are asking the co-operation and advice of the Minister's technical experts; that is the sum total of the request from the Kerry County Committee of Agriculture.

I would like to compliment the Minister. I have always done so for the schemes he has initiated. I did not hesitate to criticise him or his Department when the occasion demanded but I will be always the first to appreciate what he has done and I will treat any other Minister in the Government in the same way. I am anxious, however, that he should take the people into his confidence much more than he has been doing in the past. I am not one of those who try to criticise for the sake of criticising. I am simply criticising the administration in order to improve that administration. I am pointing out the snags in these schemes because it is no use for the Minister or his Department to advertise them and to try to glorify them when they are not the real thing and when in practice they fall short of what has been said about them. We are speaking from experience and from the practical point of view.

There is only one other point, and that is that I, as a member of the county committee of agriculture in Kerry, wish to thank the Minister for the insemination scheme that was started in Castleisland. I must congratulate himself and the Department and the Dairy Disposals Company, that co-operated with the Minister and the Department. It is one of the best schemes that was ever initiated in so far as the County Kerry is concerned. I was one of the first to speak on it at the committee meeting. I must thank the Minister on behalf of the farmers down there, and all others concerned. I would like the Minister's Department to consider the application from the county committee of agriculture to have the centres extended as time goes on.

I should like the Minister to go over those little points that I have raised in regard to the land project. They may not appear very much in a huge scheme which entails an expenditure of £40,000,000, but it is the small things that count, and it is the way these schemes are worked out that will count in the end. As one Deputy, Deputy Sheldon, said here to-day, the only difference he saw between the farm improvements scheme and the land rehabilitation project is that you have four inspectors now to the one you had previously. That may be so, but Deputy Sheldon must remember that we are working on a larger scale, and there is no analogy between the two schemes.

This is a wonderful scheme and it will be an advantage to many parts of the country. The officials who will be engaged in the implementation of it get their directions from the Minister and the Department. There are certain small farmers who, through a technicality, do not fit in, and I hope the Minister will consider that aspect.

Since the advent of national government here, each Government in turn, and all the Deputies concerned, proclaimed from the public forum that a prosperous community is essential to the well-being of the whole country. The inter-Party, Government, recognising their responsibility, directed all their energies to see that agriculture, being the basis of our whole economy, will get its proper place in the economic structure. Consequently, the Government, realising their obligations, have solicited the co-operation of the Minister in formulating schemes that should have a beneficial reaction upon agriculture.

Listening here for the past week to what I might term the wails from the other side of the House and the attacks on the Minister, it would be very interesting to know what is the real purpose behind it all. Is it an attack on Mr. Dillon or an the Minister for Agriculture? I am sorry that one member of the Fianna Fáil Party is not in the House. I allude to Deputy Walsh. Being now rather advanced in years, I never thought that I would live to hear the type of speech made by Deputy Walsh. I will quote portion of what he said from column 1130 of the Official Report. I feel it is incumbent on me to repudiate in toto what the Deputy said. I repudiate with contempt the allegations he made against the Minister for Agriculture. The Deputy said:—

"I believe that his one sole ambition is to see this country subject to Britain again, and that that is one of his reasons for not asking our farmers to produce the requirements of food for this country."

such a statement coming from any Deputy towards the present Minister for Agriculture is to me unsustainable. It is inexplicable that it should be used. The suggestion was that the Minister's policy was so framed as to bring us back into the British Empire again. When I think that two generations of the Dillons were tortured and suffered in British dungeons and gave such unselfish devotion to help to destroy one of the greatest despotisms that ever afflicted this country, and that was the thraldom of Irish landlordism than which, in the language of Edmund Burke, no greater tyranny was ever inflicted on a rural community, and no worse or tyrannising scheme could emanate from the perverted ingenuity of man—I forget the exact words he used—I regret that such a statement should be made here.

Two generations of Dillons toiled and suffered and made supreme sacrifices in their love for their motherland and their desire to liberate and release the farmers from the tyranny imposed upon them by a foreign domination. It cannot be charged against the third generation of Dillons that he has any less devotion and has given less service to the motherland than those who went before him. He, too, has given service. Acting on his own initiative, having a broad outlook and vision, he has done so much for the farmers that it is incomprehensible to me why he is being attacked and why there is a mendacious campaign and a continuous barrage and bellowing many members, not all, on the other side of the House.

Do they think that it will ever be possible in any Government or any human institution to have a perfect scheme, absolutely immaculate in all respects? Not since the triumvirate of Rome have we had such a form of democratic organisation. I would ask some of the members here what has the Minister done for the farmers that he should not have done? I have asked that question from several platforms, but they slip along on a side issue and ask about the price of eggs, over which the Minister has no control, or about the cost of feeding stuffs and its reactions on the bacon industry. They blame him for everything. I did not hear that they had actually blamed him, but it is the inference to be drawn from their speeches, that they blame him for the Korean War and for the catastrophic, bad weather we have had for the last nine or ten months when we had a mild winter, if you like, in the summer months, succeeded by a terrible winter such as I have not experienced in the last 60 years. That terrible winter must necessarily have serious reactions, as it has had, on the farming community. We know that, but it is the Minister who is blamed for it all.

Again I ask, what should he have done that he has not attempted to do? The rivers have been cleaned up under the Works Act, which has had beneficial results on land contiguous to waters. There is the land rehabilitation scheme. I have met decent Fianna Fáil farmers who have received that scheme with open arms and who have praised and complimented the Minister and the Government for it. Last Saturday I met a man who is a decent member of a council with which I was associated for years and who is an active and intelligent member of the Fianna Fáil Party. He told me that he has ten acres of land, that he is 78 years of age and that he never thought the day would come when he could see ten acres of scrub, dirt and stones removed so as to make those ten acres a reproductive, fertile plain, beneficial to himself and to the whole community.

If farmers want a water supply to their homes, two-thirds of the actual cost or a maximum of £100 will be provided. If they want to improve their houses, there is provision for that. In recent months we passed a Bill and we raised the valuation level from £35 to £50 so that farmers whose valuations are £50 may get a free grant of £80 to improve their houses and to modernise the bad, antiquated houses in which many of them had to live.

In every aspect of agricultural economy ample provision is made and the farmers are invited to seize the opportunity and they know that the Government and the Minister are behind them and will co-operate in every possible way in order to make their lives more tolerable and to make their industry more remunerative.

What more can the Minister do? I think of the campaign of lies to the effect that Dillon will ruin the Government. I have met many intelligent farmers who appreciate that he has taken the long and the proper view. A wail has been set up in the last few days which would remind one of the wailing wall of Jerusalem, about cattle dying in hundreds. The people who say these things must have very short memories.

Did they not hear the Minister recently announce a scheme in regard to uneconomic cows? I am sure that would apply to the farmer whose cattle suffered from lack of fodder. What would be termed an uneconomic cow? To use the phraseology of the farmer, an uneconomic cow is one, say, who was milking last year in three parts of the udder and this year in two parts. There are other things that render cows uneconomic. Anyone who has been associated daily in the last 40 or 50 years with dairy herds can appreciate the meaning of the term "uneconomic cow". An uneconomic cow is one with a poor milking capacity, which eats the good food and grass that could be fed to an economic cow that would give results. What did the Minister say in that regard? Any farmer who has such a cow may write to Merrion Square, pointing out that he has an uneconomic cow. Having regard to the colossal number of applications that will be made, it cannot be expected that the matter will be dealt with in two or three days, or even weeks, but as soon as is conveniently possible an inspector will visit the applicant and will make arrangements to purchase the cow or, alternatively, the applicant may apply to the Department for an in-calf heifer.

I want to keep asking of any decentminded man, with a balanced outlook. and not with a mind distorted by political bitterness, what is it that the farmer needs to-day for which provision has not been made by the present Government and the present Minister. Provision has been made in respect of houses, water supply, fertilisers. If a farmer is unable to fertilise a field he can apply to the Department and it will be done for him. I have had that fortunate experience myself. If the farmer is able to do it, he can proceed with the work when it has been inspected; he will be advised on the scheme of work by the inspector, and he will get £20 a statute acre for the improvement of that land by the removal of scrub, rocks, stones and by drainage. If he does not get the £20, he will get part of it supplemented by fertilisers. A sample of the soil will be taken and tested. Then the farmer can proceed to do the work himself, if he feels that it will be done with greater care and a higher standard of efficiency.

If there are people, as there are in many areas, so financially circumstanced that they are unable to undertake that obligation and do the work themselves, then we shall do the job. We shall clean the scrub and, if necessary, we shall drain and turn up the soil, and test it. We shall apply to it the proper seeds which the nature of that soil will quickly assimilate and, as a result of its proper assimilation, bring maximum prosperity to the individual farmer. Mark you, all we shall charge him is £12 per statute acre, repayable over a long period, by way of an annuity of £2. It is a most beneficial scheme; it is only slowly that farmers are becoming aware that such advantages are available and they are the outcome of a Government that considers every section of the community, bearing in mind that agriculture is fundamental and that it should occupy a primary place in the economy of the country. According to statistical returns, 60 per cent. of our people are living directly or indirectly from the land. It is common mathemathics, if you like, and certainly sound economics, that if 60 per cent. of the people are not reasonably prosperous, if they by any chance are living in a state of penury, the reaction on the other 40 per cent. will be disastrous. It will have a definite reaction on our industrial wing. In seeking to develop our industries we are up against nations which have behind them 200 or 300 years of scientific progress and of a highly developed manufacturing technique. In the elementary stage of our development in manufacturing industries, we must depend to a large extent upon the home market and, therefore, upon the prosperity of agriculture largely depends the possibility of keeping our industrial wing in a reasonable condition of security and prosperity.

I tried to think of the many other beneficial schemes that have been the outcome of the vision and, of what I might call, the great sense of affection and devotion to the agricultural people enshrined in the very mind of a Dillon. The whole history of the Dillon family is a record of self-sacrifice and devotion to generations of our tenant farmers. Our forefather had to undergo generatious of toil and suffering to get rid of the British. For what did they toil? What was the purpose of their sacrifice? What were the motives that inspired then in the long days of suffering? Was it not to ameliorate the conditions of our tenant farmers? We to-day are enjoying the fruits of their efforts and is it not sad to think that any Deputy should stand up in the Parliament of this country to suggest that a member of the third generation of Dillons is out against the farmers and is trying to drive them back into the slavery in which they had to suffer for hundreds of year? Our present Minister for Agriculture, so far as being guilty of any conduct of that kind, has directed all his efforts to putting the farmers into a state of prosperity, security and independence completely free from the unwelcome attention of hordes of inspectors. In a few short years we shall see the full fruition of his schemes in the benefits which must necessarily accrue to the farmers.

Last year when this Estimate was under discussion I tried to do something to improve conditions in the dairying industry and the fact that we have now got a static price is to my mind very important. The farmers now know where they are and where they will be for the next five years. They can plan, rotate thair crops, increase their milk herds and direct their economy accordingly for the next five years. While I am a member of this House I shall continue to exert all the pressure I can bring to bear on the Minister to improve conditions in the dairying industry. I suppose the time is running short but while I am here I shall always try to emphasise the importance of making the dairying industry a paying industry and the desirability of ensuring that producers will get a price commensurate with the ever-increasing costs of production and replacement. However, we are perfectly satisfied at the moment that we have got an increase and that the factors which I mentioned are being recognised by the Government.

The farmers can now appreciate the fact that they are all right for five years. In conclusion, I want to repudiate the attacks which have been made on the Minister which are altogether at variance with the lessons of history. Some of the antecedents of the people who make these charges were often the strongest supporters of the forces of occupation and the reactionary elements of this country when the Dillons were fighting them. The Dillons have always been out for the benefit of the country and have achieved noble work in establishing security of tenure for our farmers. I hope that this Estimate will receive the generous support of the whole House not alone from the Government Party but from all genuine representatives of the agricultural community. I should not like as a farmers' representative to go into the Lobby to vote against the Minister for Agriculture who by his vision has inaugurated many schemes that in time will redound to the welfare of the whole community.

If strength of vituperation and bitterness of personal attack are to be the yardstick by which the success of Deputy Dillon as Minister far Agriculture is to be judged, then surely the Opposition with its allied wailers in some of the Independent Benches, must be conscious of the fact that never in this country before has an agricultural policy been so justified. I have come in here year after year to listen to caterwauling, personal attacks and personal spleens vented against the Minister. I think it is time for us now, if we have any sense of public responsibility, to face in an analytical way the extraordinary success of the Minister. It is perfectly true that Fianna Fáil hate him with an undying hatred, as evidenced by the splenetic statement made by Deputy Walsh in this House.

That statement reflects no credit whatever on Deputy Walsh. It shows a lamentable ignorance on his part of the real contribution which the Minister for Agriculture has made to the progress of this country. It is true that there has been this continuous use of invective against the Minister, this constant outpouring from the Opposition Benches. Why? Because scheme after scheme envisaged by the broad vision of the Minister is now coming into effect and is gradually coming to fruition. It is true that the Opposition have been able to snipe in certain specific instances. It is true that it might be possible to make a case on specific items where there were difficulties, but, never once in this House, has any responsible member of the Opposition adverted to what might be the real cause of the difficulties, many of which have been exaggerated and aggravated deliberatelg for political purposes. They have been brought to an importance which they never deserved by the Opposition. Where help and encouragement were necessary in a difficult situation, the Minister for Agriculture has never found anything but the most poisonous type of unhelpful inquiry from the Opposition. That has been so in moments of delicate negotiation. We experienced it in connection with potatoes. We experienced cat-wailing and moaning about the price of oats prior to the Donegal by-election. We saw the tragedy being enacted that, thanks to their complete ignoring of the advice of the Minister for Agriculture, they had to buy back the oats, which the Government had bought from them, at a higher price later in the year as had been predicted by the Minister for Agriculture.

Now, that is the type of story and constructive effort which the Opposition tell the country. We had Deputy Vivion de Valera last night trying to juggle with estimated yields as against actual yields. We had talk about the years from 1932 to 1939. If there is anything in the history of this country which Fianna Fáil should keep quiet about, it is the extraordinary, the lamentable, the catastrophic and the stupid economic war which they raised. When one compares the wail of Deputy Vivion de Valera with the unending screeches of dying calves that were heard during aIl those years, one can realise now why the farming community can appreciate the fact that they have a Minister who is determined to raise their self-respect and to make agriculture what it should be—the highly respectable and principal industry of this country—not something that too many people are inclined to look down on. The sooner we in this House realise that it is our duty to elevate the agricultural industry to its rightful place in the nation the better it will be. The less talk we have about farmers being beggars and mendicants, the better sense of public duty we will have, because our farmers are not beggars or mendicants. They are a proud, self-respecting, hardworking people, who, at times, get very little appreciation from some of those who purport to represent them in this House.

What has been the story of agriculture here? We started in 1948. Since then there has been a continuous rise in the price of agricultural products. More and more money has been expended to bring about an improvement in the conditions of life of those engaged in agriculture. Fianna Fáil damned the land rehabilitation scheme with faint praise. They had not the courage to oppose it. Day after day and month after month they came into this House and obstructed the passing of the Local Authorities (Works) Act, a measure the aim of which was to clear away surplus water. They also damned that measure with their faint praise, with their spleen and with their use of invective against the Minister. These huge projects were designed to bring money into, and to be spent in, rural Ireland for the improvement of what is the real and fundamental wealth of the country, namely, the land, which is greater than any of us individuals, and which, for generations of Irish people yet unborn, must be the main source of their wealth. The Opposition have come in here and tried to ridicule, or damn with faint praise, a project which has been accepted by people outside this country as one of amazing courage and one with amazing potentialities.

What is the fundamental principle of land reclamation? It is the bringing back into heart and fertility land which had been lying derelict and useless. In other words, it deals with the problem of creating new capital wealth. What have we on the other side of the House? Miaouing and colossal stupidity which is unable to appreciate the fundamental significance of the capital value of such a scheme. In spite of the Opposition, there are many farmers throughout the length and breadth of the country who appreciate fully the immense benefits which have come to them under the operations of the Local Authorities (Works) Acts. They have had their land relieved of the pressure of water which heretofore was caused by flooded bottoms, and, in many cases, by flooding on the roads. Large areas of land have been thus relieved. That is practical, sound common sense. What objection can Fianna Fáil find to that? None whatever if they were honest with themselves. Their only basis for attacking these schemes is because a certain person is at the moment the occupant of the Ministry of Agriculture. When he was in opposition he could brow-beat. As a Minister he can control, handle and deal well with the cat-wailing that is going on. The thing which Fianna Fáil hate most in the Minister for Agriculture has nothing whatever to do with policy. It just amounts to this, that he can stand up there in his place and deal with all their moans and their wails so effectively that they have red faces, red necks and sour tempers by the time he has finished. That seems to be the basis on which there is opposition to this Vote, if we are to judge by the screeches of Deputy Corry and the irresponsible, poisonous and bitter suggestions of Deputy Walsh, and the futile, cumbersome, lumbering, stupid arguments of the front Opposition Bench. The position is, and the sooner the Opposition realise it the better, that the farmers know and appreciate the Minister for Agriculture. No matter what failings he may have, they know that he is a man who stands four square fighting their corner for them, that he is a man who undertook that he would give back their self-respect to the farming commnity, and that he has done that.

If you analyse the figures and divorce your mind for a moment from the extraordinary weather conditions that existed and take what the real over-all position is, you will find that we have more stock, more land being put back into heart, more fertilisation and a gradual disappearance of the dehabilitation of land which was the necessary consequence of the stupidity of continuous over-use of land during the emergency.

Listening to Deputy Major de Valera last night, I gathered he was all for the reimposition of certain compulsion, but had not the courage to say it. I hope that the Minister will never depart from allowing the farmer to be the master of his own farm and the controller of his own destiny. I heard Deputy Major de Valera last night referring to the late Minister for Agriculture, Paddy Hogan. He tried to find some difference between what we in this Party advocate to-day and what the late Paddy Hogan advocated, but he had forgotten what has become associated with the memory of that great man—one more cow, one more sow and one more acre under the plough. If that is not the basis and the criterion of the development of a sane agricultural economy, then let the Opposition offer us an alternative one. Is there anything more simple, more sound, or more solid than that?

Last night we witnessed a great juggling with figures and great play with what was stated to be a difference between the estimated yield and the actual yield of Wheat to the mills. Estimates are one thing, but if you want a real yardstick as to what the production of wheat really was, a subject that Deputy Major de Valera dwelt so long on, surely it is the actual wheat that went to the mills, not the fanciful figures either of farmers themselves or other people judging what the yield might be before the crop was threshed. It is true that we have had a very severe winter. It is true that there have been cases of stock mortality but not in the alarming numbers, in my constituency anyway, suggested by other people. I do not think that vituperation in this House is the best way to help the farmer in his difficulties. The interests of the farmer and the community in general would be better served if we came in here in a helpful spirit to try and find a solution for these difficulties.

I would request the Minister to explore one way of alleviating these difficulties. It may be impossible, it may be impracticable to replace uneconomic cows in a tremendous hurry. lt may be that the expansion in supply might not deal with the present situation. My suggestion to the Minister is that he should take the House into his confidence and find a way by which we can ensure that any loss suffered, particularly by the small farmer with a limited number of stock, can be met an the basis of State grant or State aid which it would be within the compass of the farmer to repay at some future date. I do not think we are doing any good in talking about this problem unless we can find some practical way as a unified Parliament to alleviate that distress.

There has been a lot of comment on the increase in the price of imported feeding stuffs, but certainly the Minister cannot be blamed for that, because he is not the person, nor indeed are the Government the people, who can control rises outside this country in the price of these commodities. There has also been a lot of comment about the difficulty in connection with the shell egg situation. Representing a very large egg-producing constituency, I appreciate that 2/- a dozen is not an economic price for eggs, but I do think that the attitude of the Minister to the problem, instead of meriting the vituperative condemnation that it has got, is a courageous one. He says out straight: "If England will not give us a better price than 2/- a dozen for eggs, she will do without them." We know that there is a very remunerative outlet in the dead poultry market for fowl. We know that the lean period in the shell egg trade has come. But I have not heard anybody refer to what might be described as the bumper period before last Christmas When the prices of eggs, fowl and turkeys reached unprecedented heights and were of tremendous benefit to those engaged in production. We all seem to wail and jump on the Minister when the evil day arrives, but never once in this House have I heard a favourable comment from the Opposition on the period when prices were extremely good. I firmly believe that, with the co-operation of this House and with a united nation behind the policy of no 2/- a dozen eggs to Great Britain, we will get a better price for our eggs, a price which will be an economic one for the producer. But I do not think we are doing any national service by ullagoning in this House about 2/- a dozen eggs if we are negotiating to get a better price. We should stand four-square behind the policy of "No egg unless you give us a better price", and not by any indiscretion or carelessness in this House reveal a position of which the buyer might take advantage.

That is the spirit in which we should approach this Estimate. I trust we all have fundamentally the one interest at heart, the betterment and the uplift of the farming community as a whole. Instead of bitter personal diatribes we should have here the pooling of our knowledge and our experience of agricultural matters in order to improve the situation. I think this debate has to some extent been completely lacking in a proper approach to the problem we may have to face in regard to stock that is dying. I think the Opposition was completely lacking in its approach to the major problems of improvement, such as the land rehabilitation scheme, the shell egg, and this new scheme under which it will be possible to alleviate conditions for the women in rural Ireland and remove from them some of the burden and drudgery attaching to the role they play in our most important industry. I refer to the scheme of supplying water to the kitchens in the farmhouses throughout the country. Those of us who represent constituencies such as mine appreciate the extraordinary hardships imposed upon the households in order to draw water. Most of us will appreciate now having the water made so readily available under this scheme in order to improve the lot of the women.

What is wrong with that scheme? Why has not somebody in the Opposition the courage to say one word of commendation in relation to the scheme? Why has not the Opposition done what they should do in the national interest? Why have they not stood behind the land reclamation scheme, the purpose of which is to improve the quality of our real capital, our land, and at the same time give much-needed employment?

What is the real situation in rural Ireland? Every honest man knows that the general over-all position of the farming community, apart altogether from the adverse winter through which we have passed, is one of steady improvement. The farmer himself knows that. Indeed, he knows it best of all. Let us take the national picture. We must take the national picture if we are desirous of seeing the amount of effort and the tenacity of purpose of the Minister for Agriculture. We have seen improvements in farm workers' wages. I think we are all glad to see the lot of the agricultural labourer bettered. We have seen improvements in his conditions of employment. We have seen improvements in a wide range of commodities in so far as prices are concerned. Over the years we have seen an amazing number of improvements. If one steps into rural Ireland one will see extraordinary improvements on the holdings. The homes and outhouses are greatly improved in appearance. The farmer himself looks prosperous. He is improving his outhouses and improving his yards. I could not tell you how many places in my constituency now have good concrete yards where heretofore there was only muck and stone.

All these things are no indication of the condition suggested here by both Deputy P. O'Reilly and Deputy Cogan, aided and abetted by some members of the Opposition. What is the real position? The real position is that the farmer being reasonable and fundamentally honest in his outlook does not take an immediate difficulty which may arise because of circumstances over which the Minister has no control as the yardstick upon which to judge agricultural policy as a whole. Looking out over his holding he sees the improvement that has taken place in his lot under the leadership of the present Minister for Agriculture. That is undeniable. Yet, the crass and hard-necked supporters of Fianna Fáil will damn the Minister with faint praise. They will say things are better, but they want them to be better still.

A great deal of play here has centred round milk and milk production. This year the farmer will get a small increase. That is a step in the right direction. The farmer has a guarantee for five years and that guarantee will ensure stability. With his usual candour, the Minister admitted that that appears to satisfy nobody but it does at least give the farming community another subvention from the national pool towards the development of their economy.

I am anxious that the Minister should speed up his decision in relation to a subsidy for sea sand. A number of my constituents engage in the marketing of this commodity for the benefit of the farmers. There is at the moment some unrest and uneasiness. Of course the Minister can rest assured that that unrest and uneasiness are being suitably fostered by those who are hostile to him and to his policy. Many of my constituents earn a livelihood by the marketing of this commodity and I appeal to the Minister to speed up his decision in the matter.

There are, too, difficulties about the delivery of crushed limestone. I will give the Minister full particulars of the areas where difficulty has arisen. I feel sure that he will solve the problem with his usual enthusiasm. There is a genuine general anxiety because of long delays in the delivery of ground limestone.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again later.
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