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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 5 Dec 1951

Vol. 128 No. 3

Undeveloped Areas Bill, 1951—Second Stage (Resumed).

Some Deputies seemed to express doubts with regard to the survival or continuance of any industries set up under this Bill. The people, the surplus labour and the unemployed, awaiting the success of this Bill, are people who are as adaptable to industry as the people of any other area, and perhaps more so. When these people have emigrated to other lands, they have proven their worth in industry by their success in the various industrial avenues and notably so in the United States where invariably they go into industrial life. We believe that, given the necessary opportunities at home, these people are capable of making an outstanding success of any industry calling for a high standard of skill which they are undoubtedly able to give, and we also believe that the standard of efficiency which can be reached and which is necessary for the success of industries set up under the Bill, if they are to survive, is readily available in the material at the disposal of those who seek labour for these industries. I do not agree with the Deputy who prophesied that industries established under the Bill were not likely to last long, if he had in mind that the standard of efficiency required would not be forthcoming.

One of the things which the Minister might be able to do in order to encourage and assist those industries is to place Government contracts, in so far as they refer to manufactured goods which can be manufactured at home, with industries in the undeveloped areas. I believe that preference should be given to those industries. I have in mind contracts in respect of the Army, Post Office, the Board of Works, which are placed, from time to time, with concerns all over Dublin. In order to encourage industries capable of or actually engaged in producing goods required by any of these Departments, I believe they should have the sole right of producing such goods. I can visualise various products that are required by Government Departments which are produced at home. I am sure that the city industries which have had the privilege of supplying these goods over such a long number of years would not begrudge these contracts going to the congested areas from now on, in so far as the industries concerned are capable of producing them. That is the only suggestion I have to make.

I congratulate the Minister on bringing in this Bill. As I said at the outset, it is long overdue. I think it will help, with other things, to alleviate the serious problem which has existed for so long. That is not to say that efforts have not been made to improve the lot of the people in the undeveloped areas. Various things have been tried with a certain measure of success.

These things, I hope, will be improved with the advent of this industrial arm to those areas. I do not like the idea, evident in some of the speeches made, that other development in these areas should now be set aside and that this Bill should be the only means to serve the needs of the people in the undeveloped areas. We are looking forward to a more generous drive in other directions as well. I believe that these schemes will be complementary to one another, and will succeed, on the whole, in setting up in the minds of the people in those areas a feeling that they can remain at home and enjoy those amenities of life which are to be found only in cities at the present time.

We have embarked on a new era in so far as the congested areas are concerned. I hope that some of the adverse remarks made in regard to the Bill are not really meant to be serious by those who made them and that the Bill, when it becomes law, will have the active co-operation and assistance of every Deputy in the House. I hope it will have the co-operation of those Deputies who come from the areas concerned in order to make it a success and thus prevent the serious drain on the population from the congested areas to distant lands and to the cities of our own country, a matter which is equally undesirable when examined closely.

I suggest that the three persons who will be responsible for the successful administration of the Act should take into consideration the importance of ensuring that any industry established in those areas will be established on a permanent and lasting basis. Any industry established should not be of such a nature that its collapse or failure should in any way reflect on the good motives behind the Bill.

Most Deputies who have spoken so far seem to think that, as soon as this Bill is passed, a crop of factories and industries will spring up over the undeveloped areas. That is a foolish thought and it is not correct. If this Bill passes into law, Deputies should bear in mind that the Minister is statutorily tied to £2,000,000. That gives me the impression that the Minister is like a horse which sets out to race and before he starts the race he is already fettered. The money is supposed to be divided over nine counties. Possibly, other areas may be introduced as well outside those seven counties and part of two others. If we do a simple sum in arithmetic, we will find that over the seven years this Bill is to go each county will get the princely sum of approximately £31,000 per year. That would not even cut the foundation for one single factory or industry in each of the counties.

The Minister's very attitude, not to speak of his words, did not give much hope to the Deputies who were expecting good things from the Bill. He said that the purpose of the Bill was to establish a board which, in turn, would have power to make grants and give assistance of various kinds to establish certain enterprises or help people who are interested in establishing them. He pointed out the very real difficulties that lie in the way of these industries. One of them was competition from similar industries in other areas. The second was the bogey of transport and freightage charges both for raw materials and finished goods. Both of these are hefty difficulties but they are not insurmountable. If we are going to make a genuine effort to ensure the successful working of this Bill and try to establish industries in what have been described in the Bill as undeveloped areas, the first thing we must do is to develop the harbours and ports along the western seaboard. We have some of the finest harbours in Europe from Donegal to Kerry and in Cork also. We all know that the Port of Dublin has become the bottle-neck for all the commerce of the country. Córas Iompair Éireann, in its present condition, naturally enough, has to transport all that commerce and trade from Dublin down to the farthest ends of the country.

That is a joke.

It happened. Take the case of lorry traffic. We have harbours along the western coast which were doing a big and thriving business and handling a vast volume of traffic 20 or 30 years ago. They have fallen into disuse and, in most cases, the grass is growing on these quays and harbours.

If we want to make a genuine effort to develop particularly the West the first thing we should do is to try to restore the trade, traffic and commerce that these harbours are capable of handling. It would need a very small outlay. Several Deputies have mentioned these harbours and there is no need to go into them in detail. We have them all along the west coast. Galway Bay handled ocean-going liners before the outbreak of the last war. While I do not advocate building up harbour facilities for ocean-going liners to dock, it should be possible to develop the port to handle normal cargo traffic at least.

I think that this Bill has met with approval on all sides of the House, but that approval has been qualified and given hesitantly by Deputies. They do not seem to think that it meets the problem. Personally, I do not think so either. I do not think that the Bill is even a good beginning. I regard it as a plunge in the dark by the Minister for Industry and Commerce. I think that the Minister for Industry and Commerce—I hope that the Minister will not think I am saying it disparagingly—is the wrong Minister to handle this problem. The Minister for Lands or the Parliamentary Secretary, whose office was established here the other day, would be a more proper person to handle this problem and also the other allied problems that face us if we are to give the undeveloped areas what is their due.

I think that, side by side with this Bill, we should examine another problem that confronts us. What is it? The very first thing we find is that there is emigration on a terrific scale from the West. I think that all sides are genuinely anxious to stop that, at least as far as possible. I do not think it will ever be possible without encroaching on the constitutional rights of the individual completely to stop it, but we should and could go a long way towards ending that heavy volume of emigration, particularly from the western areas.

I would like to have seen something in the Bill which would enable the board to make a survey of the resources of the undeveloped areas first. Bear in mind that the undeveloped areas as described by the Bill are not a barren sheet of rock. They have their resources. Apart from the industrial development envisaged in the Bill— because the Bill ties the Minister and the board down to industrial development alone—we can do a great deal towards putting an end to the flight from the land and to the conditions which are forcing young people particularly to fly from it. First and foremost we have the very land or ground within these areas. We have the sea, which gives us fish, and there is also a certain industry in seaweeds that could be very usefully developed. We definitely have minerals, perhaps not in abundance but minerals that were worked in the past, and the mines in most cases have now fallen into disuse. We have turf and we have electrical development, either by developing our watercourses or, as was mentioned at Question Time to-day, by the development of wind power to help the present network. I mentioned the harbours. We could develop those harbours, decentralise the commerce of the country and, if possible, establish a coastal trade. Last, but by no means least, we have tourism. These are the advantages, the raw materials, we have at our disposal.

While I certainly give my blessing to the Bill and wish the Minister and the board he will set up under it God speed in its implementation, it falls very short of what I would like to see and even at this late stage I would like to see the Minister withdrawing the Bill in its present form and introducing a fresh one which would embody some of the proposals I have mentioned.

If we take the land which is the most valuable asset we have in the undeveloped areas, the first thing that must be attended to is rearrangement and the work of the Land Commission. That does not come within the scope of the Bill and the Minister for Lands cannot possibly use the Bill to speed up the work of the Land Commission. Secondly, the reclamation under the Department of Agriculture of certain lands is absolutely essential. I do not intend to go into details because I do not think I would be strictly within the rules of order and I am afraid I would stand accused of straying from the debate, but seeing that the Bill has primarily been brought into the House for the development of the undeveloped areas I think that as one coming from those areas I might give a few hints and ideas. As I might claim to be fairly familiar with the problems there it will not perhaps come amiss if I make some suggestions to the Minister.

I hope that the Minister will take heed of one of the most important industries we have apart from the work of the Land Commission in the rearrangement of holdings and the elimination of congestion in so far as it lies within their power to eliminate it. This industry which was getting a grip during the period of the inter-Party Government is afforestation. I hope that Deputies will not take it that I am sounding my own horn when I say that the Parliamentary Secretary in his opening speech a few days ago mentioned the fact that he found a lively interest among the people in these areas in afforestation. As ex-Minister for Lands may I say that I met with a response in the drive for afforestation in those areas that literally took my breath away because fast as I was inclined to go I found that the people wanted to drive me still faster? We would be foolish if we disregarded this enthusiasm among the people for an industry that does not need bolstering up or subsidising. It utilises the land of the area and further it will establish industries and give a healthy, clean form of outdoor work to the men. It will contribute more to the stabilisation of the population in the Gaeltacht and in the areas prescribed in the Bill than any other industry the Minister can establish.

In that connection I want to say that the Minister, being in charge of the Department of Industry and Commerce, knows what a pretty huge drain on our resources is the supplying of our needs of timber and of timber and wood products. In these years I think it has soared into the region of £8,000,000, and while afforestation will not give us timber to go to the sawmills inside 25 years at the very soonest, nevertheless I would say that the Minister in his effort to tackle the problem of the flight from the land in these areas would be well advised to use the land in the development of afforestation along the line I was developing it. If he tackles the problem it will be money well spent and well invested. I know that the argument will be put both to the Minister for Lands and to the Minister for Industry and Commerce: why bury money now that will not give a real visible return for 20 or 25 years? That is true.

Afforestation is, if you like, sinking money, but it is wrong to say that it does not give a return. It gives an instantaneous return in the form of employment and the circulation of money in those areas with its corresponding flow into the Treasury in a very short time as a result of the increased purchasing of dutiable goods. I want to impress on the Minister for Industry and Commerce, whom I would not expect to be very familiar with the problems at least of the particular areas which he is tackling now, that afforestation is the kingpin of the whole lot. I do hope that any financial consideration about investing money in such a way that it might not show a visible yield for 20 or 25 years will not influence him. That is not the proper way to look at it. If a Government 20, 25, 30 or 40 years ago had established afforestation in this country we would save that £8,000,000 which we pay out annually to countries that do not take 6d. worth from us in return and we would be very thankful to them.

We would say that at least they were far-sighted in having established them. It is the one way to keep men at home. Views were expressed here that if industrialisation of the congested areas takes place it may have the effect of killing the Gaelic language. I do not know. I shall not venture an opinion as to whether it would or not. It might do the language no good. We must admit that it does appear that if we are to save the language it is in the rural areas it must be done. That would appear to be the trend so far, but I am not in a position to speak on that subject. It does appear that, if the language is to be preserved in the Gaeltacht, it is in the rural areas rather than in the towns or in the vicinity of factories that the language lives best. That is one added reason why I would impress on the Minister that afforestation is one of the best means of providing employment, utilising the land that does not give much yield at the present time.

When I was a member of the inter-Party Government I got figures from the Department of Agriculture or some other place. I recollect that the figures given for sheep population of most of these areas showed that there is one sheep per three and a half acres, taking the valleys and the barren mountain tops. One sheep per three and a half acres is a poor way to use the land. Having been only a short time in charge of the forestry division, my opinion is that forestry properly developed in these areas will maintain the same population in the same comfort and prosperity as a similar acreage of the best land that is utilised for agricultural purposes. That is a pretty stiff claim, but if the Minister has a talk with some of the higher officials in the forestry division and reviews what has been done there already he will find that I am not exaggerating by one iota.

Next comes the question of the deep-sea fisheries. These are well worth developing. In my opinion, the way to develop deep-sea fisheries is not by giving boats or this, that or the other. Secure a steady market and a price for the fish and the sea fisheries will develop. Then, if the fisheries section of the Department of Agriculture have the boats and the gear ready for the fishermen, it will give good employment.

In that connection may I say that there was a sea rod industry established during my time? It had been begun some few years before that but it was only in the early stages. It was put on a firm foundation during the years 1949 and 1950. The sea rod industry is capable of further expansion, perhaps not to a much greater extent but at least to some extent. Experiments were made during my time in connection with what the people who live near the seashore call bladder weed but which is officially known as ascophyllm. Alginic acid can be produced from it.

Minerals are well worth investigating and there are minerals all over the west coast from Kerry up to Donegal. The Minister knows as well as I do that industries for which the raw material is available in the locality are certain of success, while industries, the raw material of which has to be brought into the area, may not be so sure of success. That is why I am stressing the importance of using in the first instance whatever materials are available locally, whether they are in the sea, on the land or under the ground.

In Connemara there is a very valuable kind of marble. I do not know a great deal about it, but it seems to have gone the same way as some of our slate quarries in the West. There are slate quarries in the West which should be opened up and developed properly. A wrong approach has been made to slate quarries, particularly in Mayo and Galway. The Killaloe slate quarries seem to have met with greater success, although the quality is no better than the quality of the slates in Mayo and Galway. I believe that a wrong approach that was made in the past has led to two quarries being abandoned. One is at Louisburgh and the other is in County Galway, right across from the Mayo border. That matter needs to be dealt with.

The question of turf production has been a controversial one in this House. Turf production should be and could be developed. Let me say to the Minister, as I said to him years ago, when he was Minister for Supplies, that the principal way to ensure the development of turf production is to see that turf reaches the consumer in good condition. That was not the case during the war years, but perhaps there was a good explanation for that. It might not have been so easy to ensure that turf reached the consumer in good condition. If the consumer in the city or town got turf of a good quality, as good as every farmer gets it, that is, dry as a bone, that will make a cheerful fire, the people would be glad to take it, and there would not be the clamour that arose in 1946 and 1947, as soon as the war was over, to bring in coal at any cost. It was not Fianna Fáil or the inter-Party Government, but it was the way in which turf was given to the consumers in the cities and towns during the war years, that was the principal cause of the setback that the industry suffered. Even at this late stage that difficulty can be overcome. The people down the country will produce the best of turf, and put it on the train or lorry in the best condition. It is not fair to ask consumers in the city to pay for water. Turf which left the bogs in a dry condition became soaked with water, and if the city consumers had to pay for it, it is no blame to them if they are disgusted at the very mention of the words turf.

I do not know what can be done on the lines of development of water power for generating electricity in those areas, but I am sure there are still sources that are untapped. There is one lake near Newport, North Mayo. It is a vast expanse of water and reasonably above sea level. I do not see why it should not be developed. Perhaps it is that the E.S.B. are engaged in developing greater waterfalls in other parts of the country and have not yet reached it. The matter is worthy of examination.

The Minister and the Parliamentary Secretary might contribute something useful, particularly to the Gaeltacht areas, by further expansion of the various industries that are already established. No doubt they are small industries but nevertheless they are very useful and give a nice form of employment and there is a ready market for their products. There is one near Belmullet which is employing almost 100 hands. There is one in Crolly, County Donegal, employing 70 to 80 hands constantly. The Minister, I am sure, is aware of the fact that the toys that they turn out are considered second to none in any market in the world. The same applies to other industries. I would like to see them developed to a much greater extent.

I want again to impress on the Tánaiste that, in my opinion, while this Bill provides for the establishment of a board, the board cannot do a great deal. It gives me the impression that it is a plunge in the dark but in the right direction. Let us take care, however, that we do not miss the bigger things under our eyes—that we cannot see the wood for the trees. The last Government were paying attention to the points I have mentioned. They were travelling along these lines and developing these things. These are the right lines on which to go if you want to stabilise the population in those areas.

With regard to the establishment of industries, the Minister's speech rather left me with cold feet with regard to the Bill. He pointed out the difficulties which would beset the establishment of industries. As I read the Bill, the board cannot operate or start an industry. All it can do is purchase land and, if necessary, erect buildings, and then induce industrialists to come in. I cannot see industrialists taking that bait.

If they do all they are being given power to do, you will have us all flying from the East to the West.

I should like to think that, but I cannot see it. I am not criticising the Bill for the sake of criticism. I am anxious to help the Minister in every possible way. This board which is to be established will be tied hand and foot. They will only have £30,000 or £31,000 per county for each of the seven years' duration of this Bill. I believe I am correct in saying that before the sum to be provided can be increased the Minister must come into this House with an amending Bill. There was great criticism of Deputy Dillon when he was Minister for Agriculture because he proposed to spend £40,000,000 on the reclamation of land. In my opinion, to do the thing in a big way like that was the right way to tackle the problem.

This Bill deals with aid to industries, not with general development.

That is the fault I see in it. It is not tackling the problem in a big and proper way. It will reassure me a good deal if the Tánaiste can tell me that he intends to bring in another Bill giving the Minister for Lands or himself power to carry out some of these developments I have mentioned with the raw materials which are there already.

There are organisations there already or they will be set up under this Bill.

The Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Lands is being given power to co-ordinate the work of certain Ministers. I respectfully submit that the Parliamentary Secretary has no authority——

You do not need new organisations for turf development or afforestation or electricity development; they are there already.

Something is required to group the whole lot together. There should be unified control by some member of the Government, whether he be a Minister or a Parliamentary Secretary, to carry out these things. That is what I should like to see. That is the only way the undeveloped areas can be developed.

The Bill should be entitled "To hell or Leinster".

We cannot ignore the problem. I am not familiar with the figures with regard to other counties in the West, but I do know that, from 1936 to 1946, the population of County Mayo fell from 161,000 to 148,000, and by the end of the present year it will have fallen a further 5,000 or 6,000. There will be no need to develop those areas after a while unless the problem of re-establishing the people on the land is dealt with. I want to point out to the Minister the best way to stabilise the present population there. He will not do it in a month or two months or in a year or two years. But if he makes a start on these lines, he will be going in the right direction. The utilisation of the raw material we have on the land is the first thing. The second is to give men useful employment and to sink money on a big scale in reproductive work.

Do not mind the gibes and sneers which have been hurled against Deputy Dillon's reclamation scheme, not alone by the Minister for Lands but by the Taoiseach himself at the Fianna Fáil Árd Fheis. Any member of the Land Commission will tell you that one acre of land is more valuable in the eyes of the people there than ten acres of the best land in the Midlands. Whatever arable land is in those areas should be reclaimed. Do not stultify the director in charge of the land rehabilitation scheme. Do not spend money on reclamation in order to try and grow cabbage or corn on top of a mountain 1,000 feet high. There is the afforestation scheme to provide employment there.

I should like the Minister to have a good heart-to-heart talk with the forestry officials, who know their job and who will not be induced by any Minister to plant trees where they will not grow. He should have a talk with them and get the facts and figures with regard to the employment given and the way the plantations are thriving in those areas.

The one thing I do not like about this Bill is that it does not go far enough. The Minister will probably gibe at that when he comes to reply. It certainly is ignoring the raw materials which we have here. It is not taking these into account. It is not proposed to avail of these. We can go ahead with this and talk about it from every platform and say that we are going to do great things for the Gaeltacht, but we are ignoring the plight of the people in these areas. We can do all that and yet not do what we set out to do, stop the flight of the people from these areas. The lines I have pointed out are the right lines to follow. The Tánaiste may consider the existing machinery good enough, but that is the way to tackle the problem.

I think the most significant factor of this discussion is that the title of the Bill was not questioned until Deputy Corish made an interjection a few minutes ago. I want to assure Deputy Blowick that I will not make any attempt to repudiate anything he said. I think, however, that he dealt with a number of matters which do not come within the scope of the Bill.

I said so.

We shall have to discuss these on another occasion. I intend to confine my remarks to the actual Bill before us, while noting in passing the interjection of Deputy Corish when he used the words: "To Hell or Leinster." It is perfectly clear that the inter-Party Government could not agree on the development of the undeveloped areas when Deputy Corish uses this opportunity, when the West is batting on a sound wicket, to interject that it is the aim of the Fianna Fáil Government to drive the people out of Leinster.

If Deputy Flanagan's Government does as much for the West of Ireland and the country generally in three and a half years as we did in three and a half years he will have good reason to clap himself on the back.

I think that it is significant that the title of this Bill, the Undeveloped Areas Bill, has not been seriously questioned. If the areas are undeveloped then surely ipso facto they should be developed. This is the first real attempt at the development of industries in the West of Ireland by means of State assistance. I am not too well versed in the history of this, but I believe this is not the first attempt to give assistance to private enterprise in the West of Ireland.

Deputy Hession referred to cynicism; the people who were cynical were those industrialists who used State subsidies during the war for the formation of new industries for the purpose of retaining men in employment. These were industries they could drop immediately the war finished and revert to their original industry which they could not continue while the war was in progress. I do not believe there is any other element of cynicism and, while I believe that politicians and everybody else should cease to be cynical about the West of Ireland, I do not agree that there is any element of cynicism in the introduction of this Bill.

The fact that it has been welcomed by the Opposition is sufficient evidence that the Opposition does not regard it as a cynical Bill. I suppose it is only natural that they should say the Bill does not go far enough. If it does not go far enough, how far does the Opposition want the Bill to go? Following that argument to its logical conclusion one will inevitably have to ask, if the Bill should prove a failure, why did it fail? Will it fail because of the laziness of the people for whose benefit it is designed? Will it fail because industrialists will refuse to go down to the undeveloped areas and exercise their talents there? Will it fail because they, even though they are indemnified against loss, will still prefer to make their living and their money in Dublin and its environments in which the vast majorities of our factories are at present situated? I refuse to believe that will happen. I refuse to believe that if you indemnify people against loss they will continue to show a prejudice against a particular part of the country.

I sincerely hope this Bill will be a success. I believe it will be. I would not like to face the consequences—and I am not speaking about political consequences but social consequences—if the Bill should be a failure. To some extent we are dealing with undeveloped ideas as well as undeveloped areas. We cannot prophesy with any certainty what will happen. We cannot go down to the people in the West and tell them that we are giving them the promised land, that they will be spoon-fed and that they will have their El Dorado in a few years' time.

This is a vast project towards developing these particular areas by using the natural resources in the areas. This project will involve work stretching beyond the lifetime of many of us here. It makes a real effort at solving the problem in one of its aspects for the most significant contribution in it is the provision whereby the young men who will be trained for industry will be paid the maximum union wage during their period of training.

I have not discussed this Bill with very many people but I did hear a good deal of praise for that particular provision. Our young men to-day are attracted by easy money in England. Some of them are attracted by other factors besides easy money and not all the blandishments we can offer them will persuade them not to emigrate. But they are only a percentage and we are not really concerned with them. These young men, when they come to 17 or 18 years of age, naturally go for easy money in England. They can get it without being skilled.

In these industries it is obvious that a certain amount of skilled labour will be required. Our young men will now be offered an opportunity of staying at home and being trained more or less at the expense of the State out of the £2,000,000 provided under this Bill. I do not agree with Deputy Blowick's division of this £2,000,000. I do not think it is fair to divide it. It should be treated as an entity. It should not be split into 63 different parts.

You must do that.

I understand the Minister has indicated that further moneys will be provided should the Bill be a success and should it be necessary to provide further moneys.

But the sum is limited by legislation.

Amending legislation can be brought in if the Bill proves a success. I think any Government would be prepared in such circumstances to vote extra money for the continued implementation of the Bill. I think it would be ridiculous to name a vast sum of money at this stage when we are not certain that the Bill will work out in practice.

All the more reason why the sum should be specified.

The Bill has specified a particular sum. I do not agree there is not a sufficient incentive in the Bill to induce people to assist the State in the same measure as the State is now willing to assist them. Business at the moment is going to the bad. Business people in the towns are complaining about the activities of travelling shops, but they know very well that is not the real explanation. They know that the prosperity of the town depends to a large extent on the prosperity of the surrounding countryside. If the two or three sons to whom I have referred can find employment in their local town they will bring back a certain amount of money into their own home and in that way the money will be kept in the area. It will eventually find its way to the town thereby increasing the volume of business and the profit to be derived from it. Surely then there is a sufficient incentive to these people to open their purse strings now that they are being indemnified against loss by reason of the fact that they are located in the West of Ireland. Surely they have a sufficient incentive now because trade is not what it used to be during the war years.

Deputy McQuillan took his stand on the basis that private enterprise will not solve the problems of this country. If it does not, I do not know what will, or whether the democratic foundations of the State can remain. He mentioned also, to the amusement of the House, the establishment of a poteen industry. I must confess that I have a certain amount of sympathy with the point of view expressed by Deputy McQuillan and Deputy Cowan on that, although I realise quite well that nothing can possibly ever be done about it. It is certainly not an industry envisaged by the Bill or one that could be developed with profit. I do not agree with Deputy Hession that rural electrification is necessary before the objects of the Bill can be adequately implemented. The important thing about the Bill is that sound provision in that direction is being made for the people, because I think so long as electricity has reached the urban areas, the towns and villages, that will be sufficient for the purposes of the Bill. It will take many years before the entire country can be covered by a scheme of rural electrification. If what the Deputy suggested were true, it would be pointless to introduce the Bill at this stage at all.

The real benefit, in my opinion, which a rural electrification scheme will confer is that it will encourage the young people who are emigrating at the present time to remain at home; it will enable them to make their lives at home a little bit brighter, and their homes a little pleasanter. If the young people who contemplate emigrating can, as a result of the passing of this Bill, get employment in their nearest town, that surely will be an encouragement to them to remain at home.

All that, of course, will depend on the people who have money and who are now being given an opportunity under this Bill to release some of it by putting it into circulation through the establishment of local industries. If we can achieve that under the Bill, then there will be no need for people to emigrate. Of course, you will always have a small percentage who, for reasons of their own, will still emigrate, but I suggest that the vast bulk of the young people will, in the new situation that we envisage, remain at home.

The big question is whether the people who have the money, and who are now being given an opportunity to invest it in their own country, will show a desire to open their purse strings, and to do their part in making the objects of this Bill a success. My belief is that those people, if only from selfish motives, will make the money available. I believe they will have to make it available because, otherwise, the trade in their areas, which is now so much smaller than it was in years gone by, will continue to deteriorate, and their own country and their own lives will deteriorate with it.

There is one thing which, I think, we should have from the people who will be trained by means of moneys voted under this Bill, and that is a guarantee that they will work in one of the industries established under it, subject, of course, to their being honourable and suitable in every other way. In that way they will be giving a return to the State. They should not be given the opportunity of leaving the area to find work elsewhere. I agree that will mean that, to a certain extent, they are prepared to forgo their natural rights, but it is not too much to expect from them in return for what the State has given to them. In addition, they would be ensuring that the money voted under the Bill would not have been voted in vain and that full advantage was being derived from the use of it. I should hope, too, that people in charge of industry who might see an opportunity of locating these qualified persons elsewhere, will not have an opportunity of shifting them off from an area in which they should be giving service in return for the advantages which they had received.

I do not suppose that we from the West will get many chances of speaking on matters concerning this for some time to come. We have, I think, aired most of our grievances. We have made a number of appeals. Perhaps it might not be out of place if I were now to make an appeal to the people in Galway that they should put their shoulders to the wheel. There is a limit to which you can spoon-feed people. It may be that the soft money which some of them got in England during the war years has given false ideas to some of our young men in the West of Ireland. I have made what everybody knows to be a sincere appeal on their behalf already. Perhaps it might not be out of place if I were now to make the appeal to themselves that they should discard any false ideas which they may hold, such as that this country can be built up overnight, and to forget about the easy money they made in England, a highly industrialised country with a long tradition. We are a young nation with a short tradition as a separate entity, and we all have something to contribute to it, just as the State itself has. Therefore I do not think it is out of place, when thanking the Government for introducing this measure, to appeal to the people themselves not to ask to be spoon-fed. The definition of democracy is supposed to be that condition in which every person has an equal opportunity. If perhaps for the first time, those people are now being given an equal opportunity with the rest of the nation, I sincerely hope that, as I have promised on their behalf, they will not let the State down.

I would like to say that I am very glad indeed that this measure has been introduced. At the risk of being told that we speak with different voices from this side of the House, I want to say that I do not agree with some of the criticism which has been offered to this Bill. I think this measure is a step in the right direction. I am not concerned at the moment as to the motives which inspired the introduction of the Bill. I do not give a hoot what they were, whether they were political or otherwise. I am concerned with the measure itself, and concerned only with the hope that, when it becomes law, no effort will be spared to see that advantage will be taken of it in full. I should like also to say that my concern is not that the £2,000,000 is not sufficient.

I am much more afraid of the fact there would not be enough people to take advantage of the provisions of this Bill and to use up the £2,000,000, even within the seven years. I am sure the Minister would be a very happy man if he, or whoever may be in his position then, had to came back to this House and look for another £2,000,000 or £3,000,000 within two, three, four or five years.

I do not think that Deputy Blowick wished to be unfair or had any intention of being unfair, but I would say to him that it is not exactly fair to put the expenditure at £31,000 per county. This £2,000,000 is an incentive. Incidentally I do not agree with Deputy S. Flanagan when he says that it is an indemnity against loss. I do not think that even the Minister himself would claim that for it, or even attempt to write that into the Bill. What it is is an incentive to the people of this country who are interested, or who ought to be interested, not merely in helping undeveloped areas, because it is not a matter of helping undeveloped areas alone——

Does it not indemnify against any extra charge that would be involved, by reason of ——

Just in case somebody reading the report, either here or outside, might think that this Bill, if it becomes law, will indemnify them against loss, I want to assure them that it will not.

I did not mean that exactly.

I am not trying to score any point.

I quite appreciate that.

I do not think the Deputy meant that. What we ought to face up to is that this Bill is an effort to bring about a position whereby the inhabitants of undeveloped areas, and particularly those living in congested areas, will get an opportunity of earning a livelihood in their own land. That is point number one. It is also an effort to bring about a balance in the economic life of the nation. It is a further move to prevent the City of Dublin from becoming any bigger and from becoming any greater menace than it is at present. If the Minister can get the co-operation from existing and prospective industrialists that he is entitled to get, I think that this measure can do a tremendous amount of good for the country. I am convinced that there are very valuable incentives contained in this Bill and that a real attempt is being made here to bring about, as far as it is possible to do so, a balance as between the industrialists in the city or large town and the industrialists who will start a project in one of the undeveloped areas. When I say that, I am not to be taken as agreeing that the Minister has gone the whole way or anything like the whole way. I think it would be impossible for him to do that at this stage.

If every effort is made to work this scheme, and if every advantage is taken of it, I feel it will be found in the working out of it that there are many concessions which can be given which would be of tremendous value. I appreciate, perhaps as much as anybody in the House, what a difficult problem it is, for instance, to try to bring about an equalisation in freights and other charges as between those who are located at the port of entry for raw materials and those who are located in the big centres of consumption. I do not think that this is a difficulty which is insuperable. Now that we have, so to speak, a certain amount of the transport of the country in our own hands, as distinct from having it in the hands of private people, I see no reason why the Electricity Supply Board, Córas Iompair Éireann and any other service which it is within the competence of the Minister and of the Government and this House to determine, should not be brought into play so as to help, to the fullest possible extent, thus ensuring that this Bill will be a success when it becomes law.

One matter of which I might be slightly afraid is that we are concluding, and some Deputies have concluded, that the only undeveloped areas in this country are the ones described in the Bill. Unfortunately, we have 26 counties, all of which are undeveloped areas in the real sense of the word. I do not think that any Deputy in this House, be he from Leinster, Munster or that part of Ulster which is left to us, would question the fact that priority must be given to the congested areas. These are the areas, generally speaking, which are west of the Shannon. I do not think it is necessary for me to say this to the Minister, but there is no harm in repeating these statements from time to time: where it is not possible to induce, for one reason or another, an industrialist to go into one of the areas contemplated in the Bill, to which the Minister has given priority, another offer, even to the full extent provided in the Bill, ought to be given to him, and he ought to be given a second choice to establish an industry somewhere as far away from Dublin as possible. I might even say in Cork, at the risk of being attacked by the Cork people in this House. There are many counties that could be well served by industries.

Some Deputies have found fault with this measure because the board is not to have the power to initiate industries. May I say that I am very glad that they have not? If this measure can only succeed, and if the Minister and the House can only achieve the object which it has in mind, by a number of factories initiated or worked by the State or by some State-controlled bodies in this country, then we might as well throw our hats at the whole thing. It has been said by some Deputies in the House that private enterprise will never solve our problems in this country. I have yet to learn that nationalisation has solved the problems of any other country. I believe in private enterprise. I believe that private enterprise should be given the incentives which are sufficient to put it on a competitive basis with those industries which are more fortunately located both in regard to the importation of raw materials and with regard to the distribution of their products to the big centres of consumption. We will find people who are anxious to get away from the cities.

I believe it was Deputy Brennan of Donegal who made the point that our people have shown, not merely when they have gone abroad, but even here at home, that, if given a chance, they are able to adapt themselves readily to new processes and that they can pick up technical skill in manufacturing processes at least as quickly as can the workers of any other country.

We know that is quite true of those who have gone over to America, to Britain or elsewhere and who have gone into industrial work. During my time in the Department of Industry and Commerce—and I am sure the present Minister has been told this more often than I was—over and over again I was told, not merely by our own native manufacturers but by outsiders who came in to start industries in this country, that they found that Irish workers—men and women—picked up the threads of the particular process at least as quickly, if not more quickly, than did those others untrained in Britain or any other country. On more than one occasion the heads of firms who had come in from outside to start industries here came to the Department of Industry and Commerce to volunteer that information to me.

On that point I ought to add this. I said it before; I think the present Minister has stated it more than once, and Deputy Flanagan and, I think, Deputy Brennan touched on it. Whether industries in this country, located in the undeveloped areas or elsewhere, are going to be successful or not depends in the main, if not almost entirely, on having the requisite skill and knowledge in the factory, both from the administrative point of view and from the operative point of view. If there were a proper examination or analysis of the industrial position in this country, I think it would be found that, where industries failed, they failed, if not in every case, in the vast majority of cases, because there was not at the head of that industry the necessary technical knowledge, the necessary administrative ability and that efficiency which would be required in this or any other country to make it a success.

It was not a question of money or of not getting sufficient protection or sufficient urge from the State. In most cases—and I think I am right in saying this—it was because people launched into industry who had very little, if any, knowledge of the particular project on which they were embarking and who had not even the common sense to realise that they had not got that requisite skill and administrative ability which was required to make a success of the industry and try to obtain it from elsewhere.

I would say to the Minister—and I want to say this more by emphasis than because there is any necessity to tell the Minister what he already knows—that unless these projects are going to be sponsored by people who themselves have the knowledge of the particular project which they hope to produce or are prepared to obtain that knowledge, that skill, whether it is in the undeveloped areas or elsewhere, the chance of that particular industry surviving will not, in my opinion, be very great.

I am a bit worried about the board. I can see certain reasons for the Minister's line, that the board must be composed of officers of the State. I have a very high regard, perhaps as high a regard as anybody in this House, for the higher officers of this State, but I do not think it is fair either to them or to this Bill that the board to operate it has to be composed entirely of officers of the State. I do not know whether I misunderstood the Minister——

I did not say entirely. I do not think it should be entirely composed of officers of the State. There must be people who are free of commercial interests.

Certainly I think they must be free of commercial interests, and the Minister knows that that is one of the first difficulties he is going to be up against because the men you might like to get to put on that board, if they have to free themselves completely from commercial interests, will be only going on that board at a very heavy loss to themselves. On the other hand, I would like equally to see the officers of the State who will be on this board, if at all possible, completely free from the State and from red tape in so far as they can be free from that.

This is a project that cannot be approached upon a strictly commercial basis. If we are talking about having anything in the undeveloped areas on a strictly commercial basis we are simply wasting our time here, and I think we must recognise that. We must measure this not against the sort of balance sheet that is turned out at the end of the year in pounds, shillings and pence. Industries could be started here and could cost the taxpayers £2,000,000 or £5,000,000, or even £7,000,000 in seven years and still be an excellent investment, not merely from the point of development but ultimately from the point of view of hard cash. That is the reason that I would be very concerned if this board were to be composed entirely of officers of the State, who would feel anyway that they had to act in accordance with their life's training within the State, and having regard to all the regulations by which the State is necessarily bound. However, I am somewhat relieved that the Minister tells us that he does not intend that the board should be composed entirely of officers of the State. I need hardly say that anything I have said in that connection is not to be and cannot be construed as a reflection in any way whatever upon the Civil Service.

Some Deputies, apparently, seem to think that this measure is to be in substitution for other measures and other activities which are in motion throughout the country, particularly in the undeveloped and, still more particularly, in the congested areas. I would be very sorry to think that that was so. I do not think it is so. It seems to me that there are four major ways in which we can help the undeveloped areas and, as I say, in particular the congested areas. There is land rehabilitation, afforestation, fishery, and there is this project that we are discussing. There is no reason in the world why, under those four headings, the work should not be proceeding side by side.

Let me say on that point also that I do not agree with my colleague, Deputy Blowick, that all those activities should be grouped under one Minister. Far from it. Still less, may I say, do I agree with the suggestion that this particular Bill, instead of being sponsored by the Minister for Industry and Commerce, should be sponsored and under the care and protection of the Minister for Lands. If it were introduced by the Department of Lands—let me deal with the Department in case anyone might think I was referring in any sort of personal way to the Minister in charge—I might be looking at it in a much different way from the way I am looking at it now.

May I say that I am not satisfied— and I do not hold myself forth as an expert; I know, I suppose, as much about this matter as the ordinary man —that we have up to the present, since the State was founded, made the efforts which we ought to make to improve the land in the congested areas? I believe far greater efforts could be made. I believe also that the fact is not grasped by the people of this country, indeed it is not grasped by members of this House, that an additional acre, or the conversion of an acre of land which is at the moment useless, into an arable unit, would make all the difference in the world to the economy of the man living in parts of Mayo and Galway. It would mean much more to him than ten acres would to many of my constituents in Tipperary or to many farmers living in Meath, Westmeath, Cork or Limerick.

I suppose that for 28 years I have been talking in this House about afforestation and I am not satisfied that either the Government or the people in the Forestry Department— for the moment I am not dealing particularly with this Government—has ever faced up to that question in a really sensible and courageous way. I do not know whether it is still the view, but I remember being told in this House, year after year for the last 28 or 29 years, that trees could not be grown in the West of Ireland or along the western seaboard and that trees could not be grown above a certain altitude. Then you go down into the very areas in which you are told trees cannot be grown and you find that in places where some rich Englishman came in, spent money on the land and planted proper trees, there are acres under woods. There is no question in the world about it; it can be done.

I know my views will be countered by Deputies and by experts in forestry. I do not claim to be an expert on forestry though, perhaps, I did more work in woods and with timber than most Deputies and perhaps more work than some of the fellows in the Forestry Department, and I know a good deal about it. I may be told that it is a question of climate and so on. I have not been very often on the Continent but I was there once or twice and I saw trees growing there on mountains, right up to where they met the snow, almost growing out of rock and in a climate, taking one thing with another, that was not so free from extremes as our climate is. I agree with Deputy Blowick that afforestation, tackled in a courageous way in the congested areas and along the western seaboard, could be one of the most valuable contributions we could make towards providing a decent living for the people there and towards helping to keep them there.

So far as fishing is concerned, I know absolutely nothing whatever about sea fishing and almost next to nothing about inland fishing. I know something, however, about inland fishing, because I have knocked about a little for the last few years and I have talked with people who devoted their lives to fishing. I have seen a number of people, both our own people and people from outside, who spent most of their time in salmon and trout fishing and even in coarse fishing. I have some idea of the amount of money spent on fishing and of the amount of employment given by these people. It could be increased enormously but, even as it is, it is very considerable, notwithstanding the fact that our fisheries, having regard to their financial value, are the most neglected probably in Europe. I say nothing about sea fishing as I know nothing about it, but I say that these two, taken in conjunction with this Bill, would go a long way towards remedying a position that has been allowed to continue for far too long.

I do not want anybody to tell me that this Bill is not going to solve all the problems. I know it is not, and I venture to say the Minister knows that also, but I believe it is a good start. I believe that it goes as far as we can go, at present anyway, to provide inducements to those who are contemplating starting industries in this country to get away from the cities. I am satisfied that if an effort is made to utilise the incentives provided in this Bill for the purpose of starting industries and if those who will be connected with these projects show that they are really in earnest, and if there are any further incentives within reason which they require, this House will be prepared to give them. Somebody talked about spoon-feeding. A good deal of spoon-feeding has been done in this country but it must be always remembered that it was not done, if ever it was done, for the sake of the people into whose mouths the spoon was put. It was done for other purposes and for other reasons.

I think the Minister is fortunate in two respects in introducing this Bill. I think he is fortunate in the time chosen to introduce it. Notwithstanding all the talk we hear about the financial situation, both internal and external, I think he is fortunate because Irish industry, as we know it in this country at the moment, is, as I said on a former occasion, perhaps more firmly rooted and deeply respected than it has been at any time in the past. I have said over and over again in the last three or four years that we are importing millions of pounds' worth of goods every year which could be, and should be, manufactured in this country. I see no reason why they cannot be manufactured here. I want to go further and say something with which perhaps some Deputies may not agree, and other people may try to twist. If the Minister finds that, for any reason you like, Irish industrialists, with the skill and the knowledge they have acquired, are unable or unwilling to take advantage of this Bill, then the Minister, if necessary, should go outside this country and should get people who have the necessary knowledge and skill and who are prepared to come in here and produce with Irish labour the articles which we now have to import and which are produced abroad by foreign labour. I am saying that although I know some people will misunderstand it and others will be glad to misrepresent it. These are my views for what they are worth.

The second ground on which the Minister is fortunate in the introduction of this Bill and in his effort to make it a success is that all sides of the House welcome it, all sides approve of it and all sides wish it well.

I desire at the outset to congratulate the Minister on having introduced this Bill and upon his speech in introducing it. If I may as an Independent Deputy be permitted to do so, I should like also to compliment Deputy Morrissey on the very enlightened and sensible speech which he has made and on his very sensible approach to the Bill. There were Deputies in this House who condemned the Minister's speech as being too realistic. I do not think that any man with the knowledge and general experience of industrial development which the Minister has would come in here and make a flamboyant speech indicating that with the passage of this Bill factories would spring up all over the undeveloped areas in this country. Everybody knows that that is not going to happen. Everybody knows that the fight to establish industries in areas where they have not been established is going to be an uphill fight.

As I see it, the object of the Bill is to offset the natural disadvantages and the natural hazards that exist and that have prevented industrial development in so many areas in the country. Some people say that this Bill is purely a political Bill but I think very few Deputies share that view. When he was introducing the Bill the Minister made it clear that this is a logical development of the legislative and administrative efforts which were made to distribute industries fairly through the country and particularly in areas which suffer from economic disadvantages. All that the Bill seeks is to give to the potential manufacturer some advantages which will offset the disadvantages of being, perhaps, far from the biggest centre of consumption and far perhaps from some essential raw materials.

The steps outlined in the Bill appear to be those best calculated to achieve the results which the Minister has in view. We all know that over the past 20 years industrial centres have grown up simply because there were buildings in the areas in which they grew up, plus a certain amount of development in those areas which was conducive to the establishment of manufacturing industries there. About 20 years ago I visited Newbridge, in County Kildare, and the town seemed to me then to be like a ghost town. There were huge buildings there which had been evacuated by the British Army. I suppose that there were sewerage and water schemes there too, but certainly there were very substantial buildings there. As a result of these substantial buildings being there a group of thriving industries sprang up in that town. It seems to me that if the Government, through this Bill, were to provide some of the fundamentals in the way of building and development in certain undeveloped areas the same results would follow as followed in the case of Newbridge.

I think that the Bill is sound. It does not guarantee or seek to guarantee to the newly developed industries any immunity from competition or any security against losses incurred, perhaps, through inefficiency or through any adverse circumstances that might arise in the future. No Government can set out to shelter and protect any industry in this country from any other industry which may be established within the country. The most that a native Government can do is to seek to protect the manufacturer producing in this country from unfair opposition or competition from outside this country. If we were to carry protection a step further, as some people suggest, I think we should be heading for chaos and that we would put an end to industrial development in this country.

There was a striking contrast between the approach of the Tánaiste to this matter and that of Deputy MacBride. I think that Deputy MacBride outlined clearer than any other Deputy the airy, frothy and insubstantial approach to industrial development which has done quite a lot of harm in this country in the past. Deputy MacBride said he did not approve of the manner in which the situation was being dealt with in this Bill. He said that instead of seeking to encourage private enterprise in the undeveloped areas by giving the potential manufacturers some initial help we should approach this matter in an entirely different way. He outlined his ideas on how the problem should be faced.

He set out under three headings the steps which he considered should be taken. First of all, he said that we should have a thorough and comprehensive survey of the whole problem. Do we not all know where that suggestion would lead us to? A thorough and comprehensive survey of the industrial problems of this country is the work of a lifetime or, perhaps, of two lifetimes, because so many aspects have to be taken into consideration. Conditions change so rapidly from year to year that a body investigating this matter would have security of tenure for many years. Deputy MacBride's second point was that, having discovered what industries ought to be established, he would go a step further and decide where to locate them. I think that here, again, he would come up against a very difficult problem. Having notified all and sundry to apply to have the proposed industry located in their particular area, he would have an immensely difficult problem in choosing between them.

Notice taken that 20 Deputies were not present. House counted, and 20 Deputies being present,

I was saying that the second big step which Deputy MacBride suggested we should take was that we should find out where we should locate these industries. He laid down that, first of all, we should decide what industries were required, then where they should be put and then the Government should undertake to establish those industries. He followed that by saying that, having established them and having got them going, we should sell those industries to private enterprise at a later stage. I think that whole approach is completely wrong. The difference between the Minister's approach and that of Deputy MacBride is the difference between the approach of a practical businessman and the approach of a man of theory. Along the lines that Deputy MacBride suggested, I believe that no progress whatever would be made. It is all right to have a survey of the areas, but you can carry on that survey even while this good work under the Bill is going forward.

The Bill makes a call and gives an incentive to the independent individual, the man who has saved some money, to put his money into an industry and to chance it as a backing for his enterprise, his wisdom and his skill. This House must make it clear beyond all question that it stands for the promotion and the protection of private enterprise.

They may include Wicklow some day in the Bill.

But the Deputy will not be there then.

Any area which may be developed, including County Wicklow, may be included. In Wicklow we have, particularly along the east coast, through the enterprise of the Wicklow people, many successful industries which are a credit to this nation, a credit to the people who have established them and are running them, and also a credit to the workers. To-day I had the pleasure of showing an American visitor through an industry which provides bottled milk for the City of Dublin and manufactures ice cream.

Unfortunately, they were confined to the eastern counties. The western counties got very little.

He expressed the view that there was nothing in America superior to that particular industry in the skill of the workers or the up-to-date machinery employed. Before the interruptions, I was indicating the vast difference between the approach of a realistic, practical mind and the approach suggested by Deputy MacBride. I am not saying that in any unfair way to Deputy MacBride, as I think he was endeavouring to be as constructive as possible. He was endeavouring to suggest—as it is right for an Opposition Deputy to suggest— something better than this Bill, but I feel that he did not suggest something better, but something infinitely worse. If the board constituted under this Bill were to go to any undeveloped area and establish an industry there, that industry inevitably would remain in Government hands for all time. The nett result would be that the taxpayers would be milked to keep that industry going, and perhaps to cut out other industries established by private enterprise. We have seen what happened in regard to the Irish News Agency. There you have the taxpayers' money used to cut out independent enterprise. The same thing would happen if the State were to establish industries in the West of Ireland.

We know that under the Department of Industry and Commerce we have a number of State-owned monopolies which are of vast importance to the nation. We have the Electricity Supply Board, which provides for the generation and distribution of electricity; we have Bord na Móna; and we have the Forestry Department. These big governmental enterprises are all fulfilling the fundamental needs of the community. I would like to see a real attempt made to co-ordinate the work of those State-owned enterprises with the development of privately-owned industries in undeveloped areas. For example, the work of the Forestry Department could be made to fit in with the establishment of many privately-owned manufacturing industries depending on timber and its bye-products as a raw material. It might be necessary for the Forestry Department to take a step forward, to ensure additional planting, perhaps not always of a very high type of commercial timber but of a type which would provide the raw materials required by an industry—as is the case in Athy, where hardboard or wallboard is produced from timber.

Again, the fishing industry must be assisted by the State, but it could be fitted in with the development of auxiliary industries for the processing, canning and preservation of fish. In the same way, the effort which the State makes through various Departments to reap the harvest of the seas in regard to seaweed and products of that kind, could be fitted in with the development of manufacturing industries. Thus, while on the one hand we endeavour by every possible means to push forward the work which is being done through State enterprise in the fields in which the State can operate, on the other hand we should encourage private enterprise and leave to private enterprise the fields which it can best develop.

Bord na Móna in its efforts to revive a native produced fuel could also help in the establishment of industries which are turf-fired and perhaps it could help further by extending into some of the undeveloped areas generating plant for the production of electricity, I move the adjournment of the debate.

Debate adjourned.
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