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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 2 May 1951

Vol. 125 No. 13

Committee on Finance. - Vote 27—Agriculture (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:—
That the Estimate be referred back for reconsideration.—(Deputy Smith.)

I can sincerely congratulate Deputy Gilbride, who was in possession when this Estimate was last under discussion, on the common-sense and sensible approach which he made in his contribution on this very important Estimate for the Department of Agriculture. I have listened to the discussion year after year since the present Minister was appointed to this important post and, although I did not hear every speech delivered from the Opposition side, I can safely say that the Estimate was never approached from the political common-sense point of view of discussing it on its merits and putting forward practical and sensible alternative proposals on behalf of those who are opposed to the Minister personally and to his policy. It is the duty of every responsible Deputy, regardless of the side of the House upon which he sits and of the group with which he may be associated, to approach the consideration of important matters of this kind from a policy point of view, and not resort, as has been done for the last three years and this year in particular, to pouring out personal abuse upon the Minister, who is an efficient and conscientious man, rather than criticising the Estimate on its merits and putting forward, if they can, constructive and sensible alternative proposals.

The whole matter has been approached from the point of view of obstruction and the time occupied in the discussion of this Estimate by some of the speakers from the Opposition side is proof of that. Have we anything on the records of this House. from the point of view of wasting time, to beat the memorable speech delivered here last year lasting for five hours and 50 minutes by Deputy Smith? Deputy Smith hopes to be the successor to the present Minister if and when—I hope it will not be for a long time—the Fianna Fáil Party come back to power again. Is there any sensible Deputy who would risk saying that Deputy Smith is a more efficient or conscientious person than the present occupant of the post of Minister for Agriculture?

Notice taken that 20 Deputies were not present; House counted and 20 Deputies being present,

I hope that Deputy Corry, who called attention to the want of a quorum, has succeeded in achieving his objective. He has as far as a quorum is concerned. But is it not a terrible pity that Deputy Corry is the only so-called representative of the farmers sitting on the Fianna Fáil Benches at present?

Where are your farmers?

It shows the influence he has over his own colleagues, that people who are supposed to be the representatives of the farming community will not come in here and sit on the Fianna Fáil Benches.

To listen to you! God forbid.

I do not mind whether they do or not. Is there any Deputy, even Deputy Corry, who will say that Deputy Smith, when he was in office, and he was tested for a long period, was a more efficient and conscientious person in charge of the Department of Agriculture than the present occupant of that important post?

The farmers will tell you within a month.

Deputy Corry will not even risk saying so himself. Of course he could not. As a representative of a rural constituency, I say quite sincerely, with the knowledge that, if other people like, it may be used against me as far as anything can be used against me in this matter, that during my long experience the farmers were never in a better position than they are to-day. It is my privilege on occasions when I visit my constituency to meet supporters of all Parties in this House, and I have met many farmers who are supporters of Fianna Fáil who admit that, but dare not say it in public. They might say it in a public house, but they would not say in public that the farmers were never better off than they are at present and that we never had a better Minister for Agriculture since this State was established than the present occupant of the post.

While saying that, I admit that there are minor matters upon which members of this group may agree to differ with the Minister for Agriculture. But do not these minor differences exist in the best-regulated families and Parties? It would be a very unhealthy state of affairs, from my point of view at any rate, even in my own Party if everyone came into Party meetings and behaved as yes-men. I have often stated to people, and I say it to the Minister who holds such an important position in the State, that the man who comes into a Party meeting or into a place where you work, if you are a person who holds a responsible position, and has the courage to criticise you is your best friend if he does it in a sensible, decent and straightforward way and provided he gives good reasons for criticising you personally or your policy. That is why I am pleased to pay a tribute to the line of approach of Deputy Gilbride on this particular Estimate and I am sorry that he was not here to resume the discussion. I have stated that the farmers were never better off than they are at present. Does Deputy Corry ever remember a time when the farmers were getting the prices they are getting to-day for live stock, including sheep and the wool on the back of the sheep?

And for oats and potatoes.

Yes. Deputy Corry knows very well that the members of this group, small or large, and irrespective of whom their leader was, never changed their policy in regard to agriculture. From the time we came into this House in 1923 we always advocated on these benches the provision of guaranteed, profitable prices for the farmers. I am very glad to see that, as the years go by, particularly since the present Minister came into office, the position is improving considerably. As long as he is a member of this House, Deputy Corry will get up and show himself to be typical of the very small percentage of farmers who always growl from the time they get up in the morning until they go to bed at night and will never admit how well off they are. Why should they not be well off? There is a greater circulation of money in my constituency to-day and more employment of people at good wages than ever there was since I came into this House. In the two years from 1947 to 1949 there was an increase of 37,100 in the number of persons engaged in insurable occupations. That increase dated from the time this Government came into office and the present Minister was appointed Minister for Agriculture. I have not got the figures for last year. Deputy Corry and other Deputies know well that a very high percentage of the 37,100 were sons and daughters of farmers, and particularly of small farmers.

Ran from the land.

I looked up the last figures regarding the number of registered unemployed in the five labour exchanges operating in my own constituency of Laois and Offaly. In March, 1948, shortly after this Government came into office, the number of registered unemployed in the five employment exchanges in my area was 836 and the latest figures available——

Are we discussing unemployment? Is not this Agriculture?

This is a rural area relating to agriculture.

It is not related to agriculture.

The number registered for which figures are available was 420.

Notice taken that 20 Deputies were not present; House counted and 20 Deputies being present,

I was referring to the number of registered unemployed. I am sure it is known to my colleagues and to every other Deputy that the registered unemployed in five labour exchanges in my area are men who are living in rural parts of the constituency and who look for employment on road work and other schemes of that kind. At any rate, there is evidence from the figures I have quoted that the number of registered unemployed in the rural constituency that I have the honour to represent has been reduced by half since this Government and the present Minister for Agriculture came into office. On the other hand, there is convincing evidence that the number of persons—they are all rural workers —employed by local authorities on road work as a result of the coming into operation of the Local Government (Works) Act has been doubled. This Act was opposed in eight divisions in this House by Deputy Corry and the Fianna Fáil Party. The circulation of millions of money under the Works Act scheme has doubled the number of persons employed by one of the two county councils in my area and to that extent there is a huge increase in the circulation of money in my constituency that was never available during any previous period that I have been a representative there.

Is the finance of the Works Act in this Estimate?

Due to the increase in the circulation of money, we have helped to build up a better home market for our farmers. That is part of the explanation for the increased prosperity of the farming community in my constituency.

We consumed 720,000 cwt. of butter in this country as a result.

That is the explanation of the increased consumption of agricultural produce—bacon, eggs and butter. It is a glaring fact which cannot be disputed or challenged by anybody, that the coming into operation of the recent increase announced for the aged, the blind and the infirm, and the fact that the income of the old age pensioners will be doubled during the coming financial year are the result of Government policy.

Will the Deputy devote half his time to the Vote for Agriculture and the money in it?

I am explaining to the people who do not understand.

And not a general election speech.

I would say that Deputy Childers is not a duffer or anything like that, but I was trying to explain to some of the people who do not understand, the cause of the increased prosperity of the farmers in my area. I am sure I will be challenged by some people who do not know the position. What does Deputy MacEntee know about the position of the farmers in any section of the country or even in my constituency? He talked for about 15 or 20 minutes about depriving the people of certain amenities as a result of the introduction of certain amendments to the Finance Bill.

I admit that the agricultural labourers may not be receiving to-day the rate of wages to which they are entitled, but no one will deny that, as a result of the agricultural policy of the Minister and his colleagues in the Government, the agricultural labourers have had their wages considerably increased since this Minister and the present Government came into power in 1948. The agricultural labourers of to-day are entitled to get, and I hope are receiving, a week's holidays with pay which was denied to them by the Fianna Fáil Party and nobody knows it better than the Opposition themselves. They could have and should have done it when they had the power to do anything they wished, with or without the support of the members of this group.

Wages more than doubled during our period of office.

From £1 to 40/-. It was a proud boast. Pity you did not reduce them to 15/-.

In the very near future the agricultural labourers of this country will get a half-day per week as in the case of the industrial workers. For the first time in the history of agricultural life in this country this has been done. It was not accomplished by Deputy Corry of the Fianna Fáil Party or by Deputy Smith, who hopes to succeed the present Minister.

The Minister for Agriculture voted against it.

That is not in the Vote for Agriculture and it should not be discussed.

I am very glad that the legislation giving the agricultural labourers a legal right to a week's holidays with pay has long since been passed by this House and I hope effect has been given to it by all the decent farmers in the country.

In spite of the Minister for Agriculture.

Certainly not. There was a considerable increase in employment for all classes of workers in rural areas, at any rate in the constituency which I represent. The number of road workers and forestry workers employed has been almost doubled and there has been considerable increase in the number of turf workers employed in the area.

Are they employed in agriculture? Do turf workers come under agriculture?

By the increase in the number of those employed and in the wages they have received, the turf workers are making a considerable contribution to the increased prosperity of the farming community. This is due to Government policy.

The Deputy is making a great effort to make a general speech on the whole Government policy which does not arise.

May I respectfully submit, although I do not say that I approve, that astonishingly enough, in the trade statistics turf has appeared in the last 15 years as part of agricultural production.

It is not on the Estimate for the Minister.

It has been shown in the statistics for 15 years as part of agricultural production.

We would like to have your direction further in this matter. It could be argued that the industries we established during our 16 years in office resulted in giving wages to workers who, in turn, were thereby enabled to have more purchasing power to buy the products of the farmers. We could have a big debate on this side of the House arguing about all the wonderful things done for industry.

I have intimated to Deputy Davin that he cannot make a speech on general Government policy.

I bow to your ruling.

If the Deputy bows he gets up again and very soon goes on.

In that document circulated by the Minister to the Opposition particulars are given of the people employed in the turf industry. They are part and parcel of the general body of labourers making a direct contribution to increased agricultural production and to the increased prosperity of all sections of our people, particularly those in the rural areas.

Will anybody deny that the standard of living of the people in the rural areas has not been considerably improved? Agricultural labourers, road workers, small farmers, forestry workers, turf workers and those engaged on schemes under the Local Authorities (Works) Act have had their position considerably improved. The increase in the turnover of wages has helped to improve considerably the position of the ordinary traders who will tell you of the increased trade in the villages and towns.

There has been a good deal of debate here in relation to milk prices. The price of milk is quite a proper matter for discussion and decision by those responsible for taking such decisions. I do not propose to challenge the accuracy of the statement made by Deputy Corry the other day. I have been speaking for a number of years on this Estimate and I have always advocated the provision of a profitable price for those engaged in the dairying industry. I shall not remain silent upon that matter now merely because the Minister may take a different view from that which I hold and have expressed clearly in the past. As a result of the action of the Minister recently another £1,000,000 will go into the pockets of the people engaged in the dairying industry and even Deputy Childers will not deny that that is a magnificent contribution which will help to still further increase the prosperity of all our farmers, including those engaged in the dairying industry. If I were in the Minister's position— I might want to have more influence than the Minister has and I am sorry to say I have not got that influence—I might have given them a higher price and I might possibly look for the money from a different direction from the one the Minister has taken. However, we make no apology to the Opposition because we are part and parcel of a team and during the life-time of this Government, which has lasted much longer than the political prophets on the Opposition Benches thought, we will play our part on the team and not behind the goal post or on the sideline.

We have sent a few of the team to the sideline.

I will have no hesitation in going to the country when the time comes.

That will not be long now.

You bet your boots it will not.

Three days more.

You will want your boots.

He will want top boots to go into some places. I am telling Deputy Allen what the policy of the Minister is and I will go down to Wexford and tell the people there about his policy. Does anybody believe that all the members of the Fianna Fáil Party were at all times agreed on every aspect of agricultural policy?

They have even contradicted themselves in this debate.

One thing we have never been denied in this Government. We have never been denied the right to get up here and express our own views, views which are supposed to be the considered opinions of those who sent us here. There is nothing wrong in my getting up here and saying publicly, even if it will be quoted against me by Deputy Allen, that I agree to differ with the Minister for Agriculture on matters of minor importance. So long as we support the general policy of the Government no apology will be made for the work that is being done by the Minister. No one can deny that he is a hard-working man.

The operations of the Land Commission have a definite bearing upon the prosperity of agriculture, particularly in relation to increased productivity. I and the present Minister have always advocated the acquisition and division of untenanted land in order to provide economic holdings for small farmers, landless men and others.

The Minister for Agriculture has nothing whatever to do with land division.

I was about to suggest that as a result of the increase in the number of economic holdings there has been a considerable increase in agricultural production. I am sure the present Minister does not require any encouragement to compel him to use all the influence he has with his colleague, the Minister for Lands, to speed up the acquisition and division of land and in that way further increase agricultural production.

What sub-head is that under?

The Minister may not see eye to eye with me on this particular matter but I think it is imperative that better credit facilities should be provided for the farmers. The Minister is apparently satisfied that there is no justification for extending or expanding the operations of the Agricultural Credit Corporation. I think that rates of interest charged by that body are far too high and I see no reason why the rate of interest should be as high as 4½ per cent. That body works partly under the control of the Minister for Agriculture.

The Minister seems to think that no appreciable number of farmers need better credit facilities than those provided by the Agricultural Credit Corporation. May I remind the Minister in that connection that, in 1946, Deputy Seán Moylan, then Minister for Lands, brought a Bill in here and got a majority for it? The purpose of that Bill was to give power to the Land Commission to put out of houses and holdings given to them under the Fianna Fáil Administration and possibly under the Cumann na nGaedheal Administration, too, thousands of men.

The Minister for Agriculture has been charged with a great many things, but I do not think he has any responsibility for what the Deputy is now saying.

I think he has, Sir, but I bow to your ruling. I am using this as an argument to show that if the decent citizens—and I presume that they are all decent, hard-working citizens—who got holdings from the Land Commission over the years, had to be dispossessed, I assert, from personal knowledge of some of these cases, that they had to be removed from their houses and holdings because they had not the capital, or they had not the credit, to purchase machinery and live stock so as to enable them to make a livelihood. I suggest that if such a position exists to-day, to a lesser extent, perhaps, than in 1946, is there not some case established to provide credit facilities for those people who got holdings from the Land Commission?

I ask sensible Deputies to say whether it is not a fact that many decent, hard-working citizens who were employed by land owners and who got holdings when that land was taken from their employers, have neither credit nor capital and, because of that, although they were decent, hard-working ploughmen and herds and labourers when they were employed by the landlords over a long period of years, they failed to make a livelihood for themselves and for their dependents. In some cases they even failed to pay their annuities and rates and they failed because they had not reasonable credit facilities, such as are given in other democratic countries wherever land has been divided.

I put that case to the Minister for his favourable consideration and I am using these arguments in doing so. I think the Minister will have to accept it as a fact that thousands of these people had to be dispossessed by the previous Administration because they were not working on the land they got, and they had to set it in many cases, and the reason was that they had no credit facilities and no capital which would permit them to stock the land and purchase machinery to work their holdings to the best possible advantage. I do not want to give a wrong impression. In the ordinary way, were it not for the type of obstruction carried on over several days, a delayed action kind of discussion, I would not, perhaps, have spoken at all.

I assert that it is the duty of every responsible Deputy, irrespective of the group with which he is associated, to make his contribution to a discussion on this important Estimate. During my time in this House, I know of no Minister for Agriculture, including even the late Deputy Paddy Hogan, the Lord have mercy on him, who had the energy and the ability that our present Minister possesses, or who has discharged his duties in a more conscientious way. I say that quite deliberately, although I had the greatest possible respect for the late Deputy Paddy Hogan. I salute the present Minister as being the most efficient, conscientious and hard-working Minister who has occupied that position since I came here 28 or 29 years ago. When I go down the country I will be prepared to say the same about him. All I will say will be to his credit. I hope Fianna Fáil Deputies in my constituency, when they go down there and when they talk about this Government and about the Minister, and when they criticise policy, will be prepared to tell the people what they would have done if they were in the important position that is now occupied by Deputy Dillon.

Of course, it is perfectly obvious to all of us in the course of this debate, and it has been obvious for some years now, that the motive of the Fianna Fáil Party, in so far as this particular Estimate is concerned, has been one of the lowest kind—personal political spleen and little else. Deputy Davin, in the course of his remarks, referred to the occasion when the Opposition will have an opportunity in the country to express their views about the policy of the Minister. I think it is too much to hope, it is expressing too sanguine a hope, that the Opposition can be expected not to criticise the Minister personally. We all know very well that the stock-in-trade of the Fianna Fáil organisation from its inception has been personal attack and personal abuse. Those of us who have become used to that have not wondered at the trend this debate has taken.

I do not suppose that there is on this side of the House one Deputy who has differed so vehemently, so strongly at various times, than I have with the Minister for Agriculture. I have differed with him on many occasions in regard to matters which relate to the section of people whom I represent here, the agricultural workers. I choose to be in the position of representing the agricultural workers because I find it impossible to be all things to all men, as some Deputies here would appear to be, or would appear to try to be, both on the side of those who are employing and on the side of those who are employed, even to the point where the interests of both clash. I think that is political dishonesty, but it is practised pretty widely in this country. It has been my prerogative, my honour, here to represent agricultural workers and, on the question of their wages and conditions, and on the general question of employment in agriculture, I have had on occasions to disagree strongly with the Minister, and I have stated here the reason for my disagreement.

I have no doubt that during the Fianna Fáil régime there were Deputies, now in opposition, who disagreed with aspects of Deputy Smith's policy, as it operated when he was Minister, and also the policy of Deputy Dr. Ryan, when he was Minister. I have been searching through the Dáil debates over a long period, but particularly over the period during which Fianna Fáil ruled this country, and it is impossible to find an occasion when a Fianna Fáil Deputy dared to stand up here and disagree openly with the policy as stated by the Minister of the day, his own Minister. It has been one of the very good things and the very hopeful things which came from the formation of the inter-Party Government that free expression of opinion has become part and parcel of the proceedings in this House. We can observe here the absolutely untrammelled expression of one's point of view, and I say that as one who has often, as a member of the general public in other years, sitting in the public gallery, listened to discussions on this and other Estimates.

We have heard in other years, before this Government was set up, one voice and one whip cracking and observed little or no open disagreement. At the same time every one of us knows that there was disagreement in the Fianna Fáil organisation on agricultural and other policies but, of course, it was because the Party was ruled with the iron hand of dictatorship that free expression of opinion was not permitted in some parts of this House.

Another general election speech.

Obstruction by us.

Since the change of Government, we have seen the democratic right of free expression exercised in this House on many occasions and I have been the first to avail of that right and I always will be, whether inside or outside this House. It is inherent in any democratic country that there should be that expression of opinion that so many people talk about but so few practise.

The question of milk prices has been one of considerable moment in this country over a considerable period. The farmers in the milk areas seem to have organised themselves pretty successfully and to be demanding increases in their prices. As one who is not qualified to express an opinion, I shall not say whether they are entitled to the increases demanded or not. I shall not say that they are not entitled to them, but I do say that at least some gesture has been made to them, at least some effort has been made to meet their case. It should not be forgotten that that effort, which is represented by an increase of 1d. per gallon in the price of milk, means a very considerable impost upon those who live in the cities and towns and on the consumers of butter. Deputies of all Parties who represent creamery farmers should appreciate that fact and that there is a great deal of dissatisfaction amongst those who live in the cities and towns at the never-ending complaint and the continual demands put up on behalf of the agricultural community.

It will be said, and has been said ad nauseam, until it has become hackneyed, that this is an agricultural nation. Undoubtedly that is true. Our basis is agriculture and if agriculture is not prosperous the nation cannot be prosperous. We must have a balanced economy. It is as well for farmers generally to realise that prosperity should not be one-sided, that prosperity must be shared, that the condition of the people who live in the towns and cities and the condition of the farmers are interdependent, that you cannot make one section of the community prosperous at the expense of the other, without jeopardising the national economy.

I have on occasion referred to agricultural workers. I want specifically to take up again the question of agricultural workers' wages. Deputy Smith was very kind during the course of his few remarks to mention the agricultural workers' strike in County Dublin. He was very perturbed about it because it took place at an awkward time of the year. Deputy Smith was not perturbed by the thought of men having to live on £3 10s. a week or, outside the County Dublin, on £3 a week. Deputy Smith did not show much perturbation or worry when, during his régime, the average wage of the agricultural worker was 45/- a week for 54 hours a week, nine hours a day, six days a week, without a half-holiday, but he was perturbed, for his own political purposes that this strike took place at a time when the weather was good and farmers were trying to get work done.

There were three weeks in the year for sowing the crops. That is why Deputy Smith mentioned it.

Deputy Allen, I suggest, might take up that question with his constituents, when he has the opportunity to do so.

There were three weeks in the year for sowing crops.

The persons who will decide when actions of this kind will be taken will not be Deputy Smith or Deputy Allen, but the workers. Deputy Smith and Deputy Allen were not in the position of having to work for £3 10s. a week. If they were, they would not be so worried about the time of the year. The time when any group of people, farmers, workers, traders, merchants or workers in towns, can best bargain for improved conditions is the time of their own choosing, the time when their bargaining power is at its height. The workers in County Dublin, County Wicklow and County Meath decided this year that they would try to get a few shillings more. They were attacked in this House, by inference. There was a suggestion inherent in the statement made by Deputy Smith that it was an effort merely to create trouble and to sabotage the national interests.

Everybody knows that was a lie and nothing but a lie. It may be too much to expect that some of our Cavan border Deputies might know a great deal about agriculture in Dublin, Wicklow or Meath, but anyone who has such knowledge knows very well that the farm workers in Dublin, who live on the fringe of the city and the farm workers of County Meath who live, relatively speaking, in the suburbs of the city, and the farm workers in County Wicklow, have found it impossible to live on the miserable wage that they have been getting over the years. Thank God we did something about it and we brought about a big improvement. We secured the largest increase for agricultural labourers that was ever secured in this country. It is unaccountable impudence for any individual, whether he be a Deputy or not, to suggest that organised workers should bow to anybody in their determination to get an improvement in their condition. That mentality might suit some sections in this country but, as Deputies well know, it does not suit the mentality of the workers of Dublin city or county. They bow to nobody and to no political organisation in their determination to improve their conditions.

Since this Administration achieved power, the wages of agricultural workers have been improved from an average of 45/- or 50/- a week up to a minimum of £3. I suppose farmers and those who represent farmers will contend that that represents a substantial improvement. Compared with the wages given over the previous 20 years to agricultural labourers, I suppose it is, but it will not be argued by anyone in his right senses that agricultural labourers can live to-day on £3, £3 10s. or even £4 a week. What strikes me as the most incongruous feature of this business is that those who try to convince other people that there are sections of workers who can live on the level of existence represented by a wage of £3 10s. or £4 per week are living on a level that is very far removed from that. It is a disgusting thing that anybody should try to justify a situation in which such a low level of existence is held out to workers.

There is a State organisation, the Agricultural Wages Board. There never was a more useless organisation so far as agricultural workers are concerned. Undoubtedly, it is very useful as a brake upon the efforts of workers to improve their conditions because it is so composed, and has been since its foundation, of agricultural interests, that the voice of the agricultural worker is very small and scarcely heard in its councils. I would ask the Minister to give some thought to the need which exists for the establishment of a suitable organisation for the determination of wages of agricultural labourers.

In the last analysis, as the Minister has said here on occasion, the prosperity of agriculture must finally be judged by the degree of well-being, physical comfort and the level of wages paid to the lowliest of those engaged in the industry—in other words, to the agricultural labourers. That must be the final yard-stick in so far as the prosperity of the industry generally is concerned. There is no use whatever, in my view, in farmers being paid high prices for their produce; there is no use in the employing section of the agricultural community as a body being fairly well off—and that they are, according to themselves; they have told me in discussion with them in council on the wages issue that they admit they are well off—because that, as far as I am concerned, is of little or no avail if the men who make that prosperity possible are badly treated and badly paid.

I think it should be the duty of the Government, and one of the first responsibilities of the Minister, to see that the standard of living of these men is raised to a decent level because anybody who knows agricultural labourers knows—and every rural Deputy must know it—that agricultural workers are the salt of the earth. They are the finest type of manhood we have in this country; they are people who will work unceasingly and uncomplainingly for long periods and they are, unfortunately, the people who get the least return for their labour.

We have, it is true, secured the passage into law of a Bill recognising the right of agricultural workers to annual holidays. Having granted them that right, we must now see that they are given the wherewithal to enjoy these holidays. There is no use in giving a holiday to a man if his wages are not such as will enable him to avail of them. We have written that right into the law of this country, at any rate, and that is something that stands to the credit of the Minister for Agriculture and, if I may say so, to the credit of the Labour Party. I make no secret of the fact that one of the reasons why I have supported this Government was in order to secure an improvement in the conditions of the agricultural labourer. The Labour Party have secured improvements which otherwise would not have been given by a Fianna Fáil Government. Added to that, we introduced into this House, even against the advice of the Minister, a Bill providing a weekly half-holiday for agricultural labourers, and Fianna Fáil found themselves in the position that they had to vote for it. These are improvements which would not have been achieved under any Government other than the Government we have at present, or a Labour Government. As such, they are something with which we can be satisfied.

I want to address a special appeal to the Minister in regard to this anachronism known as the Agricultural Wages Board and to point out to him, and to Deputies generally, that in its present form it is totally unsuitable as machinery for the settlement of agricultural workers' wages. This board is made up of a number of representatives of employers, a number of representatives of workers and some so-called neutrals. It has been noticed that when decisions are taken in relation to wages these neutrals invariably vote against the interests of the workers. I do believe, now that agricultural workers are becoming organised, there is need for some effective form of machinery to regulate the relationship between farmers and their workers.

The Deputy is now advocating legislation.

I am merely expressing an opinion. Perhaps I shall have a further opportunity later on of developing that point, but I do think the Minister might have given some thought to the problems which arise from the present composition of that board. I feel that the plight of agricultural labourers and the necessity for an improvement in their conditions have been brought to the public notice as much by the activities of the Minister for Agriculture as by those of anybody else. The Minister has been made the butt of an attack by the Opposition. As I have said, I agree that there are points in his policy with which I have often found myself in disagreement and have not hesitated to say so, but we should be mature enough in this country by now to be able to discuss political subjects without bringing in personalities at every turn. The Minister's personality may not be such as will please everybody but I do think—it is not just my opinion; it is the expressed opinion of farmers in my constituency and elsewhere—that, by and large, he has done an effective and a good job in so far as agriculture is concerned.

When he took office we were told by the Opposition that the doom of the country was sealed and that agriculture would be brought to nothing. Quite the contrary has proved to be the fact. He introduced one of the most imaginative and progressive schemes that could be introduced into this country—the land rehabilitation project. I think that Fianna Fáil, were they in power, would have bally-hooed that scheme through their newspaper to such an extent that they would have persuaded themselves that it was the greatest thing that ever happened in this country. Deputy James Dillon, the Minister, is the man who conceived that scheme and brought it into operation. No matter what may be said against him on any other grounds, it cannot be denied that he did a great day's work for the nation when he introduced that scheme. So far as my constituency is concerned, it has not benefited very much from the operations of that scheme. County Dublin farmers realised the importance of drainage long before the advent of this Parliament and took steps to bring their land into cultivation early in the century, with the result that in County Dublin we have the most progressive form of agricultural economy that could exist in Ireland—a highly cultivated tillage area with prosperous farmers and relatively contented agricultural workers. In the rest of the country, as we well know, there was greater need for land rehabilitation, and it is to the credit of the Minister that he introduced a scheme which gave an opportunity to farmers to bring land, which long had lain useless, into a condition of usefulness.

As it is usual in this debate, I rose to draw attention mainly to the subject of the condition of agricultural workers. I do not propose to expand upon the very wide field which has been gone over and trodden almost hard by Deputies for the past two weeks. My function here has been to bring to the notice of the Dáil and the country the rights of these labourers. I maintain, and shall always maintain, that the Minister, or any Minister for Agriculture, should look upon it as his bounden duty to improve the condition of agricultural labourers.

I have found this, that where there is an organisation amongst the agricultural workers, and where their conditions and wages are improved, then peculiarly enough agriculture improves. The pressure which results from that situation brings about an improvement in the working of farms. If a certain standard of living must be afforded by the farmer to his worker, if he has got to exert more energy and make a little bit more effort to meet that standard, then he is going to benefit himself as well. That has been the result, during the last three years, of the efforts of the organised workers, particularly, and of the Minister. That is all I have to say.

Ní dóigh liom, a Leas-Chinn Comhairle, an ceart domsa, nó duine dem leithéid, oráid a thabhairt ar an meastachán seo, mar tá sé orm a admháil nach bhfuil mórán eolais agam ar chúrsaí talmhaíochta. Ach tá prionsabail mhóra áirithe ann, a bhfuil baint acu le gach meastachán a thagann faoi bhráid an Tí seo agus is ceart dúinne, a bhfuil tuairimí againn ar na prionsabhail sin, iad a nochtadh.

Is mar gheall ar na prionsabail sin is mó a bhead ag caint. Tá misneach agam a leithéid a dhéanamh, go mór mhór tar éis bheith ag éisteacht le dlíodóirí eile, agus daoine nach iad, nach raibh ach beagán eolais acu ar chúrsaí talmhaíochta, agus a raibh a lán le rá acu.

As I have just remarked, while I am not putting myself forward in this House as an expert on agricultural matters, I think that one ought to express one's views on the broad principles which arise, and which strike one in connection with each Estimate brought before the House. In view of the fact that so many of my non-agricultural colleagues have contributed to this debate, I feel that it is not out of place for me to make some contribution to it. Connected with the theory of democratic Government, there are, as I say, very big broad principles to which one must hearken at all times, and among these one would have to include, I think, when considering any Estimate as well as the history of the Department in recent years, the liberty of a citizen of the State. As a sub-head to that could be put the independence of the citizen, with fair play to all citizens, as well as this question of long-term planning and long-term views.

I can assure the Chair that I am going to relate that directly to this Estimate, because, so far as my constituency of South Tipperary is concerned, the Minister for Agriculture has built up there a tremendous fund of goodwill towards himself since he took office as Minister. In all his actions as Minister he has emphasised the view that he holds that the farmer should be the boss on his own farm. I think that is a view to which we all, as democrats, should subscribe. I appreciate that one cannot run a Government or run a country without a certain amount of control and without certain restrictions. The aim of the Government, of the Minister for Agriculture and of all other Ministers, should be to reduce to the minimum the number of restrictions.

I think that the present occupant of the office has done well in that regard. He has set an excellent headline and has lived up to the headline which he set himself. That headline is all the more remarkable when you contrast it with the headline set by the Minister's predecessor, Deputy Smith. The other evening in this House, Deputy Beirne gave us an extract from a speech delivered by the then Minister for Agriculture when concluding the debate on his Estimate in 1947. I think that the quotations which Deputy Beirne gave from that speech will bear repetition. I think that the remarks which Deputy Smith then made cannot be given too often, because we are inclined to have short memories. The quotation is from Volume 106, column 2237, of the 19th June, 1947. Deputy Smith then said:

"I see a Deputy on the opposite side who comes from a neighbouring county to mine. I like to keep my neighbours on my side; at any rate, I do not like fighting with them, but I cannot help thinking of a remark Deputy Giles made about some speech I had made in County Meath. Deputy Giles expressed the opinion that, if I were correctly reported in the papers as to my attitude towards farmers, I seemed to be—I do not know whether it was a prodder or a driver—I was a pounder of some kind."

Deputy Giles interrupted and said:

"It is the Press report."

Deputy Smith continued:

"It does not matter. When I speak on a matter of this kind my mind is clear as to what I want. When my mind is clear as to what I want, I think I can express myself in such a way that there cannot be any misunderstanding or doubt as to what I mean. When dealing with this matter at that particular conference, I did say that there were a number of people, small or large, who were not complying with the law, and that, as far as I was concerned. I would use every weapon, legal or otherwise, in order to ensure that they would."

I take it that was on the Estimate for the Department of Agriculture?

It was. Deputy Smith was then concluding on the Estimate in 1947. I have given the reference. He had some more to say but I pass over that. He went on to tell the farmers what precisely he was going to do. He said:—

"I shall tell you that I had them safely tucked in the back of my mind when I was talking in Navan, and if it had not been for the kind of season that Providence decided to send us, I would not have had them tucked in the back of my mind; I would have had inspectors tucked after them, and I would have tucked them out into fresh land, and I would compel them to break fresh land and, if they did not do it, I would tuck in the tractors through the ditches and through the gates and tuck out the land for them.

"It is all very well for the leader writers. They can all get down to the job of giving the Government hell, as the fellow said when he was listening to a friend of his preaching a temperance sermon."

Further on, as reported in the same column, he continues:—

"If the Lord Almighty provides us with good weather that will enable us to make a start, and if there should be a necessity next season to be as rigid as heretofore—and there may be—I am going to tell them here and now that I will recruit the full of ten fields of inspectors, and I will spend plenty of money in paying them travelling expenses and everything else, and I will hire all the tractors and machinery I can get, and I will go down and pick everyone of the `cods' out, and I will say: `Take down that piece of wire and put it around the other corner and just break it up until we see will you get more than four barrels or four and a half barrels', no matter what their lamentations are about wheat growing."

Was it a Minister who said that?

It was the Minister for Agriculture in 1947. As reported in column 2240 of the same debate, he said:—

"When I do that, you can call me a thug or a clod or a driver, whatever you like, I do not care. If I am here in the position of Minister, so sure as I have the Almighty to face some day or another, I will end this nonsense. That is my attitude to this question of production. I have heard more of this word `production' since this debate started than I have heard for as long as I can remember. My back is nearly broken listening to it. Maybe I should not say much more. We were talking early in the debate about Guinness, but Guinness is never about at the right time."

I suggest to the House that the attitude of the present occupant of the office is welcomed by the agricultural community. I suggest that the agricultural community ought to be well pleased with the manner in which the Minister is following the literal meaning of the word and presenting himself to the farmers as the servant of the farmers. From my knowledge of the farmers of this country, I must say that I have a profound faith in them. I have a profound faith that, when the necessity arises, they will always do the right thing, provided that you ask them and do not order them. While the attitude which the Department of Agriculture is now taking towards the farmers continues, I think you will have a hearty response from them. It is of the greatest importance that we should get a hearty response from them, because it is self-evident, and I think cannot be said too often, that every one of us, no matter what our occupations, depends ultimately upon what the farmer produces from the soil. On his prosperity depends the prosperity of every citizen. He cannot pay his workers a decent living wage if he is not deriving a decent living wage from the land.

For that reason, while I am admitting that the farmers are better off than they were ever before, I say that that must be qualified by saying that they are comparatively better off. The farther back you go in the history of this country, the darker the picture is so far as the farmers are concerned. They have progressed a long way, but they have not progressed far enough and, comparing them with other sections of the community who are rendering services to the national life of this State, I am of the opinion that the farmers are not at all as well off as they ought to be. If you relate the remuneration which they are getting to the value of the services they render and put that side by side with the remuneration which other classes of the community are getting for the services they render, it will be readily conceded that we have yet a long way to travel before agricultural Ireland will be in as good a condition as it ought to be. For that reason, just in passing, I should like to say that I was well pleased to-day to hear from the Minister's budgetary statement that the tax of 5 per cent. on transferred land was being reduced to 3 per cent.

The Minister for Agriculture is using many means to advance the interests and prosperity of the farmer. The greatest of them, of course, is the land rehabilitation scheme. It is astonishing to me that there are in some places throughout the country farmers who do not yet fully appreciate the tremendous benefits which there are for them in that scheme. I was astonished about three weeks ago when a young farmer told me that he had a big poor farm and that he had not made any application for benefit under the land rehabilitation scheme. I asked him why he did not avail himself of the benefits that were there and his answer was that, while he had heard of it in a vague sort of way, none of his neighbours had done anything about it and he was waiting for somebody else to start. As I say, it is astonishing to me that everybody in this State who has any land does not know of the benefits which are in that scheme for him. The more it is publicised, the better the Minister for Agriculture will like it and the better it will be for the country.

That land rehabilitation scheme is the major benefit provided for the farmers, but Deputies will remember having got a document from the Department of Agriculture within the past few months in which a big list of the benefits given by the Department was detailed. It was most interesting reading and I think is available in the library. With this increase in prosperity for the farmers, the first section which will benefit from that are the agricultural workers. No matter how we protest our desire to see the standard of living raised and to see the agricultural workers getting a decent wage, our protestations in that regard are futile except we put the people who have to pay them in a position to be able to pay them.

The Minister is doing a good job in that regard, but I do suggest that, as yet, even he is not going far enough in making the means available for that. Farmers are people who will spend money if they have it and spend it liberally. There are, I suppose, views that farmers are more tightfisted than urban dwellers, but, if they are, there is good reason for it. They have not had money in the same volume as the urban dwellers have had it, and in recent years, when they have prospered, they have shown they will spin money around as it was meant to spin. I can, of course, see the difficulties which the Minister has to face. The most recent difficulty is that of increasing the price of milk. I had a conversation with the Minister recently on this matter and he told me that he found it impossible to please anybody, not to say please everybody. My suggestion about an increase in the price of milk would be to give the increase, to err on the side of generosity as far as the farmers are concerned, and then to keep down the price of butter by subsidisation. This State is in a prosperous condition and can stand up to substantial expenditure, especially as a result of the operations of this Government for the past three years.

Is the Deputy going to offer a 30 per cent. reduction in the cost of living? Was he about to say that? That would be wonderful.

As a result of the operations of this Government over the past three years this State is more prosperous than it ever was before.

Of course it is.

It can stand up to bigger expenditure and higher subsidies.

Deputy Briscoe surely admits that the country is more prosperous than it was a few years ago. At least, the Deputy himself is looking more prosperous.

Touting on borrowed money.

On borrowed money? Is that Deputy Childers's opinion of Deputy Briscoe?

Deputy Flanagan should reserve his speech for a more favourable opportunity.

I certainly will.

Deputy Flanagan has misconstrued what Deputy Childers said.

If I may be allowed to continue——

I have no sympathy with Deputy Timoney, because he is inviting interruptions.

I am sorry. I started it. I could not resist the 30 per cent. I apologise.

Deputy Timoney on the Estimate.

The trouble is each Deputy in the House has a particular weakness in regard to points of view. Deputy Childers has a particular weakness about this business of borrowing money. Deputy Childers must surely have realised, particularly as a result of what has been said and done in the past three years by the Minister for Agriculture, as well as by other Departments of the State, that one of the greatest ills from which we suffered was gross under-investment, seeing our assets abroad dwindling day by day and being allowed to do so.

Is it not a sign of prosperity that you can borrow?

Of course it is.

A sign of a few more decent men who will give it.

They would not lend to a bankrupt State.

Among the schemes which ought to be and will be of great benefit to those who avail of them is that for the supply to farm dwellings of piped water. The grant from the Department of Agriculture is a very generous one and fills a very great need in this country. I know of a number of farmers who have availed themseles of that scheme and they certainly appreciate that they got tremendous value for the money which they had spent, taking into account the grant, the amenities and so on.

I would like to congratulate the Minister on one thing he did, and that was tightening up of the bread rationing regulations. The manner in which the bread rationing was controlled had become a scandal throughout the country. When the Minister took it over at the end of last year he put an end, once and for all, to the feeding of bread, on which huge subsidies were being paid, to dogs. I said in the course of my speech that the Government cannot be run without resorting to restrictions and prohibitions. Nobody, I am sure, will object to the course which the Minister for Agriculture took in tightening bread rationing, thus putting an end to the scandal that was being carried on around us. It is right that the Minister should be congratulated on that.

There is no man in this Government who has been subjected to more personal abuse than the Minister for Agriculture.

Or who has given more.

I think it is well to make comparisons. It is a much better way of forming a balanced judgment. I was very interested reading the speech by Deputy Smith when he was Minister for Agriculture. When he was concluding the debate on the Estimate in 1947 he proceeded to tell the House what he thought of himself as Minister. I think it would be well to repeat this now in view of what the Opposition want us to believe of Mr. Dillon as Minister for Agriculture, and what he ought to be. At column 2258, Volume 106 of Official Debates, the then Minister for Agriculture said:—

"A disappointing note was struck here yesterday evening. I have been doing my best, for how long I cannot tell you, to show you the great fellow I am. I am the kind of fellow who believes I have made a fairly good effort at it. I had succeeded in inducing myself to believe that even the farmers were beginning to think it."

He did his best.

Apparently he was satisfied then that the farmers did not think much of his efforts as Minister for Agriculture. If he blames the present Minister for Agriculture for not being a super Minister for Agriculture I think he ought to remember what he himself thought of the farmers' attitude towards him when he occupied that distinguished position. At column 2258 he goes on to say:—

"Not only that, but I have certain evidence that they thought that, in spite of the send-off I got, I was not such a bad fellow. Do you know, I did know a little about the office and the work for which I have been selected? I was fooling myself all along, taking myself by the arm and beginning to get a swelled head and terribly big and brave at the hit I was making."

I would remind the House that a few columns prior to that he was talking about filling ten fields full of inspectors.

Surely the Deputy is making this up. Nobody ever said that in this House.

Was that a Minister for Agriculture?

I am certainly not making it up. I am quoting from the Official Report.

I was sitting here listening to Deputy Smith saying it.

We will hear Deputy Timoney now.

Proceeding, Deputy Smith said:—

"What would you think of my disappointment when, after all that, I came in on the third day of the discussion on my first Estimate for the Department of Agriculture and Deputy Dillon blew the whole gaff on me—absolutely spilled the whole bucket!"

Believe me, this is in the Official Report.

"I was not going to refer to this at all, because I hear the things said about myself—some of them were favourable—and I was beginning to walk on air. I said to myself that I would be getting a rap here all right, that I would get an odd crack here and there, but that the odds were against the fellow who wanted to hit me hard."

The gem was kept until the last. At column 2259 he said:—

"We should not then, I think, be too sensitive, as some people seem to be, when a word of criticism is addressed countering the allegations made against those who are not here to defend themselves. That is all I have to say on the Estimate for my Department. I hope that when I come to take the next one you will not detain me too long."

The House will remember that he was not detained at all.

That was his last.

Ba mhaith liomsa focal nó dhó a rá ar an Meastachán seo. Molaim agus molaim go mór obair an Aire, ní hamháin ar son feirmeoirí na tíre ach do mhuintír na tíre go léir ó dhuine liath go leanbh.

Níl Aire sa Rialtas a fuair oiread masla agus tarcaisne ó Fhianna Fáil agus fuair seisean le coicís anseo. Bhí sé mar chlamhsán conairt mhadaidh ina dhiaidh.

Sin comhartha go bhfuil sé ag déanamh sár-obair don tír. Rinne an tAire níos mó d'fheirmeóirí na tíre seo ar feadh na dtrí mblian a bhí sé i gcionn talmhaíochta ná rinne Fianna Fáil ar feadh na sé mblian déag a bhí siad san i dtreis san tír seo. Rinne feirmeoirí na tíre níos mó airgid ar feadh na dtrí mblian atá caite ná rinne siad in iomlán na sé mblian déag a bhí Fianna Fáil ag útamáil agus ag úthairt le gnótha na tíre.

Sé Dia a chuir chugainn fear mór a bhfuil fios agus eolas aige ar slíbheatha mhuintir an tailimh, fear a bhfuil an éirm chinn aige agus an dular-aghaidh atá ag Séamus Díolún. Nach leor dúinn dearcadh ar mhargadh an eallaigh? Nach dtug sé an treoir cheart do na feirmeoirí agus nach é a shocraigh margadh dúinn go bhfuair sé an pighin ab áirde agus luach a thug proifíd mhaith don fheirmeoir.

Tá tuarastal maith ag an fear atá ag obair ar an talamh anois agus acfainn ag an feirmeoir an tuarastal sin a thabhairt dó. Ach níl gar ansin d'Fhianna Fáil. Ní thig le maith ar bith a theacht ó obair Shéamuis Díolúin do réir an dreama sin.

Nach bhfeiceann an té is daille an biseach atá ag teacht ar éadan na tíre leis na scéimeanna a thug an Díolúnach dúinn? Táthar ag triomú an bhogaidh agus an tailimh fhliuch ar chaoi nach bhfacthas ariamh roimhe. Táthar ag sábháil na mílte acraí faoin scéim sin a bhí ag dul amú. Táthar ag déanamh tailimh curaíochta den ruaidhteach clochach agus talamh deas féarmhar den churrach nár fhás dadaidh air acht feaga agus feastalach. Tá deontas fiúntach ag dul don fheirmeoir a níos an obair seo ar a ghabháltas féin. Chuir Fianna Fáil scéal amach go gcuirfí ardú tacsaí air dá gcuireadh sé biseadh ar a chuid tailimh. Níl sin fíor. Acht cuireadh an scéal amach leis an scéim a mharú. Chímid an scéim bhreá eile a chuir an tAire ar bun—scéim an aoil mheilte. Gheobhaidh an feirmeoir aol ar sé scilling déag an tonna isteach ar a ghabháltas. Chímíd an maith a rinneadh do mhuintir na Gaeltachta nuair a chuir sé pór úr eallaigh chucu as Ciarraighe—eallach a fhóireas go maith don fhear bocht sa Ghaeltacht.

Is scéimeanna mar seo a thógas croí an fheirmeora agus a bheir uchtach dó a dhul ar aghaidh. Agus beidh beannacht Dé ar an Aire as an sólás agus an misneach a thug sé d'fheirmeoirí na hÉireann i ndiaidh bliantaí anáis agus ganntannais faoi réim Fhianna Fáil.

The Estimate for the Department of Agriculture is considered by Deputies to be the most important Estimate presented to us because of the fact that the majority of the members comprising Dáil Éireann represent rural constituencies. Naturally, the Estimate which concerns mainly the interests of those living in the rural areas must be regarded as most important, most essential and most urgent. The debate that takes place on that Estimate is the most serious of all the debates on Estimates presented here. Agriculture is our main industry and naturally one would expect the principal debate of the year to be devoted to constructive critricism showing how that important industry can be prospered and improved.

The main industry being agriculture, one expects that the full force of Government policy, through their mouthpiece, the most effective member of the Government, the Minister for Agriculture, should be devoted towards the building up and the safeguarding of that industry. I am quite satisfied that our main industry is in the best and the most capable hands. The present Minister has occupied that office for three years. He has occupied it with credit to himself and he has aroused the envy of those people from the opposite benches whom I may refer to as being evilly disposed. It is all the same who the Minister for Agriculture is, whether he is Deputy James Dillon or any other Deputy from this side of the House. I have not heard one syllable uttered by any member on the Opposition Benches in a constructive fashion in this debate. Every word that was uttered was uttered with deliberate malice and with the deliberate intention of complete destruction. The object was to bring the main industry to disaster.

We must remember that those who are engaged in our primary industry are very proud people, and they have every right to be proud people. They dislike and view with horror and disgust statements such as were made by Deputy Martin Corry, Deputy Walsh, Deputy Frank Aiken and Deputy Dennis Allen. Such statements are likely to create the impression that those proud farmers have reached the status of paupers. We have tried, and tried successfully, in the three years during which the inter-Party Government have been in power, to raise the standard and improve the conditions and even to raise still further the dignity of the farmers upon whom the whole country depends.

It is only right that we should give every possible consideration to the case put forward by the Opposition against the Minister for Agriculture. There was only one case put forward against him. The Opposition cannot pick any pin-holes in his policy—I defy them to. They cannot prove any failures in his policy. In the three years during which he has acted as Minister his policy never got a good chance, but in the years that lie ahead of this Government it will get a chance.

One would imagine, listening to the Opposition speeches, that starvation was facing the country, that instead of the condition of the farmers being improved, they were being reduced and left in queues standing outside the workhouse doors. Very far from that. Surely, Deputy Allen and every other Deputy representing a rural constituency must know that there are more farmers driving to the church gates on Sundays in motor cars than there ever were before in the history of this country. That is one sign of prosperity. There are more farmers with tractors tearing up their land than there ever were in the long, painful, sad and sorrowful period of Deputy Smith's and Deputy Dr. Ryan's administration here.

There is more agricultural produce to-day than there was under the former Minister for Agriculture, Deputy Paddy Smith. Listening to the Opposition, one would imagine that our production had gone down to the lowest depths it could possibly reach. In reality the only crops, the acreage of which has been reduced, are turnips, mangolds and cabbage—that is, since 1939. Is the whole agricultural policy of Fianna Fáil based on the production of turnips, mangolds and cabbage?

Let us go back to the administration of Deputy Paddy Smith and Deputy Dr. Ryan. In 1939 we had 141,384 acres of turnips and in 1950 that had gone down to 128,311 acres. In 1939 we had 85,502 acres of mangolds and that was reduced in 1950 to 78,387 acres. As regards cabbage, we had 14,295 acres in 1939 and in 1950, 12,702 acres. Do the Irish people depend completely on turnips, mangolds and cabbage? Do Deputy Smith, Deputy Dr. Ryan or Deputy Childers, who now occupy the Front Benches of the Fianna Fáil Party, seriously tell us that this country, under Deputy Dillon's administration, is facing ruin and disaster because there is a reduction in the production of cabbage, mangolds and turnips?

The Opposition seriously envy the successful attempts of the present Minister to increase food production. They have gone through this country and they have said that production has declined, that it is going down further, and that the Minister is out against tillage. Will they prove to me from the latest available statistics how the Minister is fighting tooth and nail against a tillage policy? Why, according to the latest figures, there was never more tillage in this country —and there is no compulsion either. In 1939 there were 255,280 acres under wheat. In 1950 the acreage went up to 366,012. Did the farmers have to be compelled in 1950 to grow it, as they were compelled in 1939? One must realise surely that instead of being compelled they have grown more wheat voluntarily with a little encouragement, a little insistence and a little sympathetic patting on the back from the Minister for Agriculture.

There was no compulsory tillage in 1939.

Let us come now to oats. In 1939 there were 536,749 acres under oats. In 1950 that increased to 614,363 acres. More oats and more wheat. Let us now take barley. In 1939 there were 73,784 acres under barley and in 1950 there was a very great increase to 223,241 acres. The real cause of the bitterness coming from the Opposition Benches against the present Government and against the present Minister is the fact that he has got results and has never even attempted to compel the farmers to give him those results.

Let us take rye. In 1939, the total acreage was 1,728; in 1950, almost 4,000 acres. The total acreage under beans and peas in 1939 was 402; in 1950, 1,506. In the case of potatoes, the total acreage in 1939 was 317,169; in 1950, it was increased to 336,712.

Can we have those figures again?

In 1939, 317,169 acres. That was increased in 1950 to 336,712 acres. Is there not a serious attempt to produce food for our people? Despite the crying, moaning and wailing we hear from the Opposition that there has been less food and more hunger, there never was more food being produced in this country.

Let us now take sugar beet, about which we hear Deputy Corry crying tears morning, noon and night and he is assisted in his attempt to produce those tears by the tears of his colleague, Deputy Allen. In 1939, when Deputy Corry and Deputy Allen were the mainstay of Fianna Fáil in encouraging the Minister of the day to produce sugar beet, there were 41,661 acres under sugar beet. In 1950 that was increased to 60,002 acres. In 1939 there were 4,123 acres under flax. In 1950 there were 10,000 acres under flax. Deputy Childers might like to have a favourable ending to these statistics which are distasteful to him. In 1939 fruit covered 8,170 acres and in 1950, 12,240 acres. Will Deputy Childers or any Deputy in the Opposition endeavour to convince me that there is less food being produced or a less acreage under tillage to-day than there was when Fianna Fáil were in office?

Does the Deputy want me to make another speech and put a coach and four through his figures?

I invite the Deputy, I invite any Deputy, with the permission of the Chair, of course, to contradict the fact that more wheat, more beet, more barley, more rye, more flax and more potatoes are being produced than there ever was in the history of Fianna Fáil, and that there is less mangolds, less turnips and less cabbage. If Fianna Fáil desire to devote their whole agricultural policy to mangolds, turnips and cabbage, they are welcome to it.

Those figures have convinced me that the wealth of this country has very vastly increased. We have been taught that agriculture is the basis of the nation's wealth, that the wealth of the country is in the soil, and that we can produce real wealth only by hard work. Such a huge increase in the acreage under crops must mean that more farmers are producing, that there are more people employed on the land, and that there is greater encouragement to work on the land and, further, that there is more contentment on the land than there has been in the past.

I am quite satisfied with the Minister for Agriculture and his efforts. Although I am far from being a prophet or a mind reader, I am satisfied that the vast majority of Deputies in the Opposition know in their hearts and souls that there never was more food produced, and there never was more prosperity in agriculture than there is to-day, but they just do not want to admit it, because of some personal dislike of the Minister.

And because the Minister for Finance told us to-day that that was not true.

Let us now reflect on the fact that we, as Deputies who came together to save this country from complete disaster three years ago, are responsible, by our votes, for having Deputy James Dillon as Minister for Agriculture. Is there any Deputy, except one with some personal grudge against the Minister, who can honestly stand up and say that I have done wrong to my country by casting my vote in favour of Deputy James Dillon? I cast my vote in favour of Deputy Dillon as Minister for Agriculture in 1948, in the hope that the report that I have just read would be produced, in the hope that more food would be produced, and that the farmers would get a fair and square deal. I voted for him expecting the report that we have got. I am not disappointed. It was just what we expected from a common-sense, intelligent man who has the interest of the agricultural community at heart. We got just the report that we expected. I will go further and say that I feel proud that I voted for Deputy Dillon as Minister for Agriculture. I will feel twice as proud in coming back after the next general election and voting for him again as Minister for Agriculture, and using every influence I possibly can, as an Independent Deputy, to see that he will be Minister for Agriculture, so that he can build well and high on the solid foundations he has laid for agricultural prosperity.

Let us consider for one moment an aspect which I consider of paramount importance. From a study of the statistics one realises that many appeals have been made to farmers to make the best possible use of their land and to produce all the food that is possible. Deputies on the opposite side of the House are moaning and groaning because there is not compulsory tillage. Every Deputy must realise that we have striven for years to get rid of compulsion in this country. Assume for a moment that the workers of this country were forcibly driven at the point of the bayonet to do whatever work they were ordered to do against their will and against their wishes, that the members of the legal profession were marched into a square and, at the point of the bayonet, were paraded to the courts and to their offices and compelled to sit all day listening to the stories of their clients, that the members of the medical profession were compelled to do their duty, would not that be regarded with horror, amazement and disgust?

If plasterers, masons and others engaged in the building trade were paraded and compelled to take part in a building drive, what resentment and protest would come from all sections of the people! One must realise that the farmers, for a number of years, were singled out and compelled to till under a penalty of imprisonment or very high fines that could put them completely out of business. We have had the sad experience of farmers being dragged into the courts and compelled to till their land. Would it not have been a far better policy to give these farmers encouragement to till their lands, to give them guaranteed markets for their produce and to relieve them from the unwelcome attentions of hordes of inspectors who were continually invading their premises? Would it not be far better to give them a fair price for all their crops and let them grow what they liked, when they liked and where they liked? Let them, in other words, be masters of their own castles. Let them till what they like; if you pay them well, they are the men who are the best judges of their own business and they will sow the crops that pay them best. The day the Minister introduces compulsory tillage is the day that I shall step a pace in advance of the present Government.

I shall oppose as strongly as I possibly can any attempt to compel farmers to till, but I am 100 per cent. with the Minister in getting the farmers to do their job as they like best themselves. Surely the farmers have not to be driven and shown the way to sow oats, barley or any other crop? As I said, they are the best judges of their business and they will produce the crop that pays them best. I hope that the farmers, who are the most intelligent section of the community, the real producers of wealth, will be delivered from such a catastrophe as having as Minister for Agriculture, men like Deputy Smith or Deputy Ryan. The day when they fall into such incompetent, incapable and such irresponsible hands, is the day the farmers will certainly shed bitter tears.

Farmers now can appreciate the measure of freedom they have had for the past three years, and the assistance they have got in the way of guaranteed markets for everything they produce at prices fixed, not a month before they produce their crops, but fixed far in advance and for years afterwards. Let us assume for a moment, if any of us had the experience of being bound in chains and locked within the dreary iron bars of a prison, how glad we would be to hear the jingle of the keys in the lock to open the prison doors and the words coming from the lips of the jailer: "You are now a free man in a free country." Surely it must have been an occasion for rejoicing for farmers when they were told that they were free men to use their land as they wished and to till it when, where and how they liked, that they could even sow nettles or docks if they so wished. But nettles, ragweed or dockweed do not pay. Wheat, oats and barley pay and these are the crops the farmers of this country will sow—the crops that pay them best. Must not it have been a glorious day for the farmers when the trumpet was sounded and they were told that they were again freemen, masters of their own land and released from dictation by a group of civil servants, coming from Merrion Street to tell the farmers of Leix-Offaly and the rest of the country where they should sow wheat, oats and beet?

I am not a farmer and I never hope to be, with God's Holy Will, but if I were a farmer and if my premises were invaded by a group of gentlemen, armed to the teeth with fountain pens and pencils, coming to tell me where I should sow my oats, my beet and my barley I would be inclined to answer them in typical country language. Deputy Cogan no doubt is waiting anxiously for the day when he will have to pull down one of his dairies or his stables and erect an office and staff it with clerks to keep the inspectors going with statistics, talk and figures. I am sure that neither Deputy Cogan nor any other Deputy is anxious for the day when, instead of erecting outoffices, he will have to erect a proper office provided with desks, electric heaters, ink, writing pads and pages of blotting paper and have a reception room for the purpose of receiving the hordes of inspectors who will come to tell him what land he is to till and what crop he is to sow. If you ask some of these same inspectors the difference between a moving machine and a reaper and binder, they could not tell you. That day has gone in this country, thank God, gone for good and may it never return.

While we have unity on this side of the House on agricultural policy there is not the least shadow of doubt that the farmers of the country will have nothing to worry about. Is it not a sad thing that men who have come from the land, who have experience of tilling the land, who welcome their harvest cheques, men like Deputy O'Reilly from Cavan, Deputy Cogan from Wicklow and Deputy Lehane from Cork and others, are anxious for the return of Fianna Fáil to power, to make a complete hoax of agriculture in this country and to drive it back, not where it was in 1939, but where it was in 1847? That is their aim. Surely those who are anxious for a return to the dreary days of Fianna Fáil to foster agriculture are not acting with clear consciences. Are they anxious to see their fellow farmers dragged to courts for failing to till their land? Would any of us in this House like to be compelled to do anything against our wishes?

The Deputy is repetitive.

I accept your ruling but I am endeavouring——

The Deputy will realise himself that he is indulging in repetition.

I should like to direct the attention of Deputy Cogan, who is a very good listener, to the fact that anyone who records a vote against the wise sound policy of the Minister for Agriculture is certainly hammering a deep, strong and heavy nail into the coffin of the farmer.

He may change his mind.

The Minister has threatened compulsory tillage in certain circumstances.

I hope he goes into the Oranmore and Browne Estate.

Let us not lose sight of the fact that in this country we have 210,000 holdings each with a valuation of under £10, and in addition 80,000 holdings, each with a valuation of under £21 10s. 0d. That means that roughly there are 290,000 holdings with valuations of less than £21 10s. 0d. each. In my opinion the man with a £10 valuation holding cannot, in the real sense, be described as a farmer at all because his holding is too small to enable him to make a living on it. It would be a grave injustice to compel a small landholder to produce anything from his holding except what he himself considered was most suitable in his circumstances. If in the future any attempt were to be made by this Government—I know there will not—to have compulsory tillage, I certainly would not support it. Should the country be ever unfortunate enough to fall into the hands of some irresponsible Minister whose policy was compulsory tillage, it will get the stiffest possible opposition from me inside and outside the Dáil.

The Minister for Agriculture has a very difficult job. He was criticised severely recently by the dairy farmers when they made a demand for an increase in the price of milk. We have tillage farmers, we have ranchers and we have the dairy farmer. The tillage farmer is the one I have the honour to represent in this House. We have more tillage in my constituency than grazing or dairying. That is one of the reasons why the Minister cannot be more generous in catering for one section of farmers than for another.

Assuming for one moment that the dairy farmers got all they had been asking for, would not Deputy Cogan and many of his friends be inclined to ask why they were being treated so generously, and why more was not being done for the tillage farmers? Other Deputies would ask why provision was not being made to give them increased prices for the live stock they export to the British market. We have in the Midlands, for example, men who are exporting some of the finest beef in the world. We have men in the South producing the very best milk, and men in the Midlands producing the finest crops of wheat, oats, barley, beet and root crops. A balance must be kept between the dairy farmer, the cattle exporter, the grazier and the tillage farmer.

Suppose the Minister were to comply with the full demand made by the dairy farmers in the South, how would it be met? He has already given them an increase of 1d. per gallon for their milk. Is the position this—that their full demand should be met by subsidies? Deputies should realise that subsidies are bad, dangerous and damaging. If I had my way, nothing would be subsidised. If an industry cannot support itself, then it should be scrapped. Every 1d. extra per gallon which the Minister gives in the price of milk means an increase of 2d. per lb. for butter. I certainly will oppose any attempt by the Minister to give the milk producers in Limerick, Cork and parts of Tipperary an extra 1d. per gallon. I do so on behalf of the workers in my constituency, the men on the Clonsast bog, the workers in Goodbody's of Clara, the workers in Salts, Ltd., Tullamore, the workers in the mills and factories in Portlaoise, the county council workers in my constituency, and the workers on the Brosna drainage scheme. I oppose any proposal to compel the wives of those men to pay an extra 2d. per lb. for their butter. If I agreed to it, I would have to answer for it in my constituency. I would be asked why I did not oppose it in the strongest possible manner. The workers would tell me that they were far less well off than the prosperous dairy farmers in Tipperary, Cork and North Kerry.

I know those farmers have to work hard, but surely they will admit that they are better off to-day than they ever were before. Will not the House agree with me that we had a wise and sane Minister—may we not thank God for such a Minister?—when he decided not to give an increase of 3d. per gallon in the price of milk? If he had done so the price of butter would have been increased by 6d. per lb. Everybody knows that butter is a most nutritious food. The human body cannot be maintained in health without it. There is no other food which produces the same amount of energy in the human body. It is, therefore, of the utmost importance that mothers and their children should have ample supplies of it made available to them at the cheapest possible price. Why should the Minister for Agriculture, or any Deputy on this side, stand for depriving the mothers and the working-class people of the butter that should go on their bread in order to satisfy the greed of the big South of Ireland farmers? I am proud and glad to stand behind the Minister for Agriculture in supporting every word that he uttered in defiance of the demand made by those dairy farmers for a further increase in the price of milk. If the working-class people in my constituency have to pay that increase, then they will never get it.

It is only right that this whole question should be viewed from every angle. I am very glad that the majority of the Deputies who are supporting the common sense and sound policy of the Minister are prepared to take into consideration the consumer, who is not as fortunately placed as the producer. He has greater difficulties to contend with in securing the wherewithal to enable him to purchase enough commodities to keep body and soul together. For these reasons, I believe that the Minister for Agriculture has handled this situation in an admirable way.

He has done a magnificent job. He has given the dairy farmers an extra 1d. per gallon for their milk, and that is going to increase the price of butter by 2d. per lb. Surely the South of Ireland farmers cannot be so ungrateful as not to admit that the position of the working-class people must be considered. We must see to it that butter is made available to them at a price which they can afford, particularly when we realise the great value that butter has in building up and sustaining the human body. The Minister has been bitterly and unduly criticised in connection with the price of eggs. The Minister has increased the price of eggs from 2/- to 2/6 per dozen up to the 31st August next, and from 1st September to 31st January to 3/6 per dozen, and that price is guaranteed.

And for a year afterwards.

And for a year afterwards, the Minister adds.

That is an addendum.

It is an addendum that Deputy O'Rourke knows it is distasteful for him to hear.

It is terrible.

The egg producers in Roscommon, Boyle, Croghan and Elphin are being guaranteed 3/6 per dozen for eggs.

What about Mountmellick?

And Mountmellick. If the egg producers were to demand 10/- per dozen for eggs, does that mean that the workers whom Deputy O'Rourke has the honour to represent, such as the miners in the Arigna coal mines, must pay 10/- per dozen for them? Does it mean that the working-class people in my constituency, in the City of Dublin and throughout the country and those who are ill in hospital and those who require eggs as nourishment must pay 10/- per dozen if the producers demand 10/-? A price of 3/6 per dozen is as much as the labouring classes can afford to pay for eggs. The Minister for Agriculture, in his own wise and common-sense way, has taken into consideration the producer on one side and the consumer on the other. In my opinion, he has given the farmer the benefit of the doubt because, if I had my way, I would provide eggs for the working-class people at 1d. each.

Extraordinary.

I would see that eggs were provided for the working-class people at 1d. each. The Minister for Agriculture is more than generous in the price he is giving farmers for the eggs. I am of opinion that 2/6 per dozen for eggs now is a fair and reasonably good price, but the Minister has extended his generosity further still and guaranteed that they will be 3/6 per dozen from 1st September to 31st January, 1952, and longer.

There is a section of the farming community to which I should like to draw the attention of the House, namely, the small farmer who suffers from lack of capital to work his land as he would wish. As I have pointed out, there are 210,000 holdings in this country with a valuation of under £10 owned by very small struggling farmers. Most of these have not recovered from the effects of the economic war. Most of these were sunk during the economic war owing to the irresponsible actions of the Opposition. Many such farmers were on the steps of the workhouse and many of them died in the workhouse as a result of the economic war and to-day their sons and daughters are labouring in an attempt to recover from the effects of the economic war. In view of that, I believe that the Agricultural Credit Corporation should open their tills a little wider and come to the aid of those smallholders. For the past nine years I have spoken annually on the Department of Agriculture Estimate and on each occasion I have advocated that the question of providing capital for small farmers should be given consideration by the Government.

And the Minister will not listen to it.

I advocated it while in opposition and I am advocating it now in the hope that it is not too late for the Minister to give some consideration to the many applications rejected by the Agricultural Credit Corporation. We know very well that when one applies to the Agricultural Credit Corporation for a form in order to make application for a loan one of the first questions on the form is: "How much money have you in the bank and how much money have you on hands?" Such a form would not be addressed to a person looking for a loan except it was being addressed from Grangegorman. Imagine asking an applicant for a loan how much money he has in the bank. Surely, if he had any money in the bank he would withdraw it and work on it or, if he had money on hands, he would not be going on his hands and knees begging for a loan to assist him in buying live stock or purchasing other requirements.

I believe that the Minister will have to listen very carefully to the demands made from all sides of this House for the formulation of a satisfactory, favourable and successful scheme whereby credit will be made available at a cheap rate of interest for small farmers who need it. We have 210,000 small farmers with a valuation under £10 many of whom are taking land on the conacre system. The Minister knows very well that there are 620,200 statute acres set by conacre each year. That means that they are set on the 11 months' system, that the farmer must clear off at the end of 11 months, and go to a public auction again at which the highest bidder gets the land. The 620,000 acres set on the 11 months' system bring in from £12 to £14 per acre. In parts of my constituency— Deputy Davin can verify this—conacre land went to £23 and £24 per acres. The person getting this land under that system is the smallholder with a valuation of less than £10. That is the man who is expected to produce food. As has been stated from this side of the House, when this country needed food, when the Government of the day were appealing for the growing of food for man and beast, it was the small farmer who gave the good return. It was the men who took the 620,000 acres in conacre, who tilled and produced the wheat, oats, beet and barley with skill and industry, marching from morning until night between the handles of the plough and following the hooves of their horses who saved this country from starvation and complete disaster, and these are the men to whom special consideration should be given in the matter of financing them to enable them to work their land.

The farmer who has to pay £14 or £15 or £20 for a few acres of land on the 11 months' system cannot make any profit out of it, because, at the end of the year, he has to pay the seed merchant for his seed and has to pay his agricultural worker, if he is able to pay one. If his own sons work for him, he has to feed and clothe them and give them pocket money on Saturday night and then pay £23 or £25 per acre to the auctioneer. In some cases, these farmers get their seed from generous seed merchants like those we have in my constituency—Messrs. D.E. Williams and Co., Messrs. P. and H. Egan, Messrs. H. Smith and Sons and others—who go out of their way to help these farmers by providing seed on credit until such time as the crop comes in and they can be paid. In the case of these small farmers who have to get seed on credit, who have to depend on the generosity of the helpful merchants and their obliging staffs, we see that, when the end of the year comes, the greatest deduction from their earnings is due to seed and payments to the auctioneer for the land they took in conacre. Manures have to be paid for as well.

I should like to quote Article 54 of the Standing Orders. It says, under the heading of "Closure of Debate":—

"After a question (except a question already barred from debate under the Standing Orders) has been proposed from the Chair, either in the Dail, or in a Committee of the whole Dáil, a member may claim to move, `That the question be now put', and unless it shall appear to the Ceann Comhairle that such a motion is an infringement of the rights of a minority, or that the question has not been adequately discussed, or that the motion is otherwise an abuse of these Standing Orders, the question, `That the question be now put', shall be put forthwith, and decided without amendment or debate.

"(2) When a motion `That the question be now put' has been carried, and the question consequent thereon has been decided, any further motion may be made (the assent of the Ceann Comhairle, as aforesaid, not having been withheld), which may be requisite to bring to a decision any question already proposed from the Chair, and such motion shall be put forthwith, and decided without amendment or debate.

"(3) Provided always that this Standing Order may be put in force only when the Ceann Comhairle is in the Chair."

First, you, Sir, are in the Chair. Secondly, I submit that the putting of the question would not be an infringement of the rights of any minority.

That is for me to judge.

I am making a submission to the Chair, with respect. Thirdly, I submit that the question has already been adequately discussed.

No. I am not finished at all yet.

I am making a submission. Lastly, I submit that the business of the nation is being unduly delayed by the prolonging of this debate and by the desire of the Government to stay in power. I move that the question be now put.

Surely the Ceann Comhairle will understand my position in this matter.

The Deputy apparently does not want the Chair to rule.

I accept your ruling, Sir.

That is very pleasant. There is no urgency in the matter that I can see. The House is in Committee on finance on an Estimate and every Deputy who rises has the right to be heard. That is my view and I am not accepting the motion.

Is there any arrangement to conclude this debate to-night?

I know nothing about that.

They are getting cold feet over there.

I strongly and sincerely urge the Minister, when replying to this debate on Tuesday next, to give us some hope——

You need it.

——that a scheme will be announced or formulated whereby credit facilities will be provided for the type of small farmer I have referred to. There are in this country 15,000 farmers with valuations of over £50 but not exceeding £80 and 17,000 holdings of over £80 valuation. I believe that farmers with valuations of £50 to £80 will not be appealing to the Minister for financial assistance, nor will the farmer with the valuation of over £80 —and there are 17,000 of them, as I say—be begging or craving the Minister to provide them with financial assistance. There are very few farmers with valuations of £50 to £80 and over £80 on the lists of the Agricultural Credit Corporation or on the files of the Department as having applied for loans and financial assistance. If there are, I say, and say without any fear, that those farmers should be in a position to produce from such highly-valued holdings what will keep them going and what will enable them to pay a decent and proper wage to their employees. I furthermore believe that they should not be entitled to any scheme of credit.

Credit should and must be provided for small farmers, and I hope and trust that some scheme will be introduced whereby facilities will be made available for the very small farmer and that it will be recognised that the large farmer is in a position to carry on without any aid from the Department or any State concern. Let us assume that the promoters of a flourishing and prosperous industry, an industry producing annual profits and paying good dividends to its shareholders, were to look for State aid. Would we not be inclined to shout them down, and, rightly and properly, to ignore their applications? Therefore, why should we not ignore completely the applications of these farmers who should be in a position to work their lands so as to enable them to put money aside from the profits of their holdings and why should not the small farmer who has not sufficient land to enable him to make such a profit as will enable him to have a reserve of money to carry on be given very special consideration?

I am sorry if I am keeping Deputy Lynch from speaking, but surely there is ample time for every Deputy who desires to make a speech to do so. You will agree that in the past three years I have occupied very little time in this House. I seldom rise to speak in this House and when I rise to speak on such an urgent and important Estimate as the Estimate for the Department of Agriculture I hope that the Chair will give me, in accordance with the Standing Orders of this House, the unlimited time to which I am entitled in order to express my views on the agricultural industry. That is especially so when one realises that last year Deputy Smith spoke for five and a half hours. Surely, if Deputy Smith can speak for five hours' deliberate obstruction in this House I am entitled to at least three hours to talk common sense.

We must realise that last year the Estimate for the Department of Agriculture was debated for 46 hours. None of us on this side of the House said that that debate had gone on long enough or that it was going on too long. We did not do so because we welcome the views of every Deputy. More especially we welcome criticism but we do not welcome dishonest criticism—because we know that it is dishonest. The debate went on for 46 hours last year and this minute it is now only on its thirty-fifth hour—and no one took five hours, although I am on my third hour and I will probably go on my fourth.

You will do what you are told.

I have not been told to make a speech on agriculture.

You know your job.

I certainly do—and the electors of my constituency will prove that when I have the honour to go before them, as they did before. However, let us get back to the Estimate. May I ask Deputy O'Rourke or any Deputy on the Opposition Benches, through the Chair, if they give the Minister credit for any one good thing which he did in the past three years? Will they tell me if he did anything good in the past three years—or did he do everything the wrong way round? Do they not even give him credit for the land rehabilitation project? Do they not even give him credit for a scheme which is in operation in part of Deputy O'Rourke's constituency, which borders my constituency, in the parish of Moore? In that parish land is now completely drained over which snipes were flying three or four years ago—and before very long that land will be producing bountiful and profitable crops for the land owners as a result of the Minister's scheme.

I do not see any pins in His Majesty's map out on the Lobby, then.

Surely Deputy O'Rourke must realise that if one scheme has ever been of benefit to the agricultural community it is that scheme. Remember also that this is a scheme that is not solely of benefit to the agricultural community. It is of benefit also to the people of Dublin, Cork, Limerick and the people of the cities and big towns because it means that as a result of the reclamation of the land more food will pour into the towns and cities. Therefore, in my opinion, the land rehabilitation project has been such a great, perfect and sound and common-sense scheme that farmers believe it to be a dream coming true. I am very glad and pleased about the wonderfully good response there has been to that scheme from my constituency.

Deputy Smith comes along and criticises the Minister for Agriculture because he states that less is being provided for the land rehabilitation project this year than was provided the previous year. Surely Deputy Smith must realise that machinery had to be purchased. Surely Deputy Smith must realise that at the present time machinery is a very expensive item. Surely Deputy Smith must realise that it takes great foresight to order machinery and to get machinery, and surely he must be aware that licences have to be had from Departments such as the British Board of Trade, and from the Americans, for the supply of such essential machinery.

Will the Minister not get even the smallest word of praise—not even from a man who loves the Minister, Deputy Eugene Gilbride of the Fianna Fáil Party? He said that he likes the Minister. He displayed all the signs of great affection and high love for the Minister. But will Deputy Eugene Gilbride be prepared to prove his affection for the Minister? Will he be prepared to show that he really loves the Minister and appreciates the Minister's work? He can do so by walking into the Division Lobby and voting for this Estimate. Will he do that? Let him be sincere and display his love and affection for the Minister, which came from his lips last week.

"From his lips" is good.

But the love only came from his lips and his teeth; it did not come from his heart. The Deputy is a member of the Fianna Fáil Party and, that being so, he has no control over his heart.

Which side are you on?

Again, Deputy Gilbride may praise the land rehabilitation project.

The other day you told me you were going to vote against the Government.

Deputy Gilbride is an honest decent man outside this House, but he does not speak very honestly or sincerely when he professes in this House to love the Minister for Agriculture and yet does not give a practical demonstration of that love by walking into the Lobby and voting for this Estimate and showing his approval of it.

Deputy Gilbride had not a word of praise or credit to utter in favour of the land rehabilitation project. Why? Because he did not know that it was operating in his own constituency. There are none so blind as those who will not see. Deputy Gilbride did not know that it was operating in his constituency. If Deputy Smith had initiated the land rehabilitation project Deputy Gilbride would know then that it was working in Sligo-Leitrim. He would know then every perch of land being reclaimed. He would know then every drop of water which was leaving the land as a result of the scheme. He would know then the number of small concrete pipes that went into drains and he would know the number of men employed. He would even know, intimately and personally, the officer of the project—and that is the most important of all.

Another telegram.

There we see the position. I have three public meetings in my constituency to-morrow.

You are not starting a bit too soon.

Good luck!

Deputy O'Rourke should know that if there is any constituency in the country that benefits as a result of the good, wise policy, under the sound and wise direction of Mr. Austin, the director of the land rehabilitation project——

Who is he?

He is the director of the scheme in the Department of Agriculture. Surely Deputy O'Rourke must give the Minister for Agriculture credit for the work that has been done under that scheme, and surely he must know and realise that the object of the land rehabilitation project is the reclamation of approximately 4,500,000 acres of land which at present is either unproductive or seriously under-productive.

Within what period?

I think that wonderful work has been done in three years considering that nothing was done in 16 years by the Deputy's Party. At least it was not planned for ten years, put on the shelves of the Department of Agriculture, covered with cobwebs and weighed down with dust. That is one of the schemes that was not left on the shelf to be planned and promised for years. That is one of the schemes that never got a chance of being surrounded with cobwebs and overshadowed with dust. That is a scheme that was conceived and immediately put into effect. The farmers of the country were told: "We are prepared to spend £40,000,000 on putting your land into a productive state." Does the Fianna Fáil Party not even give the Minister for Agriculture credit for that scheme?

The Deputy is repeating himself.

Can they not at least be honest and say that it is a good scheme? I know that in my constituency a number of farmers were making inquiries about the land project. Deputy Smith was very displeased and vexed when in this House some months ago the Minister for Agriculture made a statement which was completely in accordance with the facts. I have heard from my constituents who were anxious to avail of the land rehabilitation project that when they were paying their annuities every farmer in the Twenty-Six Counties got with that receivable order a leaflet giving full details of the wonders and benefits which that scheme could and would work. When they wished to apply, they wrote to the Department of Agriculture for their forms and at express rates or at least by return of post those forms were sent to them. In areas in which Fianna Fáil Deputies resided poor farmers sought the advice of county councillors and Dáil Deputies of that Party and were told: "Do not fill in that form. Have nothing to do with that scheme because your rates and rent will go sky-high."

The farmers who need it most are the small farmers under £10 valuation, and there are 280,000 of them. This scheme and many other beneficial schemes of the Minister's will help these farmers. They are not as well up, as highly educated or as influential as the mighty big farmers who could use their own common sense and see that the scheme was a good one and that nothing in it would put up rent, rates or taxes, and the poor small farmer was advised to have nothing to do with the scheme because political capital could be made out of it if it could be described by the Opposition as a white elephant. But no, the scheme could not be described as a white elephant because farmers used their own common sense in most areas, completed their forms, and were acquainted with someone who read the announcements in the daily papers. They listened attentively to the wise and fatherly words of the Minister for Agriculture when he said that rates and annuities would not go up because of work done under this scheme. Therefore many farmers could have availed of the scheme.

The Deputy is very prolix.

The fact is that they were not properly advised, however, and were wrongly advised and because of that they refused to complete their just = "right" ri = "1"application forms. I would impress upon the Minister for Justice to convey to his colleague the Minister for Agriculture the need for further announcements from him and further advertisements in the columns of the daily papers from his Department, making it quite clear that as a result of the scheme valuations would not be increased, inviting farmers to participate in it, and again assuring them that the obstacles put in its way mean nothing, and are only humbug, tripe and deliberate defiance by the Fianna Fáil Party. Might I ask him to convey to the Minister for Agriculture the necessity of communicating with the officers of the Department of Industry and Commerce, because if this scheme is to be successful concrete pipes will be necessary. If the land drainage scheme is to be carried out within the terms of this scheme, there is a prescribed pipe which must be used, and more farmers could avail of the scheme if suitable pipes were made available. Deputy O'Rourke is anxious to know when the scheme will be finished.

Nothing holds up the scheme but a shortage in certain areas of concrete pipes. In my constituency in Portlaoise an industry has opened and it shows the sincerity of the good farmers of that constituency when I say that an order for pipes for 40 acres of field drainage under the land rehabilitation scheme has been placed with the manufacturers. In order to manufacture pipes for field drainage, they must go through a certain process and when they are manufactured they must pass certain tests by officers of the Department of Agriculture. I would impress upon these officers to permit the passing of that test with every possible speed because delay in this matter is one of the reasons why the scheme is not going through as quickly as Deputy Lynch would like to see, as speedily as Deputy Allen would like to see or as speedily as Deputy O'Rourke would like to see when he says that it will never be done. That scheme is going on as quickly as possible but we have not as much machinery as we would like in order that the land rehabilitation project should produce the results and the great benefits wanted by every farmer who avails of it.

Machinery is not the main cause of the hold-up however. Now that the Minister has resumed his seat, may I direct his attention to the need for the establishment of centres for concrete pipes for field drainage and for field drainage alone? I hope that the officers of the Department of Agriculture will communicate with the officers of the I.D.A. so as to encourage even co-operative societies to establish them in as many areas as possible. I understand that for £600 a suitable type of machine can be obtained, as we have seen obtained by the firm of Messrs. Jessop of Portlaoise, for the making of the pipes for this purpose.

May I ask the Minister, further, if he is anxious to see that pipes are made available for the land rehabilitation project, would he not consider, as well as giving the farmers the benefits of this scheme, giving the producer of the concrete pipes some benefit also? Since I understand that a certain sum of money for this scheme is being provided from Marshall Aid funds, would he not consider devoting some of the funds to industry, to manufacture solely for the Department of Agriculture concrete pipes for the carrying out of work in accordance with specifications laid down by the Department for the field drainage scheme? That is something worth considering. Again, we have many enterprising people and if they get any help from the Minister, even a word of encouragement, or if they can get a grant from him, or even a loan to be repaid with some interest over a long period of years, or get any assistance from the Government, these pipes will be manufactured and nothing will stand in the way of progress and speed in land rehabilitation.

May I take this opportunity of congratulating the Minister on that wonderful scheme and hoping that he will be Minister for Agriculture for many long years, until he sees the benefits and the results which that scheme will yield? It is a scheme that the farmers thank God for, that would never have been in existence were it not for the fact that it came from the brains of the Minister for Agriculture—just as the children's allowances scheme came from the brains of the present Minister for Agriculture. That is the second outstanding scheme that came from his brains, but he needs help and support and co-operation and the only place that he can get it is from the members of this House. If there are members obstructing and pulling against him and advocating that people should deny certain farmers and smallholders and other applicants the benefits of the land rehabilitation scheme, shame and disgrace to those men—shame and disgrace to them that are anxious to stand in the way of progress, shame and disgrace to the men anxious to stand in the way of increasing the productivity of the land and the fertility of the soil. Certainly a good deal of work has been done under that scheme and I am glad that it has been done.

May I make reference to water supplies to farmers' dwellings, an item of the Estimate to which I have not referred?

Or the lime scheme.

And the lime scheme.

Every chapter of the story is good.

This is a scheme which was introduced in the financial year 1950/51, under which farmers might obtain grants towards the cost of installing water supplies in their farm kitchens.

Does it shock Deputy Cogan that a friend should defend a friend?

I was just remarking that it was a beautiful week.

Surely Deputy Cogan or any other Deputy does not think that at this hour of this Dáil I should dream of betraying my friends? To get back to the water supplies to farm dwellings, about which Deputy Cogan and some others may not be anxious to hear, this is equally as valuable and beneficial as the land project. Surely one would expect the charity of the silence of the Opposition if they had not a good word or a word of praise for this scheme? If they could not praise it, if they could not give the Minister the benefit of saying it was another good scheme, surely they would say nothing whatever about it? By the end of the financial year 1950/51, 3,713 people had made application to the Department under the water supply scheme and a sum of £100,000 has been provided in the Estimates for this service for 1950/51.

Is there a Deputy who will go down to his constituency next week-end or the following week-end and say: "I have voted against a sum of money which will put a water supply into your kitchen"? How many Deputies in the Opposition Benches, how many Deputies in the Government Benches, would dare dream of going to their constituencies and telling their constituents, whom they have the honour to represent here, that for one moment they stood and walked up those steps and turned into that Division Lobby and deprived the farmer of having a water supply to his house? Is it not true that Deputy Allen and Deputy Corry have been crying and weeping over the amount of money which the Wexford County Council and the Cork County Council have to spend in providing public pumps in their areas in order to supply water for domestic purposes? Is it not true that the Department of Agriculture, on more than one occasion, refused to provide grants for pumps in certain areas? Is it not true also that people were put to great expense in the provision of a water supply?

May I say that the late Deputy Willie O'Donnell—God rest his soul and I hope he is in heaven to-night— often spoke from these benches on many an occasion and appealed to Deputy Smith when Deputy Smith was Minister for Agriculture, and appealed to Deputy Dr. Ryan when he was Minister; but not alone did Deputy Ryan and Deputy Smith give the late Deputy O'Donnell the deaf ear and the blind eye, but they paid no heed whatever to his appeal and request on behalf of the farmers who needed a water supply to their homesteads. Deputy O'Donnell made that appeal here as far back as 1943. Why did not Deputy Smith or Deputy Dr. Ryan, when in charge of the Department of Agriculture, foresee the difficulties that Deputy Dillon foresaw to the many farmers who had no water supply in their areas? I will ask even Deputy Paddy Burke, and when asking even him I am sure I may expect some atom of common sense in the reply—is there any more inconvenience that could be created or caused in any house or home than to provide that there is no water supply? Does not the appeal come from every area?

Deputies associated with local authorities, who have been mixed up with county councils and urban councils, know that it does. This is where Deputy Cogan comes in. Deputy Cogan knows that he made representations to the Carlow County Manager, to the Kildare County Manager and to the Wicklow County Manager, asking that pumps be erected in various places. But Deputy Cogan knows that when those county managers wanted to have those pumps sunk a water diviner had to be obtained first.

Like everything else, there is a special manner in which water can be divined. It is very hard and difficult to secure the services of a good diviner. There are many areas where local authorities are anxious to have pumps. I have known a number of areas in my constituency around Clara and Ballylinan and elsewhere where there was no water supply whatever and where the local authorities found that the erection of a pump would not justify a demand on the rates. I now find that the problem will be solved and that people will get assistance from the Department of Agriculture for the erection of pumps and a supply of water to the homestead. Can any Deputy deny that there is no greater scheme after the land project than the provision of water for the homestead? Is not the provision of a water supply necessary for the dairy farmer? If anyone wants to see the success of a real water supply let him go to the Salesian College at Warrenstown, County Meath, and there he will see it. There is no greater benefit, there is no greater convenience to the housewife than a water supply for the purpose of washing household utensils. Even if someone like Deputy Pat McGrath was in the area and dropped in to a housewife for a cup of tea how anxious he would look if he were told that there was no water supply. May I say that the Minister for Agriculture is to be congratulated. I want to say that the people of this country are leaping out of their pants and shoes to get an opportunity of showing their appreciation, and as sure as there is a bill on a crow, they will show that appreciation before long. Those schemes are not schemes that can be forgotten.

May I say that the water supply scheme is one of the best schemes that has been introduced by the present Government. Another reason why I, as an Independent Deputy, am voting for this Estimate is because there is included in it provision for a certain sum of money to be spent in my constituency on a water supply. My constituency will receive the benefit of the Minister's wisdom in having this scheme formulated. The number of applicants under this scheme is 3,713 but, since these statistics were supplied to us, the number of applications must have undoubtedly increased. I believe that, by the end of the present financial year, 31st March, 1952, the number of applications will have increased still more. More important still will be the number of increased applications which will be received from those persons anxious to avail of the Minister's scheme, knowing that it is a scheme that will render very great service and one which will be very highly appreciated.

We have in this country a voluntary organisation known as the Young Farmers' Clubs. Very useful and valuable work has been done throughout the country by the Young Farmers' Clubs. I have the honour of having in my constituency Mr. William Bland, a past president of the Young Farmers' Clubs of Ireland. Mr. Bland, who is one of the most practical farmers in this country and one of the finest farmers worthy of the title of farmer, has on more than one occasion, with the executive committee of the Young Farmers' Clubs, approached the Department of Agriculture. I am satisfied from my own knowledge that the Minister for Agriculture has met the Young Farmers' Clubs with open arms. He has been prepared to accept their views. He has listened to their suggestions and has given a sympathetic ear to any grievances or suggestions that they desired to put before him. But the Young Farmers' Clubs serve a purpose other than to advise the Minister.

Soil testing is carried on in my constituency by the staff of the Laois Vocational Education Committee. In the various vocational schools where soil testing is carried out, members of the Young Farmers' Clubs provide the seeds and have the soil tests carried out. I say in all sincerity to the Minister that the Young Farmers' Clubs deserve every support and co-operation that is humanly possible from the Minister for Agriculture. What greater advice could the Minister ask for? What greater advice could be given than that tendered by the Young Farmers' Clubs who give the weight of their experience to the Minister on problems which affect the agricultural community.

In those clubs, we have the young farmer who has more modern and up-to-date ideas than the head of the household, the old and experienced farmer. The Young Farmers' Clubs are advising the farmers to become more mechanical minded and to leave aside the plough. That has been made a skit of by the Opposition, but suppose the Athlone Woollen Mills of which Deputy Lemass is a director went back to the day of the spinning wheel, how long would it take the mills to get the same return as they are getting to-day by the use of up-to-date machinery? Deputy Lemass would not tolerate the use of the spinning wheel for one moment because he is a business man who does his own business in a businesslike way. He is associated with a company that yields a profit and not a loss. He would not associate himself for one moment with the old spinning wheel of 50 years ago. Therefore, is the Minister wrong in advocating machinery instead of the old spinning wheel of the land, the plough? I think it is slavery to be working a plough. I believe that the day of the horse plough is gone completely in this country. We are getting more machinery minded and up-to-date. We had no fine day in this country from the 17th July, 1950, up to the 28th April of this year. We had rain, frost, snow and sleet.

In January, not only were the farmers unable to stand on the soil but they could not look out the door. February was no better for them. In March, not only could the farmers not plough but they could not stand on their feet as they would be blown skyhigh. A few days ago, the Irish farmers were blessed with a few fine days, and with the service of the tractor they ripped up and tore the land just as if they had been ploughing since last November. If the farmers work is not as far advanced to-day as it should be, it will be as far advanced next week as it would have been had we had fine weather the whole year round. The sowing will be done and, with God's help, the crops will grow and we will have as good a harvest this year as we had in other years. There will be no need to import wheat.

The young progressive farmer and the tractor are most important. The old farmer is inclined to take the attitude that the horse and plough are good enough for him; they were good enough for his father and his grandfather before him and he will not change. The young progressive farmer on the other hand regards the horse plough as slavery. He realises it means time lost. He knows that speed and efficiency will give a good return, the kind of return we want, and he will bring the modern tractor into service. I hope the day is not far off when every farmer will be able to afford a tractor. I hope that the Department of Agriculture will make available tractors for hire in every parish through the medium of the county committees of agriculture for those farmers who need them and who cannot afford them. I hope that the old horse plough will be used only for the headlands. When the old horse plough has done its work on the headlands I hope the clay will be scraped off and the plough laid up in the haggard until it is required next year to do the headlands again.

The tractor will do more in one day than the horse plough will accomplish in a fortnight. For that reason I want to see the modern tractor installed in every farm. The Minister has wisely adopted the policy of making our farmers machinery conscious. It is because of the wise advice the Minister has given that I was able to-night to read for the House the report I was so happy to quote. The more machinery we utilise on the land the more production we will get out of the soil. During Deputy Smith's period of office as Minister for Agriculture there were inspectors for almost every phase of our agricultural economy but to my knowledge there was no inspector to carry out inspections of broken down threshing mills. I never heard of an inspector inspecting these old crocks.

In the harvest time there are old mills going out behind the tractors and, judging by some of them, they must have seen service in the days when Brian Boru was busy at Clontarf. These old mills should be condemned. They should have been put out of use long ago. Because they are defective a certain percentage of valuable grain is lost in the chaff. That grain represents a loss to the community. The owner of the threshing mill charges the farmer a fee of anything from £5 to £7 a day. If these old mills continue to function the results will be disastrous for the farmers. I think these mills should be subject to some system of inspection by an officer of the Department of Agriculture so that the farmers will no longer have to see some of their wheat, a big quantity of their barley and a great percentage of their oats being swept into a heap and burned with the chaff. That is what happens at present.

I am not sufficiently qualified to inform the House exactly what adjustments would be necessary to ensure that none of the grain will be lost in these defective mills. I believe these mills should be condemned and no time should be lost in condemning them. At present their operations represent a serious loss to the farmer. The farmer has to pay heavily for the use of the mill. He has to provide food and refreshment for the mill owner and his workmen. Everybody knows harvesting is an expensive turn-out. Threshings are looked upon in my part of the country as occasions for rejoicing. There are harvest celebrations after the threshings. Though the farmer is very happy to see his harvest successful, nevertheless he has to incur certain expenses in connection with it. I admit that the farmer to-day can well afford to rejoice under the administration of the present Minister for Agriculture. He had no reason to rejoice during the economic war, and he certainly had no occasion to celebrate under the administration of Deputy Smith when he was Minister for Agriculture.

Recently the Minister met a deputation from my constituency, composed of the chairman of the Laois County Committee of Agriculture, Deputy T. F. O'Higgins and Deputy Davin. Deputy Gorry was also present. That deputation pointed out that in the Luggacurran electoral area there are small farmers who suffered very severe losses in the winter of 1946-47. The Government of the day came to their rescue at the time, and provided them with a scheme under which they got loans interest free from the Agricultural Credit Corporation for the purchase of live stock to replace the live stock that had died during the previous bad winter. The present Minister met the deputation to which I have referred very sympathetically and, as a result of our efforts and his action, supplies of feeding stuffs were made available through Messrs. Odlum of Sallins to the Dunmore Co-operative Creamery for the farmers in that area whose live stock were dying because of lack of fodder. The hay crop was a complete loss.

In that area they are all honest farmers. The Minister has often said that the proof of the pudding is in the eating of it. Those farmers who availed of the interest-free loans from the Agricultural Credit Corporation to replace the live stock they lost during the bad winter of 1946-47 have a good record in relation to the repayment of their instalments of the loans made available to them. The chairman and members of the Agricultural Credit Corporation know that they have a good record. Those loans were guaranteed by two solvent backers who guaranteed that if the farmer did not pay up they, the guarantors, would be responsible. Because of the bad winter through which we have just passed, because the hay crop has again been lost, because the land in this area, which is very mountainous, is poor quality land—there are coal mines at Killeshin, Rossmore and Wolfhill— the farmers are once more seeing their live stock die for want of food. Would the Minister, then, be prepared now to give a further interest-free loan? The county agricultural instructor can prove that the farmers have suffered severe losses during the past winter. Would the Minister be prepared now to give them the same facilities as they got before? Would he give them an interest-free loan? Alternatively, if he cannot do that, will he request the Agricultural Credit Corporation not to press and not to institute legal proceedings against the guarantors in these cases?

I trust that some chance will be given to the unfortunate smallholders in the Luggacurran area until such time as conditions will improve for them and that they will be enabled to pay back the instalments. Better still would be the introduction of an additional scheme for the most deserving applicants, not alone in the Luggacurran and Wolfhill areas, but all along the Shannon Valley, part of which would be in Deputy O'Rourke's constituency and also in the constituencies of Deputy Fagan and Deputy McQuillan. I am referring now to the areas that lie in Offaly quite convenient to the Shannon, right around Lusmagh in Offaly and convenient to the Birr area and the Banagher area.

In this connection I have also in mind Ferbane and the whole parish of Shannonbridge. I am sure the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance will bear me out there as a result of the representations made to him by the parish priest of that parish in regard to the carrying out of relief works. There is no farmer in the barony of Garrycastle or from Meelick up to Athlone—if Deputy Beegan was here he would have some knowledge of that area, I am sure—who succeeded in saving even a wisp of hay, so bad was the season. There is no farmer along that stretch who has not had his land flooded for at least nine months out of the 12 because of the overflowing of the River Shannon. There is no farmer there who can use his land for more than three months or put a beast on that land because his beasts will suffer from fluke, due to the water-logged condition of the land.

Would the Minister not consider some scheme with the object of curbing the fluke, as a safeguard against the fluke? I am sure he is prepared to do everything he can to assist those people. He always makes an effort to assist them, but on this occasion I would ask him to go a step further and give special assistance to the unfortunate farmers in the Shannon Valley area who, according to the information we got here recently, received sad news. They were told that we can never hope to have a comprehensive drainage scheme carried out on the River Shannon.

What does the Minister for Agriculture propose to do about the fertility of the soil in the Shannon Valley? Does he propose to come to the aid of the unfortunate farmers who are thinking seriously of leaving that area? What provision does he propose to make in order that the farmers may exist there? I respectfully suggest to the Minister and to every officer of his Department that it is of supreme importance to give immediate assistance to the farmers in the Shannon Valley area and in the electoral area of Luggacurran, in County Laois. Perhaps they can provide some scheme which will meet the needs of these people?

I do not propose to harp unnecessarily on the Shannon Valley area or Luggacurran, simply because it is in the constituency I have the honour to represent. There are also parts of Leitrim, about which Deputy Maguire spoke, and there are certain areas in Wicklow that Deputy Cogan has been speaking about. There may be isolated cases in these areas. There may be, particularly in County Leitrim and, I believe, in parts of Donegal, hard cases, cases in which genuine hardship can be proved. I do not believe any section of our taxpayers would stand in the way if relief were proposed for these genuine cases of hardship. There would be no objection to giving them financial aid or giving those people interest-free loans in order to allow them to purchase live stock to put on their land.

Most of the small farmers in these areas had to dispose of their live stock before the animals were fit to be disposed of, all through lack of fodder —a shortage of hay. I have known farmers to go to the fair of Kilcormac, in Offaly, and sell their beasts months before those beasts were fit to be sold. The Minister said he was after the tangler. The tangler took the bull by the horns; he took a mean advantage of the unfortunate farmers who had to clear their land of stock because of the shortage of essential foodstuffs, particularly hay. The farmers had to take their live stock to the fairs and they met the tanglers in the early hours before they could reach the fair of Kilcormac, the fair of Clara or the fair of Tullamore. The tanglers met them before they could enter the fair where they would meet their friends. Possibly their friends were in the same position, if they were not worse off.

These farmers had to sell their cattle months earlier than they would have sold them if the fodder was available. In that way many pounds, shillings and pence were lost to the small farmers. They had to dispose of their stock at a loss. Is that not a sad commentary? We have had a hard and disastrous winter. For years we never experienced such a bad winter as the one we have just gone through. I hope and trust the Minister will take the necessary steps to see that in the future his Department will provide for such cases of hardship as I have just referred to.

There are many aspects of the Minister's policy into which I would like to go in detail to-night, but I find that the time will not permit me to do so. I would like to elaborate on the many beneficial schemes the Minister has introduced. I would like to have spoken on the subject of wheat storage. Fianna Fáil neglected to provide storage for wheat. I should like to speak at great length on the many failures of the Opposition when they were on this side of the House, so far as the agricultural community was concerned.

I join with the farmers of Ireland in trusting and praying that the day may be very far off when the agricultural community will find themselves within the palms of irresponsible hands, within the claws of those not prepared to attend to their requirements. I trust that the Minister for Agriculture, under whom we have had the honour to serve for the past three years—three fine years of prosperity so far as the agricultural community is concerned— will be spared to us for many years to come. In the interests of agriculture he has exercised his wisdom and he has used a true and sincere discretion in relation to the many problems which confronted him in his Department.

He has been made the subject of severe criticism, but he is thick-skinned enough to take that criticism. We must remember that anyone who does good will be bitterly criticised for it. To do good you must offend others and others become jealous and it is through petty jealousy, sheer jealousy and madness because of the volume of support the farmers are giving the Minister, that the Fianna Fáil Party are so bitter in their criticisms of the one man who has proved himself such a worthy successor of the late Paddy Hogan who, God bless him, served his country for many years and who spoke from these benches before I got the honour of serving the people whom I have been proud to serve for the past nine years. I move to report progress.

Progress reported, the Committee to sit again.
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