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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 22 Apr 1952

Vol. 131 No. 1

Committee on Finance. - Resolution No. 11—General (Resumed).

There are just two matters arising out of the discussion on the Budget which affect me personally and with which I would like to deal now. The first is in relation to the disclosure of Budget secrets prior to the secrets being announced by the Minister in the House. I stated here on Friday, 4th April, at column 1573 of the Official Report:—

"I was informed of the Budget secrets outside this House, ten minutes before the Minister came to them, by a Fine Gael Deputy."

Deputy MacBride immediately intervened and said:—

"Deputy Cogan made a categorical statement that he was informed outside this House ten minutes before the Minister made his Budget statement of its secrets."

There is in Deputy MacBride's statement a definite attempt to twist and distort the clear-cut statement that I made. There is an attempt made by Deputy MacBride to represent that I was informed of the Budget secrets before the Minister came into the House to make his statement. I think it is necessary now to have the matter made perfectly clear. While the Minister was reading his Budget statement here in the House I happened to go down the corridor and I met a Fine Gael Deputy who quite courteously passed on to me the secrets of the Budget and the increases that were being provided for in the Budget by way of changes in taxation. He told me exactly what they were, thereby showing that he had received full information of the Budget secrets before the Minister had announced them in the House. I think Deputies should protest against the broadcasting of important matters contained in the Budget long before these matters are announced to the House. Apart from that, the matter did not end there because immediately after the Dáil adjourned I noticed two slick little gangsters sneaking into the official reporters' office and I went in there and found Deputy O. Flanagan and Deputy MacBride questioning——

This is not on the Budget, and the Deputy should not——

On a point of order. Can Deputies be termed "gangsters"?

The Deputy will resume his seat. Deputy Cogan must not use that term in connection with any member of this House and he must withdraw the remark.

I withdraw it. I found Deputy MacBride and Deputy O. Flanagan questioning the official reporter, or the Editor of Debates, in regard to a statement I had made to the House and I want to protest against any Deputy, or combination of Deputies, going into the official reporters' office and trying to influence them to distort the notes taken in this House.

The Deputy will please come to the Resolution before the House and leave that explanation.

I have made the protest and I want to inform you, Sir, that I intend to bring this matter before the Committee on Procedure and Privileges because I think it is a very dangerous thing if the official reporters are badgered, cross-examined and brow-beaten in regard to what they put down in the Official Report.

The Deputy has gone far enough on that line.

I have said all I intend to say on that. In the course of my speech on the last occasion Deputy Sweetman intervened by way of interruption, a technique in which the Deputy is quite efficient, and he accused me of having broken with the Fine Gael Party because I was not put forward as a candidate by a convention in Aughrim over which Deputy Morrissey presided. I immediately informed Deputy Sweetman that that allegation was utterly untrue. Not only was it untrue, but it was an accusation calculated to defame me in the eyes of my constituents and of the general public. In view of that clear-cut accusation against my personal character it is essential that I should make it public that I was in the field as an official farmer candidate three weeks before that alleged convention was held.

Are we on the Budget now or the election of Deputy Cogan?

It is also necessary to make it clear that the statement that Deputy Morrissey presided over that convention is untrue. The convention was in fact presided over by the then Mr. Cecil Lavery.

The Deputy will please come to the Resolution. I cannot allow him to discuss conventions here.

It is absolutely essential——

The Deputy can take some other means to rectify the position. He may not do so on the resumed debate on the Budget.

You will appreciate that these accusations should not have been made. You will appreciate they are untrue and it is necessary for a Deputy to clear his character when he is accused by such an organisation as Fine Gael.

The Deputy will have that opportunity on a more relevant occasion.

Now we come to the Budget. It is necessary to say first of all that the attacks which have been launched upon the Budget have been mainly based on the assertion that this is a bankers' Budget. We have heard that accusation made again and again. Is it not an extraordinary thing to find that the newspapers of this country which have led the attack on the Budget are newspapers that are owned and controlled by the owners and controllers of the leading banks in this country? You are all aware of the attempts which have been made to distort in every possible way the effects of the Budget but I think in no instance was the distortion more marked, more flagrant or more unjust than in the attack made upon the Coady family in Waterford. There we have a position in which it was sought to prove that the Budget had effects of a most serious nature upon a family of 15.

You are doing right well. You are getting away with murder.

I am simply stating the facts. I am stating the fact that a very serious accusation was made against this Coady family, inasmuch as four members of the family were represented as scroungers who were idle and who were living on their father's wage whereas, as a matter of fact, that charge was absolutely false and without a shadow of foundation. It is no harm to have that charge refuted. It is no harm to have the Coady family vindicated, particularly the grown-up members of the family who are working, who have shown themselves to be honest, decent, industrious working people and not loafers as represented by the Sunday Independent.

If what the Deputy says is true, they can take a fine action against the Sunday Independent.

That is precisely what they can do.

That is what they probably will do. In the course of the Budget debate. Deputy Dillon spewed his unholy and unchristian hatred upon the five Independent Deputies who supported this Budget and who supported the formation of this Government, the five Independent Deputies who were the means of dethroning him. He referred to us as the "busted flush". Not being familiar with the jargon of the card-sharper, I do not know the meaning of "busted flush" but in so far as the words "busted" and "flush" are concerned, I am proud of them in this connection because we are the five men who busted the most outrageous conspiracy that ever endangered the life of this nation. We are the five men who flushed out of the system of this country the dirtiest refuse that ever accumulated there. We are proud, therefore, to be called the "busted flush". Deputy Dillon talked for the greater portion of his speech about what he described as this "weak, silly little man". It would seem as if Deputy Dillon had spent the whole morning before he started his speech gazing into the mirror. In the concluding portion of his speech he made three charges which deserve to be refuted. Referring to the present Government, he said that they led us through the civil war and the economic war and that now we were going to have a dollar war. These are foul charges which must be, and should be repudiated, by an independent and an impartial Deputy. Everybody knows and impartial historians are agreed that no man did more to avert the civil war than Eamon de Valera and that there would be no economic war if a patriotic and national stand had been adopted by Fine Gael.

So far from this Budget leading to another war for the Irish people, I want to say that it is the beginning of an honest, straightforward stand for clean administration, for honest administration and for an honest balancing of this country's economic and financial accounts. From now on, it is hoped that there will be no attempts made to buy popularity by handing over the dearly won title deeds of this country's independence to international moneylenders. From now on, it is hoped that every Government in power in this country will seek to meet its current expenditure out of revenue without pledging the resources of this country, without pledging the posterity of the country, as I say, to international moneylenders. That is the fundamental basis of this Budget. It is an honest attempt to meet current expenditure by revenue, an honest attempt to do the business of this nation in a fair and efficient way.

What about the tax on the dance halls?

There are many arguments which could be advanced and have been advanced in regard to this Budget but one fact stands out clearly. There is no means by which this country's accounts can be balanced and the nation can continue to carry on the administration of its affairs except by either drastically cutting down expenditure or increasing taxation so that incoming revenue will meet current outlay. No Deputy in the Opposition, I am sorry to say, has attempted to set out in what way this large sum that has got to be found can be provided either by reduction of expenditure or by alternative taxation. Deputy Blowick, I think, rather let himself down when he came into the House because usually he appears to be a good-natured man. On this Budget, however, he lost his temper, I am afraid, and Deputy Blowick does not lose his temper easily. He called the five Independent Deputies who supported the establishment of the present Government scoundrels and compared us to Judas Iscariot. That was not very moderate or temperate language for an ex-Minister to use.

It was particularly immoderate and intemperate when we realise that Deputy Blowick and myself were members of a small Party in 1943 which did exactly the same as we Independents did in 1951. We, as the Clann na Talmhan Party in 1943, put the Fianna Fáil Party into power although they were in a minority in the House at that time, and Deputy Blowick, I am sure, would be highly indignant if anybody were to compare him in 1943 to Judas Iscariot because we put the Fianna Fáil Government into power. He would be very indignant, also, if someone were to compare him with the scoundrels who sold this country when the Act of Union was passed. It seems to me that Deputy Blowick completely forgot the stand which he took in 1943, as well as the arguments which he and the rest of us advanced in support of our stand at that time. We said we were supporting the only possible Government at that time, the only Government that could give stability, and that could carry on the affairs of the nation. He must remember that, at that time, he and I, and Deputy Donnellan, were all bitterly and foully attacked by the Fine Gael Party, and particularly by Deputy Dillon. Of course, a short memory is a great asset at times, but I think it is no harm to remind Deputy Blowick of these things. We did not betray the inter-Party Government. It was the inter-Party Government betrayed us. As far as I am concerned, the inter-Party Government fought me for two years before the election in 1951. They sent down their men to Wicklow to oppose me at every street corner and at every chapel gate in Wicklow. That is the truth, but I succeeded in getting elected in spite of them.

This has nothing to do with the General Resolution which is before the House.

How long more is he going to carry on I wonder?

I am sorry if I am delaying Deputy Keane. I am sure the House is very anxious to hear his eloquence. I am afraid he will have to content himself until I am finished.

If you judge everyone with a worm-like feeling like yourself, may I tell you that I do not feel that way?

The Deputy is uneasy like a hot sausage frying on a pan.

Deputy Cogan should come to the Resolution.

I do not suppose that Deputy Keane will suggest that I am departing from the Budget when I say that the whole burden of Deputy Costello's speech was an attempt to show that there was no need for an increase in taxation in this country. It was an attempt to show that there was an excess of between £9,000,000 and £10,000,000 in the Minister's estimate of expenditure for the coming year. He came in here like a school child, with a jotter and pencil, and proceeded to do sums. The former Taoiseach is not very good at sums— he may be good at other things— because all his calculations were utterly and completely absurd. Even the Minister for Industry and Commerce, who at the time was a sick man, was able to tear into shreds every figure that was produced by Deputy Costello. Deputy Costello said there was an excess of £2,000,000 in the Estimate for food subsidies.

He made up his little calculations in a silly and childish way without having any regard to the fact as to whether the cost of the subsidies would be higher or lower from month to month. He said there was an excess of £1,000,000 in regard to social welfare, and made up his calculation by quoting from a speech which had been made by the present Minister for Social Welfare in which the Minister had said that social welfare was going to cost £2,000,000 this year. But the Deputy completely forgot that, in the Budget statement, the Minister for Finance had announced that he was making provision for an increase in children's allowances as well as increases in old age pensions and other social services which would account for at least £1,000,000. That was the kind of mathematical buffoonery to which this House was treated by the Leader of the Opposition, or the leader of whatever he happens to be at the moment. The Fine Gael Party has been described by Deputy Larkin as "working in the open light of day and in the dark of night to undermine the Labour Party". It is a very difficult task to combine these discordant elements into one united leadership.

You are in the open now. Everyone knows that you are.

I think it does not require very prolonged argument to dispose of the silly, alleged facts and figures produced by Deputy Costello. It is an appalling thing that a man who held the office of Taoiseach for three and a half years should come into this House and attempt to insult the intelligence of Deputies by producing figures which have no basis whatever in fact and which he knew, or must have known, to be utterly absurd.

Notice taken that 20 Deputies were not present; House counted and 20 Deputies being present,

We listened, I think, with considerable disgust and impatience to Deputy Flanagan when posing as a pioneer, a member of the Total Abstinence Association, he protested against and deplored the possibility that there might be a reduction in the consumption of alcoholic liquor. It is, as we know, the aim of the Pioneer Total Abstinence Association to achieve some reduction, if possible, in the consumption of alcoholic liquor, particularly by our young people but here in this House we listened to a Deputy, who claimed to be a member of a Total Abstinence Association, pleading for the drinking of more and more and still more beer for fear, as he said, that some barmen might lose their employment. Was there ever such a contradiction? Was there ever such a despicable exhibition of complete contempt for ideals and principles?

We all appreciate that in a free society every man is entitled to his drink of alcoholic liquor if he wishes to have it.

They will have to pay for it.

And if he is able to pay for it and if he feels the enjoyment he gets out of his drink is worth the money he has to pay for it. I think everybody is agreed that even now, when these increases in the cost of stout and whiskey are in operation, alcoholic liquor is still cheaper in comparison with every other commodity. Alcoholic liquor has not risen in price to the same extent as clothing, food or any other need of the community over the past 20 years. For that reason, I think no one will seriously contend that the man who likes a drink has any valid reason to complain.

When we realise that it is essential to finance the services of this State, when we realise that money must be raised from some source, the honest, decent citizen will say: "Well, if money cannot be got from any other source, I am satisfied to pay something as a contribution when I am enjoying a drink."

I heard of certain public bodies and county councils condemning the present Budget but I brought to the notice of some of the members of those councils the fact that in their recent budget, when budgeting for the coming year, they had imposed on the taxpayers a much higher impost than was imposed by the Government in the present Budget. I cannot see how those county councils, controlled in many cases by an inter-Party majority, could justify increasing the rates by 2/6 or 3/- in the £ and at the same time condemn the Government for imposing a similar increase in taxation. Their increase was in many cases an increase of 12 per cent. in taxation. I think if we take the figure of increase in the present Budget we will find that it is not quite so much.

It is hardly necessary to refer to Deputy Collins' contribution. Gurgling like a gully-trap on a wet day, he produced a certain letter written by the Tánaiste. It was a letter which any man could stand over—a simple straightforward letter—that is was not the policy of the Party of which he was a member to continue taxation of dancing. I think nobody could suggest for one moment that the Tánaiste did anything that was not simply forthright and straightforward in making it perfectly clear what the policy of his Party was in regard to the taxation of dances.

In regard to the taxation of dancing, I hold that dancing should be taxed not by the State, not by the local authorities but that it should produce the revenue in each parish to provide amenities for the people of that parish and particularly for the young people of that parish. That should be one of the functions of dancing in addition to providing enjoyment. Now that the State has taken its hands off the contributions made by the people who attend the local dance hall, I hope that additional revenue will be available from that source for the development of a thing that is most worthily in need of development and that is the provision of cultural recreational centres in each parish throughout the length and breadth of the country. That is what I want. I hope that our young people, through dancing, will provide the revenue for that laudable purpose. I hope that every time young people assemble to dance and pay an entry fee they will do so in the knowledge that a portion of the profits of the dance will go towards making their parish and their district better places in which to live and that it will go towards providing better accommodation in the local halls and better facilities for cultural advancement than already exist.

I have dealt rather briefly with the attacks which were made on the Budget in this House and to a certain extent outside this House. It is my intention to deal briefly with a few points that were made by the Minister in introducing the Budget—points that were completely ignored by the Opposition because they were already discussing, amongst themselves and outside the House, while the Minister was making those points, what were the changes in taxation contained in the Budget.

The Minister dealt very briefly with agriculture. I think he dealt with it modestly because he simply said it was an extraordinary thing that, while other countries in Europe had increased agricultural output by 10 per cent. as compared with 1938, there was no increase whatever in agricultural output in the Irish Republic over that period and that, as a matter of fact, there was a slight decline. He did not go on to express any views as to why that position should obtain. I think most people realise that it is essential, if we are to go on paying for what is now an expensive administration and expensive social services—and no one will deny that they are expensive—to ensure that the output for agriculture must increase rapidly over the next few years. I think the Minister was wise to draw attention to that fact. What went wrong since the end of the war in the main was that we drove our farmers away from tillage. We drove them to rely upon imported feeding stuffs and then suddenly we found that these were not available, with the result that the pig and poultry industries collapsed and, to a very great extent, the dairying industry was severely handicapped.

We must now approach agricultural policy in a more responsible way than it has been approached over the last 30 years. It is more necessary now than ever in the history of this nation for all Parties to come together and agree upon the fundamentals of a national agricultural policy. There is no use in one side of the House fighting against the other about agriculture. There is no use in trampling upon the farmer's body while political Parties are fighting for office. There is no use using his body as a sort of shillelagh with which one Party belabours the other. I appeal to all Parties, whatever differences they may have on other questions, to sink these differences and come together and agree upon an agricultural policy. To make this country prosperous, we must get the maximum production out of the land while maintaining its fertility.

Can we not get common agreement to eliminate the uneconomic cows, common agreement that it is essential to increase the area of tillage by 1,000,000 acres at least so as to bring the total area of tillage up to about one-third of the arable land of the country? To achieve that, we must offer an incentive by making it more profitable for the farmer to cultivate his land rather than to use it for grass. Can we not get agreement on these points? Can we not get agreement that there is need for a vast, rapid and immediate expansion in the pig industry, an industry which should be based on home-produced feeding stuffs? Can we not get agreement that, for a certain specific purpose calculated to bring about an immediate increase in agriculture, loans should be made available to farmers without having to drag their neighbours in as additional sureties? These are fundamental points upon which, if we sat down together and talked the matter over, we could get agreement. We have to get away from the attitude in which one side of the House denounces wheat growing and beet growing and in which the other side of the House perhaps denounces grazing and stock-raising. We have to get immediate agreement on these matters, otherwise this nation cannot survive.

It is acknowledged that to carry on the administration of this country we must raise additional revenue. No one in the Opposition, although they have attacked various forms of taxation, has seriously challenged that contention. Since it is necessary to raise increased revenue, it will be agreed by all fairminded people that the sources of revenue which usually provide that increase must be approached. These are, alcoholic liquor, tobacco and cigarettes. Most of us would feel, and I think the Minister would feel, that it would be a good thing if we could spread taxation more widely over a lot of fancy articles, luxury articles. I am sure all these ideas have been tried out from time to time. Personally, I should like to have them even further examined to see if it is possible to tax luxuries other than those which are already included in the Budget.

We must, however, be careful in matters of this kind, because it would be unwise to impose a tax on a particular luxury merely for window-dressing purposes, merely to show that the Government were going after the people with the money when the net result might be to bring no revenue into the Exchequer but to throw a certain number of people out of employment by disorganising some particular industry. Nevertheless, I should like to see the Minister over the next year examine various sources from which it might be possible to get additional revenue instead of further increasing the taxation on the old stand-bys which have been providing revenue over a long period. I do not think that income-tax can be further increased. I think the Minister made a progressive step in giving relief to those in the lower grade of income. I think those who attacked the reduction, remission or abolition of food subsidies did not give sufficient credit to the Minister for the reliefs which have been given, first, to the man with a family in increased children's allowances and, secondly, to the old age pensioners by way of an increased pension.

An increase of 1/6.

The pension to be given now to old age pensioners is 4/- more than was provided under the inter-Party Government in which the Labour Party, to which Deputy O'Leary belongs, was outmanoeuvred and diddled in the broad light of day and in the darkness of night.

They were giving them an increase of 5/-. This Government is giving them 1/6. Do you think what they are getting is enough?

The old age pensioners were getting 17/6 when this Government took office. Now they will be getting 21/6.

Deputy O'Leary should allow Deputy Cogan to proceed.

The old men and women are being given an increase of 1/6.

Deputy O'Leary will have to restrain himself.

In addition to the reliefs I have mentioned for men with a family and the aged, we have also the substantial relief given to the persons with low incomes under the revised income-tax code. All these reliefs, for the man with less than £1,000 per year at any rate, more than completely offset any increases in the cost of food owing to the wiping out of the food subsidies. Therefore we ought to face this matter in a fair and reasonable way and admit that a fair attempt is being made, first, to balance the nation's accounts and, secondly, to ensure that no unnecessary hardship will be caused to any section of the community.

Let us also face the fact that the cost of administration has got to be dealt with. It is a difficult matter to cut down the cost of Government. The present Government took office with a legacy of increased salaries, wages and pensions passed by their predecessors without any financial provision being made for these increases. The present Government have made financial provision for these increases. It is time, however, to examine carefully the cost of every Department in order to find out if there are too many officials in any particular Department and if it is not possible to effect some economies. I am not suggesting that any economies which may be effected in this way in regard to higher officials in Government Departments will amount to a very great sum. As far as the ordinary taxpayer is concerned, it will amount to very little. The taxpayer is entitled to expect that every effort should be made to ensure that the country is run as efficiently and as economically as possible. The matter to which I am now about to refer often causes me a certain amount of uneasiness, and that is the manner in which Government Departments purchase their requirements. I would like some enlightenment on the subject. Do Government Departments, I wonder, always purchase the cheapest goods? Do they get the highest value possible for the lowest price? Are the purchases always made with the highest degree of consideration for the taxpayer and with the intention of getting the best possible value for the money expended?

There is also another matter in regard to which I and other people have received complaints. That is the manner in which contracts are allocated as between different firms. Let us suppose that a very large contract involving an expenditure of hundreds of thousands of pounds for the supply of thousands of articles is involved. Is that contract distributed over one, two or three firms which can supply goods of the same quality at the same price? If that is not done, I think it is definitely an injustice. Perhaps I am not as well informed on this as other Deputies in this House, but I raise this matter because I feel that Deputies are entitled to be informed of the manner in which purchases are made by Government Departments, with a view to ensuring the highest degree of economy in the matter of goods and services.

On a point of order, would that be a matter for administration?

No, it is a matter of policy.

It arises on the Budget.

I would like to know at whom Deputy Cogan is pointing his bars.

I have not got the small narrow, rat-like mind which seems to predominate amongst the Opposition. I am simply trying to ensure that the best value is got over the next 12 months for the money which we are raising by this Budget. In view of the fact that the national bill has risen so high the Minister will be particularly anxious to see in what way he can effect economies. Even if he cannot effect economies, at least he will take Deputies on all sides of the House into his confidence and show what he is endeavouring to do in order to keep the total bill of expenditure as low as possible. That is the basis of good government. We have, I believe, turned our backs on the system under which a Government seemed to buy popularity temporarily by spending freely, not raising taxation and leaving bills after them to be paid by their successors. We have reached the stage now when the Government will endeavour, from day to day and from year to year, to meet its commitments on ordinary current expenditure out of ordinary revenue.

Nobody believes or would contend for one moment that this is a popular Budget. The issue before the House, however, is not whether it is a popular Budget or not but whether it is right or wrong and on that issue the House must decide if we are agreed that the money is required in order that the nation can carry on without sinking into bankruptcy and debt. If we are agreed on that point we must accept this Budget and defend it because, as I have already said, it is an attempt to put the finances of this country on a sound and solvent basis.

Tar éis a bhfuil cloiste againn ón dTeachta is déanaí a labhair, ní féidir liom gan tagairt a dhéanamh d'abairt na sean nGeal—"Is leithide an buailteach satailt ann." Ní dóigh liom gur gá dhúinn dul isteach ró mhór in aon ní dá ndúirt an Teachta.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce, whose absence through illness we regret very much, gave us credit, when he was last speaking in the House, of being able to do a simple calculation. He told us that the price of sugar would be 6½d. per lb. and that that was arrived at by a simple calculation, which every Deputy in the House would be able to perform, that is, that half the sugar up to the present was sold for 4d. per lb. and half for 9d. per lb. and that the simple working out of that, which we all could do, would show that we could be quite sure that the price 6½d. per lb. for sugar in future was perfectly calculated. I am very glad that the Minister tells us that Deputies generally are able to do simple calculations of that particular kind because, I feel, that it is essential we should do a few. I will have to ask Deputies and Ministers to exercise some of their arithmetical prowess. I suggest that the responsibility which we have in this House for doing the work of Parliament and seeing that the business of the people is properly transacted demands that, before we go any further in this debate, an opportunity should be furnished for a discussion, not on Budget secrets, but on some of the secrecy parts of the Budget. This would enable us to dispose of some of the arithmetical obscurities, and say something constructive as to the idea behind the Budget, what is the objective of it and what is likely to be the effect of it.

When speaking here on Thursday last, Deputy Costello, very clearly and categorically, stated that there are a half-a-dozen headings under which over-budgeting is being done and that the extent of this over-budgeting runs to the sum of about £10,300,000. He indicated that, under the heading of subsidies, the Minister for Finance was budgeting excessively to the extent of £2,000,000; that under the heading of reserve stocks he was budgeting excessively to the extent of £1,800,000; that under the heading social welfare and, as has now been added to it, "Other Matters," he was over-budgeting to the extent of £1,000,000; that in respect of over-estimation, he was over-budgeting to the extent of £2,000,000; that as regards payments in respect of debt he was over-budgeting to the extent of £500,000 and that, under the heading of what Deputy Costello described as buoyancy, he was over-budgeting to the extent of £3,000,000. These sums add up to £10,300,000.

When we consider that the effect of this Budget is to put the hand of the State, in one way or another, into the pockets of the people and extricate money from them, it is imperative that we do not further discuss anything connected with this Budget without getting down to the truth or the inaccuracy of the case which is put to this House by Deputy Costello. It would be too much to ask me to pay any attention to Deputy Cogan's comment on the case put by Deputy Costello to the House. Let us take into consideration what the effect of this Budget will be on the pockets of the people. By additional taxation this Budget proposes to take out of the pockets of the people the sum of £11,290,000. In addition the effect of this Budget is to make the people's own hand go into their pocket and hand across the counter in increased prices for foodstuffs £8,580,000. This gives a total of £19,870,000. The effect of this Budget will be that out of the pockets of the people there shall come for the ordinary necessaries of life, an additional sum across the counter of £8,580,000, and out of the same pockets there shall come £11,290,000 by way of increased taxation.

These are not figures worked out simply by the imagination. In the table explanatory of the Budget, the Minister for Finance shows that additional income-tax is planned to the extent of £910,000, additional taxation on tobacco to the extent of £5,500,000, beer £2,360,000, spirits £1,020,000, petrol and oil £1,500,000. The same simple rule that the Minister for Industry and Commerce used to deal with the price of sugar will persuade anyone in this House that the people are going to pay £11,290,000 more in taxation, and that is what the Minister for Finance told us in the Budget speech.

In his speech the Minister also told us in relation to his removing some subsidies on foodstuffs after 1st July, that on existing rations and at present prices, food subsidies reduced weekly expenditure per person on rationed foods by approximately 2/- and that this 2/- per week had to be met by general taxation. But when he removes the food subsidies to the extent that he proposes at the present moment as from the 1st July, the rise in retail prices should be almost 1/6 per head per week. Now the total for subsidies, according to the Minister for Finance's Estimates, provided at the beginning of the year, is £15,250,000. The Minister proposes to pay subsidies at the full rate for the current quarter up to the 30th June next, that is, £3,810,000, a quarter of the full sum. There will then be left of the full Estimate in respect of the subsequent nine months £11,440,000. According to the Minister, three-quarters of that will fall to be paid across the counter by the people buying these foodstuffs, by reason of the fact that he is reducing the subsidies from 1st July. A quarter of £11,440,000 is £2,860,000. That is the portion of the nine months' subsidy that the Minister proposes to shoulder, as far as the person buying the foodstuffs is concerned. When you take your £2,860,000 from £11,440,000 there is left £8,580,000. That is the additional sum over current prices that the people buying foodstuffs will have to pay across the counter by reason of the withdrawal of the food subsidies.

The Budget that we are now dealing with is a Budget that is intended to extract £19,870,000 out of the people's pockets over what their expenditure is to-day. When that is so and when we consider the effect that is likely to have on production and on employment, particularly in the manufacturing industry that sustains the greater part of the life of our urban people and contributes so much to our agricultural economy, we cannot usefully discuss it until we get some kind of answer as to whether or not the case that Deputy Costello outlined, that there is £10,000,000 over-budgeting being done here, is correct. I submit that there is no person in this House in any Party who would——

Who is stupid enough to believe those figures of Deputy Costello? The Deputy himself does not believe them.

I will give the Minister every opportunity of examining what we have to say about it but I would like to finish my sentence. I do not think there are Deputies in this House attached to any Party who would not claim that when it comes to dealing with vital matters affecting the economic strength and well-being of our people, that they stand above Party and if they stand for Party they only stand for Party as an instrument ministering to the economic strength and the social well-being of our people. I am not rubbing the Minister's nose in this, and I would ask the Minister to believe it, when I inquire: Is it true that the effect of this Budget is to take £11,000,000 odd in taxation out of the people's pockets and that it is going to put £8,500,000 more expense on the people over the present prices of foodstuffs for the last three-quarters of this year?

I say that the facts that are here in the Minister's statement and in the tables put before us are there to be examined by every person here and I say emphatically that that is a fact. There is no one going to go down before the people to-day and tell them that they are not going to pay more for sugar, for bread, for tea and for butter, for all those items from which the subsidies are being removed. Who is going to stand up and persuade the people that is not so? The people know it. They are told it. They have been told how much in the £ they have to pay for these additions. There are additions going to be made across the counter and they can be figured out from the Minister's statement.

If the subsidies were not withdrawn, 2/- per head per week would be paid. One shilling and sixpence will be taken off—and that 1/6 works out at £8,500,000. Let us, therefore, stick to this part of my argument at any rate: £19,870,000 will be taken out of the pockets of the people partly by way of taxation and partly by way of additional payments for food across the counter. That will be the effect of this Budget on the pockets of the people. We must also keep before our minds what effect this Budget will have on employment and on industry in general. When somebody asserts that the Government are budgeting for £10,000,000 more than they require, it is necessary to examine the question carefully.

Let us examine the headings of Deputy J.A. Costello's speech. The Minister indicated just now that nobody will believe these calculations. I do not care whether the calculations I put before this House will be found to be justified or not but I consider that if they are wrong I should be told that they are wrong because, if they are wrong, we want to know what is right so as to bring about a clear and simple discussion on this Budget. The more this debate continues, the more obvious it will be that we cannot get down to a clear discussion either on the intent, which is important, or the effect of this Budget, which is important, too, until we clear up these matters.

When we come to deal with the question of what the Government is saving in the matter of subsidies we have to compare what the total subsidies are with what the people will pay when the subsidies are withdrawn. If the difference between what the people pay and the total estimated subsidies is not what the Government are going to have to pay themselves by way of subsidy, then let us examine that figure and ask why the amount of money saved by the Government and the amount of extra money paid by the people is not the same.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce spoke immediately after Deputy J. A. Costello. Dealing somewhat lightly with the matter, the Minister for Industry and Commerce indicated that the increase in the price of homegrown wheat, and possibly in the price of imported wheat, would, at the end of the nine months' period, affect the amount of money to be paid by the State by way of subsidy. Let us have these figures. When the Estimates for the £15,000,000 subsidies were prepared, the Government, no doubt, had in mind what they would do in regard to an increase in the price of wheat. All the Minister for Industry and Commerce had to say with regard to it was simply to refer to the possible increase in the price of wheat.

The Minister for Social Welfare, however, dealt with the matter at greater length. We see at column 1523 of the Official Report of the 4th April, 1952, that the Minister for Social Welfare divided up the subsidies in respect of bread, flour, tea and butter and gave explicit figures as to what the saving to the Government would be. He stated that the subsidies payable according to the Estimates in respect of bread and flour amounted to £9,280,000 but that the saving would only be £2,710,000. He stated that the subsidies payable, according to the Estimates, would be £2,440,000 in respect of tea and that the saving would be £1,800,000. He said, with regard to butter, that the estimated subsidies, payable according to the Estimates were £3,550,000 and that the savings would be £2,158,000. It would seem, according to the Minister for Social Welfare, that the revised expenditure which the Minister for Finance would have to meet in respect of bread and flour would be £6,570,000; tea, £604,000 and butter, £1,392,000, and that when all these sums were put together to represent the original Estimates—the revised Estimates for Government expenditure and the saving to the Government—the figures were £15,234,000, the original rate, and £8,566,000, the revised rate of expenditure—and he claimed that the saving would be only £6,608,000. One would be inclined to jump a bit at these figures and to say that, again, the Minister has mixed up his figures and that instead of accepting that a sum of £8,580,000 would come out of the pockets of the people across the counter—as I have shown to be correct —the total spending by the Government would be only £6,670,000 and that these figures were transposed because what the Minister claims is that the amount that will be paid in subsidy by the Government is £8,566,000, which is the sum that the people will pay out of their pockets.

If what the Minister for Social Welfare stated is correct, then the effect of what is being done with these subsidies is that instead of having to pay £15,250,000 between what goes over the counter and what goes in by way of taxation to pay the subsidies, a sum of £17,146,000 will be paid—or that the shift in subsidies between all the various frills that are involved will cost £1,900,000 that would not be required if the subsidies were left alone and the Government paid the subsidies they had included in the Estimate.

I wonder if there could be even a little preliminary appreciation of that point. It is figured out by simple subtraction and division that, in the three latter quarters of the present financial year, the people are going to have to pay £8,580,000 more across the counter and that if all that was being spent on these foodstuffs by State subsidy and additional private purchasing was only to be £15,250,000, then all that would have to be paid by the State would be £6,670,000. But the Minister for Social Welfare states that, in the presentation of the case to us, the Government take it that they will have to pay out £8,566,000. What is happening at the present time is that the change in the subsidy situation is being made the excuse for taking out of the people's pockets nearly £2,000,000 more than would be taken out if the subsidies were left alone.

All I want to get settled before we get into a real discussion of this matter is whether that is true or not. If there is any flaw in it, will the Minister say what is his calculation of what the people are going to pay additional out of their pockets and across the counter and will he show how he arrives at the calculation? The Minister for Social Welfare agrees with Deputy Costello's calculation in respect of tea but differs from him in respect of butter. He says in regard to butter that there are arrears on 1st April and that they amount to £217,000. There are no arrears with regard to tea, but while normally one would expect that, if they were winding up at the end of June, there would only be one set of arrears to be minded, the Minister works out things in a general way, slaps a lot of different figures together and arrives at the conclusion that the Government's expenditure on butter is going to be £500,000 more than Deputy Costello says. We ought to have some particulars of that.

The Minister then said that his reasons for dealing with butter specially is that he knows all about it, that he does not know about bread and flour, but he nevertheless lays down categorically with regard to bread and flour that there are two items involved in what the Government will have to pay on the subsidy side. One is that, when there was sale for white flour as against the 85 per cent. extraction flour, there was a considerable Appropriation-in-Aid, but that no one will be compelled to take white flour now and that no income is expected, so that Appropriation-in-Aid will vanish, and the other, that the change from 85 per cent. to 80 per cent. extraction will cost a certain amount of money. He thinks that these two items alone are going to cost £1,400,000.

The question that arises in my mind is: If the burden is going to be so great under any aspect of this Budget, however changed as it goes through the House, what is the policy behind the change from 85 per cent. to 80 per cent. extraction just at this time and what are the people going to pay for it by way of additional price for the bread made from the lower extraction and loss of the appropriation. The main thing which has to be worked out in the end—and for that purpose the effect of the change in regard to subsidy on all these items of foodstuffs has to be examined—is why it is that whatever the Government are doing with regard to subsidies as proposed at present is going to cost the people, between cost over the counter and cost to the taxpayer, in the region of £1,900,000 more than they are paying at present.

The second point Deputy Costello made was that, in the matter of reserve stocks, there was over-budgeting to the extent of £1,800,000. The Minister for Industry and Commerce purported to comment on this matter and he said something which I do not think is very relevant. Further, one has difficulty in understanding what he refers to. Reserve stocks which were accounted for in the table explanatory of the current Budget of 1951 by Deputy McGilligan to the extent of £1,793,000, or £1,800,000, were not included in any statement on the capital side of the Budget. The Minister stated that, in order to set up a true reserve of stocks in certain Departments as provision against higher prices and possible shortages, he was arranging for the purchase of these stocks, but that he did not consider it proper budgeting to pay for all these stocks in the year of purchase. He felt that if he were laying up for the future and laying in stocks which were only going to be used in two years' time, the year in which the stocks were used was the year in which they ought to be budgeted for and the necessary taxation imposed.

At column 1293, Volume 130, No. 9 of the Official Debates the Minister said:—

"May I say that the cost of each of the Supply Services has been accurately calculated and there has been deducted from that cost every item of expenditure which Deputy McGilligan last year chose to describe as a capital investment? There is, therefore, no element in that sum which could be so described and in so far as any expenditure is contemplated upon reserve stocks in this year and that expenditure could legitimately be described as an investment, then the amount has been deducted in calculating the bill which the taxpayer has to meet."

I do not think that last sentence is interpretable at all. The question that arises for us is this. With all that has been said regarding difficulties throughout the world, with all the talk about the possibility of this country being put into pawn to the United States, with all the remarks about demands for bases in this country, are we to understand that, while members of the Government Party are speaking in that strain, no provision has been made for the building up of reserve stocks? The Minister states in his speech that, whereas Deputy McGilligan made provision for £1,800,000 last year, only £800,000 was spent, because of the unavailability of some of those goods. I take it that the necessity remains to get the goods to the extent of that £1,000,000. Furthermore, if there is any reality in the situation painted by various Government speakers, surely they must, somewhere through the Estimates that have been put before us, be providing for further reserve stocks in the same way as the various Government Departments were providing for them when Deputy McGilligan presented his Budget statement in 1951? Therefore, can we not take it that the necessity remains to get goods to the extent of the balance of £1,000,000, plus an additional amount equivalent to what was received last year?

We say that the Estimates as presented to us must cover the building up of reserve stocks in relation to the Department of Local Government, the Department of Health, the Board of Works and so on; and that it is not proper in any year—and particularly in a year in which the Government are making such demands upon the people —to charge by way of taxation the cost of goods that are not likely to be used for two or three years. Anyone will understand that if you buy goods now to be used in five years' time it would be improper to charge the whole of that amount to the current Budget. The same applies if it is three years or two years. The Minister has to tell us whether it is a fact that no reserve stocks are being laid in for the work of the next two, three or four years for services connected with Local Government, Public Works, Health and other Departments. Has the Minister anything to say regarding reserve stocks being built up in connection with defence? These are matters that we ought to know about before we can with any kind of justification take a decision on the general question involved in the taxation that the Minister has put before us.

The third point concerns item No. 4 in the table explanatory of the current Budget, where the Minister adds:—

"Provision for proposals in the Social Insurance Bill, 1951, and for other current services, £3,000,000."

That matter has been commented on by the Minister for Social Welfare. He has pointed out that the Minister for Finance has other services in mind as well as social welfare. I think it is unprecedented to put down a general intention of that kind either in an Estimate or in a table explanatory of the Budget and put £1,000,000 against it. The Minister for Social Welfare has given no indication as to the nature of the "other matters" the Minister for Finance had in mind. Deputy Cogan, however, told us that the Minister for Finance was intending under that heading to increase children's allowances and old age pensions and was going to add other social services and that they would amount at least to £1,000,000.

After listening to the variety of matters that Deputy Cogan spoke about and having seen the precision that he brought to bear on them, the Minister would be asking too much of us if he asked us to take this information, given to the House by Deputy Cogan, as being true. The Minister cannot leave that figure there for "other current services, £1,000,000" without letting the House know what exactly those services are and the particular amounts to be allocated to each of them.

The fourth heading was "over-estimation" and Deputy Costello very conservatively suggested that there was over-estimation to the extent of £2,000,000 in a bill for £107,000,000. Deputy Dr. Ryan, the Minister for Social Welfare, gave it as his opinion, as recorded in column 1530, that one need not say very much about that as it was quite evident from the experience of the last few years that there was no money to be deducted from that Estimate by way of over-estimation. The Minister for Industry and Commerce, however, speaks in a very different way. He said, as given in column 1289:—

"I will admit there is a possibility that the Estimate may be slightly wrong. However, our experience suggests that the margin for error is not much more than 5 per cent. one way or the other."

The experience of the Minister for Social Welfare was that it was not worth talking about, that it was impossible that there should be any money there. The Minister for Industry and Commerce, however, says:—

"Our experience suggests that the margin for error is not much more than 5 per cent. one way or the other."

Five per cent. means £5,000,000.

Now, Deputy, do not misrepresent the Tánaiste in that way.

I am giving the Minister the reasons why he must take these matters one by one and deal with them. I again want to jerk him back to the realities of the position. We are criticising these things in circumstances in which £11,250,000 is to be extracted from the people's pockets this year by way of additional taxes and £8,500,000 across the counter for the increased prices of foodstuffs, £19,800,000, therefore, will be taken out of their pockets. With that shocking burden imposed on the people by this Budget I say that every £100,000 that is over-estimated is a matter of vital importance.

The Minister for Finance must realise that both the Minister for Industry and Commerce and the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs who like to dabble in figures have found it impossible to stand over the suggestion that this big total bill is one in respect of which they can say that there is no over-estimation. The words of the Minister for Industry and Commerce are clear and I will read their context in columns 1280-91:—

"I will admit that there is a possibility that the Estimate may be slightly wrong. At this time of the year, it is not possible to calculate to the last penny the probable cost of a variety of Government services or the probable yield of a number of taxes. However, our experience suggests that the margin for error is not much more than 5 per cent. one way or the other."

Would the Deputy address himself to one fact? What is the significance of "one way or the other"? Is it not obvious that errors cancel themselves out?

I am addressing myself to the fact that the Minister for Industry and Commerce says here that these Estimates may have an error of 5 per cent. down. They may have an error of 5 per cent. up——

And these errors may cancel out and the Estimate on the whole may be correct and it is correct.

I am not going to allow the matter to be left at that point just because the Minister thinks it desirable or convenient to interrupt me in the middle of a sentence, in the middle of reading what the Minister for Industry and Commerce said for everybody to read. If the Minister for Finance has any sense of responsibility at all I expect him to deal with these matters in a systematically prepared White Paper which we can examine. I do not think that there is any use in anybody discussing either the intent or object or effect of the Budget until these matters are cleared up. At least £10,000,000 is involved in this argument. If the Minister will allow me I will read for the benefit of Deputies the whole sentence of the Minister for Industry and Commerce:—

"However, our experience suggests that the margin for error is not much more than 5 per cent. one way or the other. Even if we assume that it is in this year as great as 10 per cent, it is obvious that a very substantial addition to the revenue must be secured by higher taxes, or, alternatively, that expenditure must be drastically curtailed. That is the problem the Dáil is being asked to consider."

I will read another sentence that may not appear to have much to do with this in order to get down to a sentence which has. The Minister continued:—

"The Minister for Finance has put before the Dáil a number of proposals for bridging that gap involving both higher taxes and reduced expenditure. Any Deputy who wants to criticise those proposals has an obligation to put forward some alternative to them. We cannot bridge that gap in the national revenue by passing resolutions here, by recording protests. The gap is there."

The gap is there and we here say that the gap is not as big as the Minister has indicated to the House. Information can be had and calculations can be made under six different headings to answer Deputy Costello, if Deputy Costello's calculations are wrong. The Minister is asking us to pass a Resolution this evening or whenever the debate is finished to allow him legislation which will take an additional £20,000,000 out of the pockets of the people who either pay taxes or buy foodstuffs.

Surely the Minister appreciates the type of appeal we will make to him in the interests of this House as an institution and therefore in the interests of the people who set up this House as an institution to do this vital work for them. I ask the Minister to believe that I was not rubbing his nose in any of these figures. I am bringing them out simply with the argument: here are figures which require to be put in some perspective and which require some explanation. No person in this Assembly can consider that he has discharged his duty— his duty at a very vital national moment—unless he deals with this matter.

The next question is interest. Deputy Costello has intimated that in making provision for the payment of debt there is over-estimation to the extent of £500,000. I think that that is a more than conservative estimate. I want to put some figures before the Minister in that regard. In the White Paper "Estimates of Receipts and Expenditure," page 4, part 3, there are details of the Estimate of expenditure for the service of the public debt by way of interest. For 1951-52 we have the figure £4,319,767. The Estimate shows under the heading 1952-53 an Estimate of what the Minister is going to spend as included in his budgetary consideration for the current year and the figure is £6,389,000.

The Minister has intimated—some of his colleagues have intimated—that in the current year £600,000 is the sum that is due to be paid by way of interest on the Marshall moneys loaned to this country. We, therefore, can take £600,000 from £6,389,000 and we get the Estimate of the moneys that he is going to pay by way of interest on public debt on moneys other than the Marshall moneys. That totals £5,789,000. There is an increase in the amount of money the Minister estimates that he will pay by way of interest on public debt of £1,469,233, an increase of 34 per cent. The public debt upon which interest is being paid is indicated in table V of the tables issued in connection with the Financial Statement, 1952, page 7. There it is given that the gross liabilities on 31st March, 1951, and on 31st March, 1952, were, respectively, £178,941,853 and £213,612,059 and we are told in the notes that these figures contain double reckoning in relation to Marshall moneys, that from the former £16,000,000 has to be deducted and from the latter, £40,500,000. Making these deductions, the gross liabilities upon which the interest on public debt, the figures for which I have mentioned, is to be paid, are: March, 1951, £162,941,853 and March, 1952, £173,112,059. That is an increase in gross liabilities of £10,171,206 or an increase of 6.3 per cent. In the case put before this House as to the moneys that he expects to pay in interest on public debt the Minister has given us figures which represent an increase of 34 per cent. on an increase of 6.3 per cent. in debt.

If the Minister during the current year paid off the debt for this year at the same rate as the debt was paid off last year he would be paying something like £1,000,000 less than he has estimated for. I want to know what the Minister has to say to that. I want to know why the Minister, when he is making up his Budget, is going to pay an increase of 34 per cent. in interest for an increase of 6.3 per cent. in debt. While the Minister will glibly butt in on certain matters, I would not expect him glibly to but in on that. I would expect the Minister to understand what our feelings are and our desire to see what exactly the situation is when, on looking into these figures, we find that situation. The figures I have given there are the figures for public debt taking the Marshall moneys out. Deputy Costello has indicated that he thinks there is £500,000 at least over-budgeting in the matter of interest. I think the figure is £1,000,000.

The sixth point where Deputy Costello has put it to the Minister that there is over-budgeting is in the matter of buoyancy, to the extent of £3,000,000. When I look again at the White Paper Estimates for receipts and expenditure, I see that tax revenue for the year 1951-52 brought in £73,161,000 and that it is estimated that in the current year, if the taxes were unchanged, the old taxes would bring in £74,765,000. I could not imagine a greater tribute to the work that was done during the inter-Party régime, to the policy that was pursued——

In the dark of the night, according to Deputy Larkin.

——to the policy that was pursued by the inter-Party Government in handling the finances of this country, in fostering agricultural production and in fostering the development of industry than that the present Minister for Finance would turn up here in April this year and would tell the House that the same old taxes that were in operation last year, without any addition to them, would bring in during the current year £1,600,000 more than they did last year, if they were never touched. That is a tribute to the way in which the social and the economic foundations of this country were fostered and developed during the last three years.

I might be inclined to think that Deputy Costello was a little bit optimistic, that after all that had been said and all that had been done by the Government since they came into office, that that buoyancy would have maintained itself untarnished. At any rate that £3,000,000 is put down there and, in the light of all that has gone before and in the light of what has been said under each of these other subsidies here, that requires to be answered. My reading of the position is that, even if that £3,000,000 had to be modified that, in relation to the over-estimation there and in relation to interest, there is a margin there that will leave at the present moment that £10,300,000 unmodified in any way. I put it to the Minister for Finance that there can be no reasonable and no proper or constructive discussion on this Budget until these matters are thoroughly and effectively dealt with and they can only be dealt with by the issue of a clearly set-out White Paper.

Considering that we have had the patience to listen to Deputy Cogan this afternoon and the time we have spent in that fashion and considering that the Minister has introduced his Budget three or four weeks earlier than is normal, I seriously suggest to him that it would be worth while delaying the continuation of this debate on the General Resolution until that matter has been properly cleared up. Circumstances have been created by the raising of the bank rate, the attitude of scare which Ministers have engendered throughout the country from the end of last year, their changing policies and the disclosure now that they believe no capital development can take place until the people have paid for the current working of the Government, and the astoundingly large increases in taxation that are here put before the people—I think the situation thus created should impress on the Minister the fact that any discussion that takes place here should take place in an atmosphere in which facts can be clearly seen and in which we ought to be encouraged to keep to a discussion of these facts.

When we examine, as we shall have to examine, the intent of the Government in relation to the Budget and the effect of the Budget on the country generally, we ought to be kept in the strait-jacket of clearly-defined facts from which none of us can afford to run away if we have any sense of responsibility at all. I appeal to the Minister to co-operate with us by putting us into the strait-jacket of facts so that we will avoid the hot air, the personalities and the absurdities to which we have been listening even in the short time that the debate has been in progress to-day.

The Minister must be unique as a Minister for Finance because when presenting his Budget he said not one single word about the condition of employment or the state of production and the effect that his Budget would be likely to have on both production and employment. I do not think we can feel we are doing our duty in these discussions—and we have some distance still to go in dealing with this Resolution and the Finance Bill—if we try to avoid discussing the effect of this Budget or any change that it may bring about in relation to both production and employment.

We know the bank rate has been raised. We know that that has had an effect on the commercial and business life of the country and on industrial activity generally. The British Government raised the bank rate as a matter of policy in order to squeeze out of ordinary industry there both capital and labour and drive them into armaments and other industries where they required additional production for export. If one examines the Statistical Abstract or any of the publications dealing with our census of production one will find that nearly all our industries here are similar to those out of which the British Government wants to drive labour and capital, so that they can be diverted to armaments and export production. That bank rate applied automatically here and the effect it will have will be identical with the effect in Britain. Already there is unemployment and part-time employment and we will eventually find ourselves in the position that, having established a fair foundation to manufacturing industry here and sunk a considerable amount of capital in the process, we are now shaking the foundation of that manufacture by the application of this policy in relation to the bank rate, with a consequential increase in taxation and increase in the cost of living.

We are all agreed that an increase in the cost of living and an increase in taxation can have very disastrous effects on the maintenance of production and the maintenance of employment. If we permit a quickening of emigration as a result of the operation of this policy here, the fabric of the industries that we have established will be seriously rent and the foundation will be seriously undermined. Both capital and labour will be lost. Our people's instinct in sinking their capital and their energies in the development of native industries will be undermined. There is no necessity for that. In the Statist of 19th April an Irish correspondent writing on Irish industrial development concludes his article by saying: “For British industrialists with the capital to sink in new enterprises and the technical know-how to run them there would appear to be great opportunities of establishing themselves in Ireland to the mutual benefit of both countries.” Here industrialists are being invited to come to Ireland and establish industries in Ireland. Yet, as far as we are concerned, we are asked by the Resolution in front of us to support a policy that will seriously damage industry here and will undermine to a large extent the faith of our own people in industrial effort. I think it is vitally important that we should get this matter quite clear in our discussion. Already there-has been a certain amount of acceptance by certain people and no later than this morning there was a rather interesting statement issued by the Trade Union Congress on the situation brought about by the Budget. That statement says:—

"Firstly, it is necessary to discover whether or not the figure of £15,000,000 constitutes a gap in the current Budget. We do not doubt for a moment despite suggestions to the contrary, that the various Estimates both of revenue and expenditure were made as accurately as forecasting of this nature would allow."

Despite that doubt in the minds of members of the Trade Union Congress, they suggest a change in the incidence of taxation. They seem to respond to the Minister's invitation as to the putting up of alternative taxes and they suggest that there is plenty of scope for heavier taxation of higher incomes while they say the taxation of profits could be stepped up considerably. By way of an indication, as to how higher incomes are available for additional taxes, the statement says, under the heading of "surtax":—

"In 1949-50 there were 5,300 persons liable to surtax whose total income amounted to the colossal sum of £17,600,000."

The average income of these persons would be £3,300 and the figures here would seem to suggest that only £300 tax was paid on that income of £3,300. Surely to talk in terms of the colossal amount of money that could be got by raising surtax on the small number of persons in this country whose gross income was £3,300, is to suggest something that I think would be very unconstructive.

In regard to profits, the question of profits in industry has got a bad name from some of the get-rich-quick performances that were brought off in 1934, 1935 and 1936, in the earlier years of the Fianna Fáil rush to industrial development. I do not think that sufficient is being done at the present moment in industry to secure that the capital foundations on which industries have been laid are being properly maintained or that maintenance is being properly planned for them in future. I think the workers of the country would find that we were cutting the ground from under their feet if, in any kind of ill-considered way, they wanted to prevent industries accumulating such capital as would preserve in an up-to-date and in a competitive way the capital fabric without which workers cannot have their employment maintained.

We have been told in the Budget discussions here that industry must export and I think there was a ministerial pronouncement the other day that industry must export or die. In the competitive world in which our industries have to exist and will have to work, they have to export. They cannot do that if sufficient provision is not made to see that their capital fabric is maintained. The whole approach of the Government to the present situation is utterly and destructively wrong. It is in order to clear the ground so that we can discuss things with clarity and reality, that I ask the Minister to realise that these are matters that have to be cleared up.

I should like to end on a note that I am sure will strike our people here with a certain amount of light and a certain amount of understanding. In the Manchester Guardian of Friday last in an article on “The Tasks of Economic Policy,” Bertrand de Jouvenal, in the tail-end of the article—he had examined the vagaries of economic and Government policy in the world in recent days—having examined some of the economic and financial aspects and the application of different policies, says:—

"For these reasons and many others, the best economists have always thought the reversal of an inflationary tendency to be a critical moment in the life of an economy. Then it is that economic policy calls for the greatest shrewdness and delicacy. Hammer blows are extremely dangerous.

Brutal restrictions on credit, such as certain countries have put into practice, when they are combined with the fiscal frenzy which every country has shown act as such hammer-blows.

In my opinion the present situation conceals strong possibilities of a trend towards an uncontrolled slump. In any case there is already one fairly characteristic sign — the proliferation of optimistic assertions that there will be no recession and that if a recession does come it will be neither long nor serious.

There is a recession; one need only ask the industrialists and especially those who serve the consumer direct. One need only see how the primary producer countries are having difficulties with payments — always a significant symptom. Unemployment and short-time working are on the increase.

On the day then the powers that be take notice of this situation, they will propose a new wave of public investments; that is to say, the State will take a further step in its appropriation of the national wealth. There is a much simpler means of fighting the tendency to a recession; decreases in the rate of taxation.

The time seems to have come to reverse the tendency of our period to increase indefinitely what our ancestors used to call "impositions".

It has been a disastrous thing for our people here that the approach to policy that was pursued during the three years' office of the last Government could not be maintained. Ministers have changed their opinion in recent months from the idea that there was inflation to the idea that there was deflation. They have changed from nailing to the mast, the flag of subsidies and of promised subsidies, to practically wiping out subsidies, veering in policy for a purpose that no one can understand. They are hitting right against an idea that is brought out here very clearly by Jouvenal. They are giving a hammer blow to the country that, because of the bank rate, even if they have no control over it, is experiencing many deflationary influences rather than inflationary influences, and they are applying to that situation the kind of policy that they have been told will stop inflation.

I do not understand what the policy behind this Budget is. I do not want to go into the matter until we get from the Minister for Finance, if we can get it, a statement on these matters and the explanation of these figures that has been asked for. It does seem to me that our people are being asked to pay additional amounts to the extent of £19,870,000—£8,580,000 by way of increased prices for food supplies over the counter and £11,290,000 by way of increased taxation, and for what purpose? Not to maintain our services here but to try to stop the import of nylons or some other articles of that general class, this country is being hit by the sledge hammer with a demand for another £20,000,000 out of the people's pockets for no constructive purpose in this country at all except to do something which the Minister says they do not want to do directly—stop the import of stockings.

I move to report progress.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
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