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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 29 Oct 1952

Vol. 134 No. 4

Committee on Finance. - Financial Resolution No. 2. Excise Duties on Mechanically Propelled Vehicles.

Debate resumed on the following amendment (No. 1) :—
In paragraph (a) to delete the figures "1953" and substitute the figures "1955".

The Minister, when he came in with these proposals the other day—I think he was followed by Deputy Allen rather on the same lines —intimated that these proposals were only going to be a drop in the ocean. My most serious complaint with the manner in which the Minister has brought these motions to the House is that they are no solution for the problem at all. They are only trying to adopt the lazy way out. We are never going to get over the difficulties that may exist in regard to roads and bridges throughout the country by the method that is adopted here. The effect of the second resolution which the Minister has introduced is merely going to be that it will take something out of the pockets of the people enumerated in it and continue with that system that is bad in itself. The time will come fairly shortly when the Minister will again come to the House with similar proposals, and it is because the Minister has not tackled the job in the radical way that it deserves to be tackled and that it requires to be tackled that I want emphatically to say a few words against the proposals.

The fundamental thing that is wrong with roads here is, of course, that, by and large, the vast majority of them were not built for the type of traffic they have been asked to bear. The fundamental thing that is wrong with the Minister's proposals is that by these proposals he is merely going to continue the similar methods of building roads which are entirely inadequate for the type of traffic that these roads have to bear. We must get down to a new system as regards roads. We must get down to a system by virtue of which there is a proper co-ordinated plan for our roads. We must take advantage and proper advantage of the modern machinery and the modern methods that are available throughout the world. It is quite nonsensical as regards our main roads that we should operate as we do at present, that in driving from Dublin to Cork through the territory of maybe seven or eight different local authorities, we should find that the roads belonging to each of those local authorities are built in a different way, maintained in a different way and to a different standard. So long as we continue to adopt the system which has been there for so long and in respect of which the Minister is making no constructive effort now we are not going to get any real progress in connection with roads.

A directive which the Minister can easily obtain in his Department, was issued by the last Government to set about the inquiries that were necessary for the build-up of a new road-making plan. We must accept the position that the making of roads capable of sustaining and carrying modern traffic is a task that requires very special machinery and is a task that requires very great skill by the people operating in it. The only way in which there will be any real progress in catching up the neglect of generations in regard to our roads and the increased amount of traffic they have to bear is to make sure that there is a proper organisation set up to deal with roads of that nature, an organisation that will recognise in the first place that modern machinery is required to an extent not hitherto dreamed of and that skill in regard to the work is required, so that the people we employ in it will be employed on the basis of skilled operatives rather than that they should be employed as they are at present on what one might almost term a semi-relief basis.

There is plenty of unskilled work that requires to be done in this country if only there was a Government in office capable of mobilising the effort towards it. We were arriving at a situation before Fianna Fáil took over in which we were getting nearer and nearer the picture of full employment. I can understand the people employed on the roads feeling that by moving in more machinery to do the work there is a danger in regard to their employment, but we must realise that there are two different problems before us, one is the problem of building our roads and the second is the problem of ensuring that there will be adequate employment for all our people. The two problems cannot be mingled together. If you are going to utilise your labour pool as, so to speak, relief employment on roads, then you are not going to get the roads that the country wants and the roads that the country needs.

Unless and until the Minister takes some radical step towards carrying out the inquiries which the last Government initiated for the purpose of evolving a proper road-making plan, there will never be any relief for the local authorities and perhaps in a few years' time the Minister will be coming again to the House with a similar proposal for increased taxation. The present Minister will not be coming because long before then his Government will have ceased to be in office.

Deputy Allen tried to suggest that these increases were for the purpose of ensuring an alleviation of rates at the expense of the person who uses a big car and who could well afford to pay. The extraordinary and striking thing about the detailed proposals that the Minister has put before us is that the man with the big car is not asked to contribute more than the man with the small or small-medium car. Both are asked to pay an extra £2 only in regard to taxation. The person who drives around in a high-powered car should be asked to contribute more than the small man who can ill afford the taxation. A consideration of the additional tax that has been put on private cars, large and small, makes it fundamentally clear that there is no basis whatsoever for the suggestion that was made that this is a method of relieving rates.

We all know that the increases in taxation on vehicles that are carrying goods will have one of two effects: either the vehicle will cease to travel on the roads or the increase will be passed on to the ordinary consumer. The Minister has said that he does not expect that any of the vehicles concerned will cease to use the roads as a result of this taxation. I do not agree with him. Some of them will, and there will be some disemployment in that regard. In respect of the vast majority who will continue on the roads, the additional cost in the distribution of the goods carried will be passed on to the consumer, whereas an increase in respect of larger cars would not, perhaps, be passed on to the consumer in the same way but might have the effect that a smaller type of car would be operated, which might be better and more healthy for the country as a whole.

Apart from general problems, I would like the Minister to give me a little assistance in a couple of details. I do not know whether or not the Minister has yet been able to produce the information for which Deputy Costello asked as to why he chose the figure in the Resolution and White Paper in calculating the capacity in respect of the square engine. It bears the impression that it was fixed, not by reason of justice, but because it would bring certain well-known cars just over the margin and into a higher taxation level. If it was fixed from that angle, that is a very bad way to make laws for the particular case.

I can say right off the reel that it was not.

Very good. I will certainly give way to the Minister if he will tell us how it was fixed. Will he tell us? One thing that is very noticeable about the Minister for Local Government is the way in which you have to draw information out of him, almost as if one were extracting a tooth. It seems to be as painful for him to give information to the House as it would be for a person to have a tooth extracted. The only way that you can ever get him to give us information is to say something that will rile him and then he will usually blurt it out. At least we have got from him, by way of that interjection, that there was some reason for the manner in which the capacity was fixed. If there was a reason underlying the fixation of that capacity, the Minister, if he were frank with the House, would have given to the House the information to which it is entitled in order that it may consider these Resolutions in a calm and deliberate way. The Minister has spoken in introducing the Resolutions and also on the second day, last week, when these Resolutions were being discussed.

Will the Minister also give us information in regard to lorries used for agricultural purposes? Deputy Rooney has tabled an amendment in respect of them. I am not quite sure as to the exact position under this Resolution. I am open to correction if I am wrong but, as I read it, a farmer who has a lorry, say, of the five-ton class and who uses that lorry on an average once a week or three times a fortnight, will have to pay in respect of that lorry exactly the same tax as the person who operates a lorry on the roads six days of the week. Obviously, the person who operates a lorry for trading purposes in the ordinary way would do more damage to the roads. If that is the basis of the Minister's calculation, it does not seem a fair basis. So far as I can understand the Resolution, it means that in future every lorry, regardless of the frequency of user, will bear the same rate of tax. That was not the case heretofore in regard to the type of trailer that was used for agricultural work.

I would also like the Minister to give us some information on the subject of trailers. Does the provision in the Financial Resolution as regards the tax on a trailer include tax on the small trailer that one very often sees being towed by a Ford 10. that a person, perhaps, keeps for the purpose of taking luggage when going away with his family to the seaside for a holiday in the summer? One sees small trailers of that type being towed by private cars or station wagons. Does the new trailer tax include that type of trailer? Does it include horse-boxes, for example?

These are matters that should have been amplified and set out more clearly in the White Paper so that the people concerned might have an opportunity of considering whether they would be affected by the new provisions or not.

No matter how these details may be discussed, we are inevitably driven to the conclusion that we want, not a finicky policy in regard to roads, a policy of taking money under these Resolutions for what might be described as semi-relief purposes, but a real and constructive policy whereby roads will be built on a proper basis and proper skill and machinery will be employed in building them so that vehicles using the roads will have ease of progress and so that there will not be the depreciation to which Deputy Allen referred. This Financial Resolution will not provide that. It merely provides for a further impost without compensatory benefit. It is because of that that we on these benches oppose the Resolution adamantly.

I consider that the taxes which will be imposed as a result of this legislation will increase in no small measure the volume of unemployment. Everybody knows that since the advent of the present Government, every step taken by that Government month after month resulted in imposing further taxes on the community. I believe that when these new taxes on hackney cars, lorries and other vehicles are put into effect they will add considerably to the very large numbers already unemployed. I think, as most taxpayers do, that the Minister and the Fianna Fáil Party are endeavouring to hoodwink the people by saying that they are taxing only the users of the roads, in order that more money may be provided for the improvement of the roads. That is not so. It has been pointed out from this side of the House that persons who have no direct connection whatever with lorries, motor-cars, taxis, trucks or any motor vehicle whatever—the ordinary labouring man, the cottage tenant, the room dweller in the towns and the businessman—are all equally concerned and will equally pay their share with the persons who own motor vehicles, whether of small horse-power or high horse-power, simply because this House must provide money for Bord na Móna, for Córas Iompair Éireann and for the Electricity Supply Board.

Do you object to Bord na Móna?

This House must provide money for these concerns and when the Ministers responsible for these various concerns come before this House at some future date with their Estimates, these Estimates are bound to be increased because of the fact that the Electricity Supply Board, Córas Iompair Éireann, Bord na Móna and the Board of Works, who have so many high-powered motor vehicles on the road, will have to foot the bill for this increased taxation. Therefore, the ordinary taxpayer will be in no small way affected as a result of this legislation.

I have not heard one word from the Fianna Fáil Party in regard to the plight of the unfortunate ex-Army men who served their country well and faithfully during the years of the emergency and who, when they received their gratuities on their discharge, immediately proceeded to purchase lorries. In my constituency, and in a number of other constituencies in which turf production is carried on on a large scale, most of these ex-Army men purchased lorries for the purpose of hauling turf. Many of them are bound by agreements with hire purchase concerns. They are now faced with the prospect that they will have to dispose of these lorries because it would not pay them to keep them under the new rates of taxation.

We had a statement from Deputy Allen in this House last week that too many frauds had hackney cars. I wonder was he referring to the ex-Army men who were able to take out licences for hackney cars because of their good record in the Army? I think anyone who says there are too many frauds in the hackney car business to-day is making a statement that cannot be justified. Most of these men got licences as a result of the certificates which they could produce to the Garda testifying to their service and good conduct in the Army. These men will now be seriously affected as a result of these new taxes.

Last week we all saw a reference in the daily papers to the fact that more patrol cars were about to be introduced by the Garda, especially in the areas of Wicklow, Naas, Kilcock, Navan and Drogheda. Whatever Department is responsible for putting these cars on the road—it will be the Department of Justice, I presume— will have to pay these increased rates of taxation which, of course, must again be levied on the taxpayers of the country. An article which recently appeared in the Garda Review dealing with road accidents stated that “the question of licensing bicycles and registering them in some way whereby cyclists may be identified cannot be ignored as a genuine approach to the problem”. I submit that the steps which the Government are now taking is the first move with a view to levying a tax on bicycles. Probably we shall next find ourselves taxed for walking over bridges or for using the roads as pedestrians, and eventually we shall see the people taxed for walking on the public paths. I think it is about time that the people of the country generally cried halt to the taxation imposed on the people in this way.

Quite recently Córas Iompair Éireann dispensed with the services of a number of men in my constituency. The reason given for dispensing with their services and for closing down the Banagher-Clara branch of the railway was the financial state of the company. Yet we are told by the Minister that a sum of from £70,000 to £90,000 per year will have to be found by Córas Iompair Éireann to foot the bill which they will be called upon to meet as a result of these increased taxes. These moneys can only be found by dispensing with the services of additional employees. Branch lines are being shut down, services are being curtailed and hundreds of men in Limerick, Inchicore, and even in rural districts, are being added to the list of the unemployed. If Córas Iompair Éireann could not maintain their staffs up to the present because of heavy overhead charges, surely if an additional £90,000 has to be found it can only be found by closing down further branch lines and dispensing with further batches of employees.

We are strongly opposed to this legislation which will eventually bring about a great increase in unemployment. Deputy Sweetman has already referred to the tax on tractors. A person who at present has to pay a tax of £6 on a tractor will, if these proposals go through have to pay £8. I think that is very poor encouragement to the farmers at the present time when all Parties are appealing to them to take off their coats and produce more. Appeals have been made to them to acquire tractors so that they can get along more speedily with agricultural work but as I say, this additional taxation is very poor encouragement to them to do so, particularly having regard to the fact that since the Government came into office they have had to pay an increase of £5 per ton for manure, increased prices for seeds and increased wages. Costs of production have risen steeply for them. Farmers who have tractors at present are also called upon to pay increased prices for spare parts, petrol and oil. I think it most unfair that farmers should now be obliged to pay an increased tax of £2 per year for tractors. We have been told time and again by the Government that the ploughs and the mowing machines which farmers were using before they acquired tractors, were too slow. We now find that the Government, by imposing this additional taxation on them, is anxious to deprive them of their tractors and to put them back to the use of the horse-drawn plough and mowing machine.

The Minister very brazenly said that all the money which was likely to be collected as a result of these taxes is to go to the roads because, he said, the roads had been neglected for years and years. Every speaker from the Fianna Fáil Party said that the roads had been neglected for years and years. Is it not rather late in the day for them to start talking about the roads? They were in office for 16 years prior to 1947, and during all that time we heard very little of the banshee wailing from them about the condition of the roads of this country. We never heard a word from them about the roads from the day they took office until they went out. Therefore, what they are saying is all codology. I submit that this is another way of pulling more taxes out of the people. The people are now told that this money will go to the improvement of the roads. Therefore, the people who live on the lanes and in the boreens and in the mountains will, I suppose, fall for that. If the Government were really concerned about the roads they would give more consideration to the ordinary by-roads which are used principally by the people who live in rural Ireland.

In many parts of the country the taxpayers and the ratepayers make very little use of the main roads. The reason is that there are thousands and thousands of homesteads situate long distances from the main roads. While we know that portion of this money is supposed to be spent on the county roads, I must say that the Government displayed poor consideration for the county roads and for every other road when, as we know, they provided less money than formerly under the Local Authorities (Works) Act. Far less money than formerly is to be provided in my constituency under that Act. The result is that, in the County of Offaly, we have between 100 and 200 fewer workers on the roads while in Laois we have between 350 and 400 fewer road workers than we had when we were in office. If the Government were really anxious about the roads they would not be cutting down the money provided under schemes for the repair of ordinary by-roads, as they have been doing, or less money for rural improvement schemes. I believe that the suggestion that out of these taxes more money is going to be provided for the roads is codology. The Government are not in any way concerned with the roads.

There is a lot to be said, I think, for Deputy McQuillan's suggestion of having a flat rate of tax for those who are interested in motoring, and that they would pay the tax on their petrol. I think consideration should be given to that suggestion. Deputy Allen said that motoring was cheaper now than it was 30 years ago. If he is to be regarded as one of the principal spokesmen of the Fianna Fáil Party, well they are welcome to that sort of an opinion. I suppose the Minister will stand up and say the same sort of thing.

Is the Deputy aware that in 1923 petrol was 4/9 a gallon?

Deputy Kenneally certainly has an axe to grind because those who use the buses and motor on the roads of Waterford will now have to pay more for their transport. Motoring is becoming more and more expensive in this country every day. People have to pay more for spare parts, for batteries and for tyres. The charges made in the garages, when a car is put in for repair, have also gone up.

The Deputy is now travelling very far from the Resolution.

I am replying to Deputy Allen who said that the cost of motoring was cheaper now than ever. Those taxes are going to have a very serious effect in my constituency. Quite recently a number of firms in my constituency made very strong representations to the Deputies who represent it in connection with the restriction in the use of lorries. That does not arise on the Resolution, but I maintain that the use of lorries has already been restricted as a result of this Resolution. I had a letter from the firm of Messrs. D. E. Williams, Ltd., Tullamore. It is one of the principal firms there and gives a very large amount of employment in the town of Tullamore. They say:

"Since writing the above the Government's proposals for new lorry and car taxation have appeared. It seems to us that these very high taxes are calculated to drive private transport off the roads, and we hope that when the time comes to discuss these proposals every effort will be made to protect free enterprise. In view of the past history of the Road Fund, there is little reason to believe that the enormous additional sum to be taken from industry and the private motorist, will, in fact, ever be applied to the betterment of the roads."

It is quite evident that firms like D. E. Williams, P. & H. Egan, Tullamore, the Donoughmore Co-Operative Society in Laois, the firm of Salts (Ireland) Ltd., Tullamore, and firms in Daingean, Clara, Portarlington and other areas are going to be faced with a very serious position as a result of these additional taxes. It will mean that they will not be able to keep all their lorries on the roads, and that will mean unemployment for drivers and helpers and for others engaged in industry in the midlands.

The building industry is also going to be seriously affected as a result of these taxes, because most contractors at the moment have their own lorries to provide transport for the removal of material from their yards and stores on to the site for a building. They also use their lorries for the transport of workers. I believe that these taxes will mean a very serious blow to the building industry. The Minister may say that contractors who require transport for the transport of cement, timber and steel can use Córas Iompair Éireann transport. It has been the experience of those people in the past that Córas Iompair Éireann transport is too slow, and that it is not competent to give the service which they can provide for themselves by having their own road transport.

I would impress on the Government that they should give special consideration to hackney owners. It is unfair to impose these taxes on them. They are not well-off people and they are already burdened with very heavy taxes. Of course, I realise that there is very little use in asking the Government to do that. It is quite evident that they will not do it.

In conclusion, I want to say that these taxes are going to mean a very serious blow to the building industry and to the motor trade in general. They will mean less employment in the garages. The fact is that we are going to be faced with further unemployment. I am satisfied that the Government are approaching this problem from the wrong angle because I know the very serious effect which the imposition of these taxes is going to have in my constituency.

I do not propose to detain the House very long on this matter. I do, however, want to make a short statement upon it.

There has been no revision in motor taxation for quite a long time, and I think there are few Deputies here who have not considered the matter in the same way as I have. We have had practically no change in motor taxation since 1926. We have heard numerous complaints from the agricultural community as well as from the commercial interests in many of our towns and villages in connection with the rapid increase in local taxation. A good deal of that taxation is made up of the tax on motor-cars plus whatever sum is put to it by local rate collectors for the maintenance of our roads.

Most of us remember when motor-cars first started using our roads. Tar was unknown. There were clouds of dust raised by every car. One would imagine that it was a steam-engine that had passed rather than a motor-car. Some effort had to be made to keep down the dust. Then motor-cars gradually became more highly mechanised. Speeds increased to an enormous extent. In recent years I have heard many complaints levelled against these American luxury cars. In fact, the Labour Party has held forth on many occasions in connection with those robust gentlemen driving high-powered luxury cars, occupying space in our streets and tearing up our roads, and so on. I agree that they do tear up our roads and I think it is fairly obvious that something must be done as far as taxation on these larger cars is concerned.

The time has arrived when some drastic steps must be taken to relieve local ratepayers of the burden they have had to carry in most counties. Quite a number of these unfortunate ratepayers live up at the end of long lanes. All they ever do is to hear the motor-cars. More recently still they have had the additional experience of being almost run over coming from Mass on Sundays. That is the only knowledge and experience they have of motor-cars. Nevertheless they must contribute towards the maintenance of the roads and they very seldom get anything in return for their contribution.

The Government has initiated schemes for the improvement of these lanes. Some of them have been repaired. Many of them have not been repaired. I think it is only natural that the Government should now insist that those who make use of the roads and who have a monopoly of them should contribute to their upkeep and maintenance. Horse-drawn traffic has almost disappeared because the roads are now too dangerous for horses. Deputy O. Flanagan spoke about taxing the pedestrians. The pedestrian has not much chance on our roads nowadays. The cyclist finds the roads almost impossible because motor traffic has increased so much.

I think that Deputy Sweetman is quite correct in his view. This method will not give a complete result. If we had the money available to overhaul all the roads we would have the ideal solution. It was not anticipated when these roads were first constructed that they would be utilised for heavy motor transport. The position in Meath is not quite so desperate as it is in other counties because in Meath there is a firm subsoil and the cost of road maintenance is not too high. When the roads are repaired they remain firm for a long time. That is not the case, however, in other counties.

We find now that we have some 7,000 or 8,000 miles of road that have never been touched at all. We heard the Minister for Industry and Commerce speak here about the tourist traffic. Every Deputy is in favour of encouraging tourist traffic. The first thing the tourist wants is good roads apart from those tourists who merely spend a short time in Dublin and go away again. Most of the tourists coming here bring their own cars, and if we do not do something to improve the roads we will be giving with one hand and taking away with the other.

This increased taxation is not before its time. I think the last increase took place as far back as 1926. There have, of course, been increases in the tax on oil and petrol, but the value of money to-day is less than it was in 1926 and some steps must be taken to increase motor taxation. That is obvious. It is something that cannot be avoided. Deputy O. Flanagan complained about the number of unemployed. He said the roads demanded repair. Repair cannot be carried out without money. The Minister has said that he will devote all this money to the repair of the roads. That will give a considerable amount of employment. For that reason I cannot see why the Labour Party should be opposed to it.

Some of the American loan might have been applied to the repair of our roads. If it had been employed for that purpose it might have given better results than the Local Authorities (Works) Act. That was not done at the time. The reconstruction of our roads will take an enormous sum of money. As things are at the moment, it looks as if we will have to be satisfied with half a loaf. I believe the objection to this increase is purely political. The farmers have maintained the roads to a very large extent up to the present. The Government does not intend to ask them to do as much again. It intends to ask the people who use the roads and enjoy the roads to pay for their maintenance and upkeep.

Deputy O'Reilly is anxious to know why we hold a certain view in this matter. May I be permitted to give him some idea of what actuates a Labour man in relation to these proposals? I see very little in these proposals to commend them. In the White Paper issued by the Department of Local Government it is stated that with the exception of private cars, no revision of tax has taken place since 1926. That point was repeated by the last speaker to-day. Is it not true that the price of petrol has increased during the past year as a result of increased taxation by the Minister for Finance? Is it not true that replacements and parts are contributing more to the Exchequer by way of increased taxation this year?

There is a further point made in the White Paper that the number of motor vehicles has increased from 1939 to 1951 by approximately double. It is implied in that statement that the cost of maintaining the roads will likewise need to be doubled. But, if the number of motor vehicles has doubled between 1939 and 1951. then receipts from the tax on that increased number must also have doubled, so that we are not in a worse position, but in a better position owing to the increase in the number of motor vehicles on the roads.

I feel that the roads and, especially, the bridges of this country were not made to stand up to the heavy lorries now being used on them. I could understand a case being made for limiting the weight of the vehicles on the roads, but I cannot understand why we should increase, in some cases by doubling it, the tax on heavy vehicles with a view to putting them off the roads completely. I can see very good reasons for doing that, but if we intend to force lorries of an unladen weight of four tons or over off the roads completely because of the wear and tear on the roads, then it should not be done by increasing taxation. It should be done by an Order giving warning that on a future date all such lorries will be forbidden the use of the roads. That could be justified as it would divert the heavy traffic to the railways and the four-ton unladen weight lorries or those of a lesser weight could be used as a link to bring traffic to the railways. The four-ton unladen weight lorry and those of lesser weight are the normal lorries used in these areas. These are the vehicles which agriculturists and merchants in the small towns and villages require. But, by putting increased taxation on the heavier lorries, we are increasing the price of essential commodities and foodstuffs to the consumer on to whom the increase will be passed. I would support an increase of taxation on the heavy lorries if it were on the understanding that at some future date all such heavy lorries will be put off the roads completely. The Minister should remember that the improvements in our roads are not due to the fact that the roads are being used by lorries. As Deputy O'Reilly stated, a good deal of the improvements are due to the fact that we are catering for the tourist trade. If the tourist trade is worth money to this country, it is only to be expected that the Exchequer should contribute to this means of inducing tourists to come to this country in the same way as the railways are being subsidised to keep them going.

The Labour Party suggests that the tax on hackneys, taxis and buses should not be increased because these are used as a means of travelling by the ordinary people and if the tax is increased it will simply be passed on to the ordinary person who has to use these methods of transport. We also suggest that there should be no increased taxation on lorries up to four tons unladen weight. We suggest that the Minister should fix a limit in some future Bill so that vehicles over and above four tons unladen weight will not be permitted on our roads. We can go that far with the Minister but we believe that an increased tax on hackneys, taxis and buses will not only be passed on to the ordinary person using these vehicles but will also cause considerable unemployment. We could not support such a scheme as has been put forward. We suggest that the Minister should re-examine the proposals, having heard our views on them. We would support him in any action that would give us better roads and place taxation on the shoulders of those best able to bear it.

As the Deputy who has just sat down has said, I was always reared to believe that those charged with the responsibility of raising taxation had a very special duty to levy taxation by laying it on the shoulders of those best able to bear it, and only when you had required those who are relatively well-off to bear their share was it right or proper to go beyond them to a wider section of the community who are less able to bear taxation and ask them to bear a share as well. In so far as the increased tax on motor-cars is concerned, its incidence on the well-to-do is negligible, because so far as I can find out the increase on the 24-h.p. Chrysler car is no more than the increase on the 8-h.p. car. Proportionately, on a percentage ratio the increase on the 10-h.p. car and the low horse-power cars is very much higher than the percentage increase on the large limousine used by the relatively well-to-do.

The increase on the small cars hits two categories of persons who are very ill able to bear the additional burden. One is the dispensary doctor and the other is the commercial traveller. Neither of these is able to do his work unless he uses a small car. It must also hit civil servants of the type of county instructors or travelling inspectors of the Department of Agriculture. They cannot get their work done if they do not do it in a small car. It must also hit, and hit hard, the taximan and the rural hackneyman. It has to be borne in mind that these men are already bearing the additional charges which have fallen on petrol and the staggering increase in the price of tyres. Anyone who has any experience of the equipping of a hackney car, or indeed any car which is in constant use, with tyres knows that the increased charges constitute very nearly as heavy a burden as the increase in the cost of petrol itself.

I do not believe that the increase in the tax on cars will make very much difference to anybody except the taximan and the hackneyman and possibly the doctor and the commercial traveller with a family who is put to the pin of his collar to make ends meet. The House, however, ought to wake up now to what the taxation on motor lorries will involve. There the increases are significant and are of a character which will constitute a very substantial burden on an individual who operates a motor lorry.

Who are the individuals who operate motor lorries? There is Córas Iompair Éireann. They will pass it on to the fare-paying passengers. Think for a moment what the House proposes to do. We are alleged to be looking around for revenue to meet inescapable charges. I am going to submit to the House in a moment that the charges are not inescapable but that is the case that has been made. To whom do we look for payment?—to those elements in the community who cannot afford to keep a car but who perennially travel on a bus, because Córas Iompair Éireann must get back the revenue that it is required to contribute under this proposal, for the Minister for Industry and Commerce has told us that they have notified Córas Iompair Éireann that they have got to keep within a certain deficit and if that involves dismissing men and throwing them into unemployment, dismissed they must be. They have dismissed men in order to keep within the fixed limit of deficit which the Minister for Finance will allow. Now they must meet the additional charges here envisaged and they must keep within the fixed deficit. To whom must they go? From whom must they collect these additional charges? The Deputies in this House who keep a car do not travel by bus. They travel in their own cars. The only people who travel habitually in buses in this country are the people who cannot afford to keep cars. They are the people who are going to be made pay the additional charge which will be laid upon Córas Iompair Éireann in respect of the large vehicle tax, and it is no small charge.

The next category of persons who will be called upon to pay this tax are the individuals from the country who have invested whatever little savings they have in a lorry, and ply for hire As we who live in the country know, most of those men are already appropriating too little of their earnings to a reserve fund with which to replace their lorry when it becomes worn out. They are, in fact, living at the very pin of their collar. This additional charge that they are now called upon to meet must either put them off the road and add them to the list of unemployed or potential emigrants or they must recover it. From whom? From the people for whom they carry, and that is the farmers of this country. There is no other place from which they can get it. They certainly have no surplus profit fund on foot of their operation from which to finance the increasing cost of a replacement lorry —because we all know lorries are getting dearer every day—and meet this charge, meet the increased cost of petrol and the increased cost of tyres. These charges must go on their customers and the lorry men who survive the impact of these additional charges will impose it on their customers for they have nowhere else to get it, and their customers are the small farmers of this country.

The next body of persons on whom this charge will fall heavily are the co-operative creameries. I know, because when I was Minister for Agriculture I deliberately multiplied the number of travelling creameries in Clare, Kerry and West Cork and in all those areas it was just the barest even break as to whether you could make a travelling creamery an economic proposition or not. In every case where we put one on the road and examined the circumstances in which it would be called upon to operate, it was only by stretching our most optimistic hope that we could justify charging the funds of the Dairy Disposal Board with the additional charge, trusting to God that, as we went along, milk supplies would so increase as to meet the cost of the travelling creamery. Has anyone examined these proposals to determine what the additional charge would be in respect of every travelling creamery on the roads of this country? I tell this House quite deliberately that if this charge falls to be paid by a travelling creamery every single travelling creamery operating in Kerry and Clare will become uneconomic. The Minister for Agriculture will have to find the money to reimburse the Dairy Disposal Board if these creameries are to be kept on the road. Remember, that refers not only to Kerry and Clare but to South Galway as well. Deputies will remember there was a good deal of confusion about South Galway in this House 18 months ago and about the milk situation in that area, and even Deputies of Fianna Fáil were constrained to con cede that the Dairy Disposals Board had met that difficulty and had catered for all the requirements of milk suppliers in North Clare and South Galway who heretofore had turned their milk into farmers' butter, the sale of which constitutes a perennial problem. If every one of them is to be swept off the roads, or a penny a gallon is to be taken for milk in those areas to meet the extra charge, who is going to bear the cost? Is it not the small farmers of this country? Certain it is the money must come from somewhere. I assure the House—and I challenge contradiction from any source—there is not a single travelling creamery on the roads in this country at present that could bear £1 per annum additional charges without becoming an uneconomic burden around the neck of the Dairy Disposal Company.

But that is not all. For the past five years we have built up a very considerable trade in chocolate crumb. Does the House bear in mind how that trade operates? The farmers bring their milk to the creameries. The milk is there assembled and transferred thence in large road tankers from the several co-operating creameries to the central chocolate crumb factory. Where is the money going to be found to meet the charge that will come in course of payment on each of these tankers? Where can it come from? From the price of milk. Deputies from County Limerick will know that the whole of the Lansdowne Condensed Milk Factory depends for its existence on the transfer of milk in bulk in road tankers from outlying creameries over very considerable distances to the factory at Lansdowne. Where will the charge that will come in course of payment under these proposals come except out of the price of milk?

In many areas the practice has grown up and it is a good practice, whereby instead of every farmer driving a separate donkey cart or horse and cart into the creamery one neighbour's son has bought a lorry and carries the milk for 30 or 40 neighbours every day to the creamery and collects a charge of a farthing or a halfpenny a gallon for every gallon carried. All the farmers are thus in a position to attend to their day's work at home and the milk is carried in for them in the morning and the skimmed milk is carried back for them in the evening. Where is the fellow who operates the lorry, who does that work for his neighbours to obtain the money to pay this charge? I see none of those fellows growing rich at this business and I am perfectly certain if this charge has to be borne by them in the future either of two things is going to happen; from 30 to 40 neighbours will be obliged every morning to come to the creameries themselves and drive this fellow who does the work for them off the roads or else, instead of paying a halfpenny a gallon, they will have to pay a penny a gallon on their milk.

I wonder would this House wake up to this simple fact: In the last analysis every charge of this kind finds its way back to the agricultural industry. There is no other source from which wealth can be found to meet charges of this kind. The lorries plying in this country are, in the vast majority, carrying feeding-stuffs and fertilisers, directly or indirectly, from the port or the factory to the farmer and they are carrying grain, live stock or live-stock products from the farmer to the port or the centre of distribution. Take off the road lorries which are handling the product of the agricultural industry and the raw materials of the agricultural industry and how many lorries will be left? On every one of the lorries carrying the raw materials of the agricultural industry or its finished product this tax is to be levied, and it will filter back either in increased cost on feeding-stuffs or fertilisers or in the form of a diminished return to the farmer for his live stock or live-stock product.

I beg this House to bear this in mind: Every trade agreement we have made has been made in the open markets of the world, where our farmers have to compete with farmers from all over the world. The profit of the farmer in this country is the difference between the price that we have been able to negotiate for him in foreign markets and what it costs to produce the product which he wants to sell in that foreign market. We cannot control prices in the foreign markets; all we can do is to get the best price we can.

There is a net, crucial matter in that connection which arises now and in a most acute form. After Herculean struggles, we got an agreement in respect of bacon and pork. When we got that agreement there was no fat in it for the farmers of this country. Under this proposal every lorry carrying a pig from a pig fair to a factory is going to carry a heavier tax. Every lorry carrying bacon or pork from a factory to a port will carry this tax. Every hundredweight of meal that is carried from a mill to a shop and from a shop in rural Ireland out to the country house, will carry this tax. If you raise the price of the essential raw materials of the pig industry in this country and levy a tax on what the pig feeder will receive for his pork, I warn this House that it will take a very slight adjustment to make the production of pigs in this country uneconomic and, if that happens a second time and the people begin to get out of pigs and the pig population begins to decline again, all the king's horses and all the king's men will not get our people to take up the pig-feeding business again. Should that transpire, consider where the consequences of that will lead. I do not propose to pursue this matter in detail. Make the pig industry in this country uneconomic and there is not an acre of barley or an acre of grain grown in this country or an acre of potatoes that will not feel the repercussions of it.

If this House does not make up its mind that you cannot afford to keep piling up on the agricultural industry ever-increasing costs without putting the whole economic life of this country in peril, Deputies will walk into something one of these days which will stagger them.

One of the most disturbing features of these proposals is the legislative cynicism which they reveal. I used to be taught that if a public service was costing more than the revenue appropriated for it, your first duty was to see if there was any waste or any improvidence in the administration of the service that could be eliminated so as to bring down the cost of the service to the level of the resources that were available to finance it. That conception seems to have vanished out of this House. In a queer, reckless cynicism that has come upon us, the first instinct now is to sock on taxation and, if you can possibly say that you are levying it on the rich and the well-to-do, to rejoice in it. The whole basis of this folly is to say to the country that we are taxing the fellow who is floating about in a big limousine in order to relieve the burden on the ratepayers. Ninty-six per cent. of this tax will find its way back inevitably to the small farmer and to the citizen who cannot afford to keep a car, large or small.

Why does Deputy Mac Fheórais demur?

96 per cent. will fall on the small farmer?

Will find its way back.

To the small farmer?

And to those who cannot afford to keep a car at all.

It will take a long time to come that far.

If the Deputy had been listening he would have seen how it would come to pass. The trouble is that it is not easy to prove that to people who are not familiar with the everyday transactions of trade and commerce in rural Ireland. I would invite Deputy Corish to ask himself this question, where will it come from ultimately; who will pay the increased cost on the lorry?

I think it is the wage-earner and the salary-earner who will pay most of it.

The salary earner has to buy food but the trouble is that the price of agricultural produce in this country will ultimately be governed by the prices available in the export market. I believe that in the category of persons who cannot afford to keep a car of their own and therefore use a bus will come a very large section of the wage-earning people. That is the way they will pay their share. But the citizen of Dublin depends far less for his food supply and his raw material on motor transport than does the citizen of rural Ireland and it is on them will fall the burden of the increased costs of raw materials being carried down the country in the lorries and of their finished product being brought back to the point of export, again in lorries.

All that might have to be faced if it were a last resort but the fact is that no attempt has been made to reduce the burden of cost involved in the maintenance and construction of roads. Do Deputies realise that substantially we are employing the same methods of roadmaking in this country that obtained in the days of Macadam 70 years ago? There are more unskilled men working on the roads of this country than in any country in the world outside the Balkans. We are asking them to go on working at rates of wages appropriate to unskilled workers. Surely this House has reached the stage when we might, with propriety, envisage grappling with this question of the cost of the roads to the local authorities, by devising a plan whereby the road workers of this country could be lifted from the standard of unskilled labourers into that of skilled tradesmen, equipped with modern machinery and paid a rate of wages appropriate to skilled employment?

And keep the same number in employment?

This is a matter which could be raised more appropriately on the Estimates than on the Resolution before the House.

Respectfully, I think we are bound to offer the Minister an alternative method of grappling with the dilemma in which he finds himself. He finds a deficiency between the resources of the Road Fund and the demands on local authorities for the construction and maintenance of roads. There is no use in our saying to him that he must not supplement the Road Fund, unless we propose a method whereby he can bring the expenditure on roads within the present resources of the Road Fund.

The Resolution before the House deals with the imposition of certain taxes and I cannot see how the Deputy can initiate a discussion on road making in this country on the debate on that Resolution.

Is the Road Fund not for the purpose of providing funds to make roads, and did the Minister not tell us that hereafter there would be no raid on the Road Fund for any other purpose?

I am going to make a start if I can.

The Road Fund was certainly mentioned but I still do not see how we can have a discussion on the making of roads in connection with these Resolutions.

I am making the case that this taxation would not be necessary if the making of roads were brought within the resources of the existing Road Fund. Surely Dáil Éireann is not constrained to pass this legislation without envisaging the possibility of a road programme being introduced which would make this taxation unnecessary? I am submitting to the House that we are about to place serious burdens on the people which will represent considerable hardship and put our economic life in danger when there is no necessity to do so. The dilemma can be resolved without recourse to these means.

You want more machinery and fewer men.

No, I do not.

He attacked the road workers; he said that they were not skilled.

They are not and they should be. They are well capable of being skilled, given the opportunity, and they should be put in the position to earn the wages of skilled operatives. It is quite possible to do that. We were devising plans and methods whereby we would do that.

The county councils would not pay them at all.

Under the inter-Party Government we were devising plans— and the scheme as far as I know is still under examination in the Department of Local Government—whereby instead of putting on each individual local authority the obligation of maintaining roads in its administrative area in isolation the local authorities would be grouped into groups of three or five, whichever was the most convenient administratively and geographically, and would be charged with the responsibility jointly of maintaining a satisfactory road system throughout their area, employing the most modern equipment and securing for the road workmen permanent employment at appropriate rates of wages. I want to submit that, if the Minister for Local Government will proceed with the scheme which his Department is at present considering, the effort to raise new revenue along the lines contained in these Resolutions will be made unnecessary. Ultimately I am going to submit, whether he persists in these proposals or not, he will be forced to that course, because I am as certain as I am standing here that one of the results of the proposed taxes on motor lorries will be that he will put a very large percentage of the existing lorries off the road, with consequent loss to the Road Fund and very serious consequential loss to the Exchequer as a result of the low petrol consumption.

I have mentioned the fact that individual proprietors of lorries will either become unemployed or become potential emigrants. Why does the Minister want to do this? He cannot himself doubt that a considerable number of lorries will be put off the roads by these proposals. If that be true, it will be the most vulnerable ones that will go first. These are the lorries operated by individual licensed carriers in rural Ireland. Surely we must at some stage reject the philosophy, that is all too frequently preached in this House, that you cannot have omelettes without breaking eggs? That is a very nice philosophy provided that you are not the egg. It is an intolerable thing that just because the Legislature is too lazy to face the real problem that cries out for solution here, we are simply going to wipe out a considerable number of simple people who are guilty of no greater crime than that they are earning their own living without being under a compliment to anyone. If the House would only face the fact that a reorganisation of the road building and maintenance system of this country would render these proposals wholly unnecessary, we could get that much desired co-operation from all sides of the House on a wholly non-controversial issue. That is, how best to reduce the burden of the cost of road maintenance on the local authorities of this country.

Do Deputies on any side in this House seriously doubt that if a half-dozen of them sat down with the competent professional advice available to them, they are not capable of producing a method of materially reducing the costs of building and maintaining roads in Ireland? Does anyone on any side of the House consider it a desirable thing to maintain large numbers of men in unskilled employment at rates of wages appropriate to unskilled employment, and on very broken time, dependent on the whim of gangers, when we can offer the roadmen of the country skilled employment at rates of wages appropriate to skilled employment on a permanent basis? Surely in this country we have passed the day when we are afraid to see the number of unskilled men working at unskilled rates on the roads of this country reduced?

When the inter-Party Government went out of office I think it is true to say—and I can quote Deputy Davin as my authority—that there was, substantially, full employment in rural Ireland and nobody was out of a job. We had reached the stage when it was becoming a problem to get workers in rural Ireland. Everyone was working. Would it not be something infinitely better to aim at, that we should have a body of skilled men equipped with most modern equipment building roads better than we now have, in the most economic possible way and sure of constant jobs at decent rates of wages in the knowledge that the expanding activity in rural Ireland would absorb the best effort of anybody available, as happened 18 months or two years ago?

That would be more relevant on the Estimate than on the Resolution or on any of the amendments before the House.

I take it that we are debating the Resolution and the amendments together. Therefore, the duty is not going to get revenue in the long run, but it is going to lay a tax ultimately on the consumers of goods in the country, on the small farmers whose produce and raw materials are carried by road and on the traveller who cannot afford to keep a car of his own. It is going to create a considerable number of unemployed men who have hitherto been self-supporting and who were earning their living beholden to nobody. I do not know as much about the conditions of taximen and hackney drivers as I believe myself to know about other matters, but, if report be true, a great many decent taxi drivers in this city are going to find themselves out of a job. The commercial traveller and the dispensary doctor are going to experience the same increase in their road tax as the man who drives a 24 horse-power Chrysler.

Surely, this concatenation of facts violates every principle of decent taxation. Surely, the House must sooner or later wake up to the consequences of piling on costs on the agricultural industry. Have we all become so blind that we do not realise that every service and every economic activity in this country ultimately rests on the foundation of agriculture, and that if, by piling on costs, we actually tear the stones out of that foundation and use them to build crazy structures on a foundation which we ourselves are in the process of destroying, the whole thing will come crashing down? If the only way to build the kind of roads that this taxation is designed to build is to pile on these costs on agriculture, then you are mad to bespeak this kind of road because you will be building these roads at a cost which will make agriculture uneconomic. The people will leave the land.

These proposals are not the right method of getting for this country an adequate road system superior to anything we have at the present time and not designed to condemn our people permanently to forbear from the best methods of transport, whatever they may be. All that, we can have, by intelligently reorganising our road-making and road maintenance services on the basis of grouping counties in geographic and economic groupings for that purpose. An instruction to examine the question of making recommendations in that regard is in the Department of Local Government since before we went out of office.

I say these proposals should be put aside and forgotten until such time as proposals along the line I now suggest are examined and laid before the House. I am quite prepared to abide the judgement of this House if the Department of Local Government's best proposal on the basis of the regrouping of counties for the purpose of road construction is brought to this House and laid side by side with these taxation proposals as two alternative methods of bringing our annual road expenditure into relation with the annual resources of the Road Fund. If that is done, I will bind myself in advance to accept, without further demand, the judgement of this House in a free vote on the merits as between two such proposals, and I am certain that the proposal to reduce our charges will carry the day against the proposal to increase our taxes.

Let the House remember that if we once increase our taxes a number of irretrievable events will ensue. Dozens of men will lose their jobs and they will never get them back. They will either go from the country or become chronically unemployed because, for the most part, they are not young men. Many creameries in South Galway, Clare and Kerry will be forced into bankruptcy as a result of travelling creameries becoming ludicrously uneconomic with this burden laid on them. Lastly, the revenue which it is hoped to raise will not eventuate because a great many lorries will be driven off the roads. You will, therefore, lose the road tax as well as the tax on petrol which is paid on the annual consumption of these lorries. These events will be substantially irretrievable. Surely, before we embark upon them we should have before us the alternative.

I cannot measure, at this stage, the impact of these proposals on the actual cost to the agricultural industry. I would, however, ask Deputies to read the minority report of a transport commission of which Dr. Henry Kennedy was a member about 15 years ago. He submitted a minority report showing what it would cost the agricultural industry if restrictions were laid on motor transport which resulted in increased charges. That minority report would be a revelation to some Deputies. Let us remember that we are very near the critical point of determining whether the pig industry is to be a permanent feature of our rural economy or whether it will be just tipped over into the position of an uneconomic activity. That will be another irretrievable consequence of these proposals.

What would happen if you had no petrol?

If our pigs are made uneconomic and the people go out of them they will never get back. There are bacon factories and barley growers and a lot of other people in this country who are dependent on that industry at the moment. Deputy Davin asks what would happen if we had no petrol. What would happen if we had no tyres? What would happen if we had no wheels? What would happen is that we would all walk about in pampooties, dressed in sheepskins. Robinson Crusoe did that. He was one of the few men who ever succeeded in reducing himself voluntarily to the position of being compelled to live on his own resources, without imports of petrol, without imports of rubber, without imports of tea or anything else. In fact he very nearly got back to the stage of living on light beer and brown bread.

Robinson Crusoe will not be here for the next world war.

Robinson Crusoe is not under consideration.

It is his "Man Friday" who is holding the floor to-night.

I had hoped that Robinson Crusoe was not under consideration but Deputy Davin's interjection was such as to envisage a situation in which we got along without petrol and without oil, and that, on reflection, will suggest to him a Robinson Crusoe mentality. Those are the facts. The House ought to consider them before persisting in these proposals.

There is a venerable saying that "those whom the gods wish to destroy they first make mad." I think Fianna Fáil has got it into its head that taxation, without regard to its merits, is popular and that it is making them respectable. I beg of them to wake up to the fact that they are all getting middle-aged. They would not have had such a passion for respectability 20 years ago. They would not have rejoiced so much in the benedictions of the Irish Times 20 years ago. They would not have gloried in going around the country swathed in the blankets of orthodoxy which they now gather about their persons as they load one burden after another on to the shoulders of the poor. I never admired their appearance very much in their salad days or, indeed, at any time, but in their senile respectability they are utterly revolting.

This matter is one which will be pursued with interest by members of local authorities since they are very much concerned not alone with maintaining our existing roads but with endeavouring to plan in order to comply with the ever-increasing demand for improved roads and better roads from both the motoring public and the general public.

I listened entranced to Deputy Dillon enunciating his loop-the-loop speech between dispensary doctors, civil servants and commercial travellers. Having listened to him and having watched him shed crocodile tears on behalf of these sections of the community I ask him does he now expect anybody to swallow his statement that the farming community will be called upon to pay the increased taxation envisaged in this proposal? If it is the dispensary doctor, the civil servant and the commercial traveller who will pay, then it is not the farmer who will pay. In the next sentence Deputy Dillon tried to maintain that these people will shove the increased taxation over on to the farmer. If that is so, then he is wasting his time crying about the dispensary doctor, the civil servant and the commercial traveller. The people running motor-cars will pay this increased taxation. Deputy Dillon cannot have it both ways. He cannot maintain that it is the farmer who will be called upon to pay.

Deputy Dillon suggests that Fianna Fáil is mad in its old age. I have never seen such evidence of schizophrenia in any individual during any speech in this House than I have seen in the two extremes suggested this evening by Deputy Dillon. I do not believe anybody will swallow his speech.

The problem of road maintenance and road repair is an ever-increasing burden. The demand for improved services is increasing year by year. It has been suggested that roads should be maintained out of the Central Fund. If we are to have proper roads the first people we must call upon to pay for those roads are the people who are using them. I think that is fair. Deputy Dillon says we have a number of unskilled men working on the roads, the suggestion being evidently that they are wasting their time and public money in the work they are doing. If the Deputy had his way he would eliminate the road workers altogether because he obviously is not prepared to provide the taxation necessary for the maintenance of our roads. We all know that the number of vehicles is increasing. I believe the carriage of goods by rail is doomed. The time is coming when the carriage of goods by rail will be an uneconomic proposition in competition with the carriage of goods by road. That is the experience, the tendency and the trend not only here, but all over the world, even in the United States.

The Deputy means fair competition, of course.

Let it be fair or unfair. There may be unfair competition. I will deal with that later. I am painting the picture as I see it. The problem is not confined to this country. It is world wide. We can see the results of road competition. The roads will have to be maintained. Many of them are altogether unsuitable for the traffic they are carrying at the present time. They were never intended for that traffic.

It is not just many of them, practically all of them are unsuitable.

If we intend to provide proper roads and give employment we must have a road fund. The first people to make a contribution to that fund are the people who are running motor-cars and lorries. It would be interesting to hear suggestions as to how this fund should be built up. Is it suggested there should be no increased taxation on motor-cars or lorries? Is it suggested the cost should be met by way of general taxation? I do not believe any reasonable Deputy will adopt that view.

The question is one of placing the burden fairly. One section with whom I have a good deal of sympathy in this matter is the hackney car drivers. I do not know very much about the taximen in the cities, I have inquired very carefully into the position of the hackneymen in my own constituency in an effort to find out how the position of these men could be met. When I asked for a definition of a hackney car driver there was great difficulty in giving me a classification that would work from the point of view of providing special legislation or special exemption. The hackney car men are all agreed that a large number of people are operating as hackney car drivers who should not be described as hackney car drivers at all.

Hackney men agree that their living is being undetermined very largely by people who should never have hackney plates. Different suggestions have been made to me in regard to this. One is that hackney cars should not be licensed except in respect of men who were, say, in the business before the war or some years ago. That would not work, because it is obvious that we would be up against the question of restrictive trade practices. I tried to get suggestions from these people to try and classify the genuine hackneyman so that there would be some special protection for or concession given to him, and I must say that no matter from what angle I considered it I still found it very difficult to get a way out.

There is one suggestion which I will ask the Minister seriously to consider in the short time before the new licences will be granted. One way of protecting the hackneyman would be to lay down certain rules or regulations that the hackneyman or his car must comply with. That could be done under existing legislation by way of rules without the delay which would be entailed in passing legislation. One protection would be that hackney cars in the country should be painted a distinctive colour or two distinctive colours, such as a white on top and black in the bottom. In addition to that, the word "hackney" should be painted in letters a foot high, if you like, on each side of the car. It has also been suggested to me by the men concerned that there should be seating capacity for four or five passengers before a hackney licence is issued.

These genuine hackneymen assure me that the greatest menace to them is the fact that small cars have been able to get hackney plates; that many people like mental hospital workers, factories workers, school teachers and people like that have got hackney plates for small cars such as baby Fords and Prefects. These are the people who are taking their living from the genuine hackneymen and doing most harm to them. If before this taxation comes into force the Minister prescribes such rules as I am suggesting he will very soon ascertain who are the genuine hackneymen in the country and he will be able to make some special provision for the hackneymen whose livelihood is solely derived from running hackney cars.

These men assure me that they are prepared to bear their share of the additional taxation; that if they got the protection they are seeking they would welcome proposals for a flat rate of tax of £20 or £25. If a standard rate of that type were prescribed for genuine hackneymen, the Minister would get more money under it than under the present proposals. These men do not complain so much about the increased tax; they are more concerned with the fact that their living is not left to them. I suggest to the Minister, therefore, that between this and the 1st January he should investigate the possibilities open to him under the Road Traffic Act and the rules and regulations which could be made under it and under the Roads Transport Act. He will find that he can prescribe rules to enable him to find out who are the genuine hackneymen. I certainly have no hesitation in recommending that there should be some concession for the genuine hackneymen, that there should be a special flat rate for them, as their livelihood is dependent on their hackney cars.

Mr. Byrne

Will you vote for the amendment to that effect?

I know whom I would vote for in the Dublin by-election. I am putting the case of the genuine hackneymen. I am not looking for some soft votes in the City of Dublin. There is another matter on which I think the Minister will need to consult the Minister for Industry and Commerce. It occurs to me that under certain existing road transport licences there is a certain limit-I do not know whether it is two tons or two tons five cwt.- in regard to these licences. The matter was not very serious up to the present, but the practice has been to ascertain the unladen weight of the vehicles by stripping them down to the very minimum, taking off the cribs and the spare wheels and everything that could be taken off. Under the new proposals, as far as the tax on lorries is concerned, there will be different rates for two tons five cwt., two tons ten cwt., three tons, etc. The result will be that much more careful weighing will take place because there is a question of revenue involved that was formerly insisted on. With the new type of lorries which are being turned out by the factories I very much fear that when the full regulations are complied with the weight will exceed the weight specified in their haulage licence. I do not know whether any amendment of the Transport Acts will be necessary from that point of view, but I foresee some hardship arising in regard to this matter. It is a matter which will have to be considered between the Minister's Department and the Department of Industry and Commerce.

I want the Minister to consider the case of the genuine rural hackneymen. I can assure him that if he takes steps to cut out the man who is not a hackneyman at all and who is taking away these men's livelihood these men will be reasonable and will be prepared to meet him. He should consider my suggestion of a standard rate for these men when he has ascertained who the genuine hackneymen are. He should provide safeguards against people who are not genuine hackneymen taking advantage of the lower hackney taxation. If he can see his way to do that, he will have the co-operation of the real hackney owners. I have nothing to say with regard to the taximen in Dublin because I know nothing about them.

Mr. Cogan rose.

Is not Deputy Cogan Fianna Fáil?

I want to make it clear at the outset that I am an Independent Deputy. Deputy Corish should keep that in mind.

A consistent Independent?

The consistent Independent that I have been all along. On this question I have taken an independent stand. I consider that the taxation proposed in this motion constitutes a severe impost upon those people who are using the roads. I made that statement last week and I made it clear that I was not prepared to support this proposal unless I was satisfied in my mind that every penny of the money that is being used under this motion will be devoted to the reconstruction and improvement of the roads, and furthermore, that of the money devoted to the reconstruction and improvement of the roads it will be used in the main for the improvement of the county roads. We are already spending enough on the main roads and it is time to direct that a certain amount of these increased grants be provided for the improvement of our county roads in rural Ireland. I emphasised also that we should have some definite assurance from the Government that they did not support or approve of the recommendations that were made to them recently by Córas Iompair Éireann which aimed at restricting private motorists and private lorry owners on the roads. I am satisfied in my mind that those conditions will be observed by the Government, and in view of that fact it seems to me that those who are opposing this proposal are opposing the granting of increased money for the improvement of our county roads. When you consider the condition to which so many thousand miles of our county roads have deteriorated I think it is absurd that a large number of members of this House could come in here and seek to prevent increased moneys being made available for the improvement of those roads.

Over the week-end I have discussed this with a number of lorry owners, who are the people who are most severely affected by this increased taxation, and without exception they have told me that they have no objection to paying increased taxation provided, first, that they get better roads than they have at present and, secondly, that they will not be restricted by Córas Iompair Éireann or by anybody else in the operation of their lorries upon those roads.

What about the bridges?

Mr. O'Higgins

The Deputy has many bridges to cross.

I do not want to follow Deputy O'Higgins into his irrelevancies in regard to this matter.

Mr. O'Higgins

You were spinning a few fairy stories a few minutes ago.

Deputy Cogan should be allowed to speak without interruption.

Deputy Sweetman, speaking here to-day, struck a rather constructive note. As far as I heard him—I did not hear his entire speech— he confined himself to constructive suggestions and proposals. I am rather inclined to follow his lead rather than be led into the strange, and somewhat slimy by-ways in which Deputy O'Higgins likes to travel. In regard to those who are engaged in transport on the roads at present and who are affected by this increased taxation, that is the owners of commercial vehicles of all types, I think their greatest worry is their fear that they will in future be restricted in any way in the use of those vehicles on the road. If that fear is removed I believe they will face this increased charge with a greater degree of satisfaction. They realise that having paid an increased contribution to the upkeep of the roads in compensation for the damage which they may do to the roads, they are establishing their case more firmly for non-interference in the carrying on of their present business.

I do not think the Government, having extracted from those people an increased contribution, could in fairness or in justice seek to limit their operations on the roads. In that way there is, in spite of what some members of the Opposition may have said, a tendency on the part of lorry owners and motorists generally to accept this increased impost as something which is inevitable and something which may result in benefit to themselves. The owner of a small car will be asked to pay 30/- or £2 in increased taxation—there are some cars, I think, which will have their tax reduced—but the burden is not by any means as severe as the cost which is imposed upon car owners by inferior roads. We know the cost of springs, the cost of tyres, etc., at the present time and we know that that constitutes a far bigger item of the expenditure of motorists generally than anything that is proposed in this Bill. In addition to that those who talk about cars or lorries being driven off the roads must seem to close their eyes to the fact that last week a reduction was brought into operation or announced in regard to the burden of insurance on all those vehicles, and to a great extent the reduction in insurance will offset the increased cost of motoring as provided in this motion. I do not think that those who use cars on the roads and those who use lorries on the roads are as seriously perturbed as some members of the Opposition would like us to believe. They are far more seriously perturbed, as I say, about the possibility of their being prevented from using their vehicles on the roads.

Mr. O'Higgins

That will come next.

That is the important consideration. I think it will be accepted that increased expenditure on roads is inevitable. Deputy Dillon in the course of a long laboured speech, sought to prove that the alternative to this increased taxation is the grouping of a number of counties and the improvement of the system of road making by heavy mechanisation. That is not an alternative at all because even if you were to group all counties together and even if you were to have increased mechanisation, you would have to consider increased expenditure if we are ever to solve the problem of the surfacing of non-tar bound county roads. For the last few years we have battled with the problem of housing and we can see an end to that problem.

Mr. O'Higgins

We see an end to it all right.

In rural areas the housing of our people will soon be brought to a conclusion and the people will be properly housed. But, with the existing income from rates and road grants, we cannot see a solution to the problem of surfacing county roads. Therefore we must consider ways and means whereby additional money can be made available to county councils for road making. All that this motion seeks is the provision of additional grants for county roads.

I said last week and I repeat that the money that is voted for roads is not used entirely to the best advantage. There is need for increased efficiency in road making. If Deputy Dillon's proposal for the grouping of a number of counties would solve that particular problem, County Cork should have by far the best roads in Ireland because Cork is equal in size to three or four counties. I do not want to cast any slur on county councils. I hope Deputy O'Higgins will have at least the courtesy to listen to me.

Mr. O'Higgins

I never listen to Deputy Cogan if I can avoid it. I am having a very interesting conversation.

I never listen to Deputy O'Higgins and I do not want to have inflicted upon me the pain of listening to him while I am trying to speak. I thought he had sufficient education to know that when a Deputy is in possession he should be allowed to speak without interruption.

The Deputy never agreed with Deputy Dillon either.

Deputy Cogan is in possession. Deputies should not interrupt.

Mr. O'Higgins

The only hope is that he will end very shortly.

I would have ended long ago but for the unmannerly interruptions.

Mr. O'Higgins

I have not started interrupting yet.

I hope the Chair will take note of that.

Mr. O'Higgins

Are you dictating to the Chair?

Deputy O'Higgins should cease interrupting and allow Deputy Cogan to proceed.

Mr. O'Higgins

I have not interrupted yet.

The Deputy need not infer that he will interrupt.

Mr. O'Higgins

No, Sir, I never do that.

Deputy Cogan, on the Resolution.

Deputy Dillon put before us what I suppose he intended to be a constructive suggestion, that counties should be grouped for the purpose of increasing efficiency in road construction and maintenance.

Might I point out to the Deputy that the Chair informed Deputy Dillon that that point would be discussed more appropriately on the Estimate?

That is quite true but, nevertheless, Deputy Dillon did dwell on it for a very considerable time, in spite of the Chair. I do not agree. I think the less interference we have in that respect with councils in the operation of their schemes for road construction, the better. As we are making available a considerable amount by way of increased grants to county councils, it is right that the Minister should take steps to assist councils to get more value for the money. Deputy Allen put forward a suggestion last week which should meet with a certain amount of approval by the House, that a big scheme of construction be set on foot, so that instead of, as Deputy Dillon suggested, having less men on the roads, we would have more men on the roads, that we would have a ten-year or five-year plan for the reconstruction of county roads so as to make them fit for lorry traffic, and that the annual grants from the Road Fund be earmarked to finance a loan for that purpose.

There is a good deal to be said for that. The county council of which I am a member gets grants of £15,000 per annum for the reconstruction of county roads. There are over 500 miles of county roads. The grant of £15,000 is sufficient to construct only three or four miles or, at most, five miles. At that rate we would not resurface county roads in 100 years. There is need to speed up improvement of county roads and to use this increased revenue wisely for that purpose.

It is foolish to think that the rural ratepayers or town ratepayers can make a higher contribution to the improvement of roads. They are already taxed to the hilt. That is the main justification for asking road users to pay this increased contribution. Everyone who is prepared to consider this matter intelligently and impartially will admit that it is desirable to get more money for road improvement. Since it appears to be the only means at the Minister's disposal of procuring that money, this proposal is justified on those grounds.

One other remarkable statement was made by Deputy Dillon in the course of his intervention to-day. He said that 96 per cent. of the cost of the increased taxation embodied in the motion will fall on the small farmers. That would mean in effect that, in spite of the complaints that we have been hearing from motorists in urban areas, from owners of commercial lorries, hackney drivers and other people, their contribution under this Resolution is 4 per cent. of the cost and that 96 per cent. is borne by the small farmers. Deputy Dillon will have great difficulty during the next few days in convincing the Labour Party, at least, that that statement has any relation to facts. It is as wild a statement as he usually makes in the House.

At Question Time to-day Deputy Oliver Flanagan suggested an alternative to this tax. He suggested that bicycles should bear taxation. That is the first time that proposal has been brought into this House. I am surprised at Deputy Flanagan introducing it. He probably has risen above the level of the ordinary pedal cyclist to-day and thinks that they ought to bear an impost rather than that the impost on the unfortunate motorist should be increased. I do not share his views on that particular point.

Mr. Byrne

I do not think that is altogether right.

Mr. O'Higgins

Of course it is not.

Mr. Byrne

He quoted an extract from the Garda Review suggesting it, and he asked the Minister was he going to do it or not.

At any rate a tax on pedal cyclists is not before the House.

Mr. Byrne

Quote correctly. That is the rule of the House.

Deputy Byrne is entirely mistaken. I said the matter was raised at Question Time.

Mr. Byrne

Deputy Flanagan did not advocate it. He said he quoted it from the Garda Review.

That was in his speech.

Mr. O'Higgins

We all know that the Fianna Fáil Government were going to tax bicycles in a few years more. They would have taxed cattle if they got a chance.

And wireless licences next week.

Mr. O'Higgins

Deputy Cogan is just flying a kite at the moment.

He is making a speech in my estimation.

The kite to which Deputy O'Higgins refers was flown in this House by his colleague, by the senior Deputy for his constituency and the senior Deputy of his Party, Deputy Oliver Flanagan.

There are a few points, one or two of which were stressed by Deputy Sweetman in opening the debate to-day, which are of importance. One, I think, was mentioned last week and I should like to get a reply from the Minister in regard to it. There is a provision in this Resolution for increased taxation on trailers. I should like to get a definite assurance that trailers in this context do not include small trailers attached to private cars.

Mr. O'Higgins

Of political Parties.

People living in rural Ireland find that these small trailers are very useful, particularly if you have not the clean easy method of living which our legal gentlemen follow. If you have a small old car, not the type used by the legal gentleman, you can attach to it a small trailer, to enable you to bring some produce to the fair or to bring home a sack of meal or a sack of coal. I think it would be very unfair to include such trailers within the scope of this taxation. So far as I understand, they are not at present subject to taxation.

Another matter on which I should like to have an assurance from the Minister has reference to the question of agricultural tractors. It has been brought to my notice frequently that in some areas people are prosecuted for using agricultural tractors for purposes for which they are allowed to use them in other areas. In some areas district justices have penalised farmers for using agricultural tractors for purposes for which they are allowed to use them in other areas. In view of the fact that there is a small increase in the tax imposed on the smaller type of tractor—as a matter of fact there is a reduction in the tax on the heavier type of tractor—I think it would be desirable to have a clear statement in regard to the position of these tractors.

I think it should be made clear that any farmer who keeps a tractor in substitution for a horse or horses, should have the right to use that tractor for any purpose in the course of his farming operations for which he would otherwise use a horse. I think he should be allowed to use it for the purpose of carrying any type of agricultural produce, including even live stock, and there should be no doubt in the public mind as to his rights in regard to that matter. As there is a small increase in the taxation on the great majority of tractors—the majority formerly paid £6 10s. and after the passing of this Resolution will have to pay £8—I think we should have an assurance that the use of these tractors will be permitted for all purposes for which farmers would otherwise use horses, that is, that they can use them to convey to their farms anything they require on these farms and they should have the right to convey any form of agricultural produce to the market— even to the market here in Dublin.

In conclusion I should like to comment upon just one statement made by Deputy Dillon.

I knew you could not let him pass.

I thought this was rather too good to pass. He said that the citizen of Dublin depends less upon motor transport for the conveyance of food than the small farmer. I think if you dwell on that statement you will see how stupid was the whole basis of his argument against this increased taxation.

The Deputy is quoting the statement out of its context.

I am not. I am quoting the statement as he made it and if Deputy Cafferky cares to consult the Official Report, he will find that I have quoted the statement exactly as it was made. I think it shows the length to which some people are prepared to go in order to build up a fantastic case. The small farmer living in the country at least can get a considerable amount of his food—his milk, his potatoes, his vegetables and his butter—on his own farm and is not dependent on any system of transport which comes under this Bill but the citizen of Dublin must have conveyed to him practically every article of food he requires. To say that the citizens of Dublin are less dependent on transport than the small farmers is therefore ridiculous.

I think the Deputy is mixing the citizen with the wholesaler. The citizen can go out to the nearest shop and get anything he requires.

If Deputy Dillon is a source of embarrassment to the Opposition Front Bench and they have got to explain his fantastic errors, it is a liability they are taking on their own shoulders and I can only offer them my sympathy.

You are only wallowing in a stupid explanation of something you do not understand. That is not unusual.

This Resolution seeks to impose on lorries and cars increased taxation that can hardly be justified in the light of the circumstances. Having listened to a number of Deputies who contributed to this debate, I think I am right in saying that the contribution made by Deputy Dillon was the best we have so far heard, no matter how he may be misquoted, deliberately or otherwise, by the Deputy who has just sat down. Away back in 1948, when we had a change of Government, quite an amount of crocodile tears were shed in this country about the number of young men who were demobilised from the Army and who purchased lorries for the hauling of certain merchandise when the emergency was over. The production of some of that merchandise came to a standstill—I refer to turf—and throughout the length and breadth of the country, where these young men had been engaged in the haulage of turf, we heard cries of woe from Deputies who are now sitting on the opposite side of the House. They told us how these young men were going to be thrown out of work and how the lorries they had got on hire purchase would have to be sold at a considerable loss. All kinds of suggestions and accusations were thrown out. Since 1948 many more young men who came here from England and elsewhere have purchased lorries. We find now that the Deputies who were worrying over the position of the young men formerly engaged in the transport of hand-won turf are the very Deputies who are going to ensure, beyond yea or nay, that these young men will now be thrown out of employment and that they will have to dispose of the lorries they purchased in the last six or seven years.

I maintain that there is no justification for the imposition of this tax. The Government, the Minister and his Party cannot justify it. The Minister seems to doubt that. He has an easy way of finding out by dissolving the Dáil and going to the country. He has suggested that the reason for this imposition is because the Road Fund was not sufficient to meet the demands made on it. That may be so, but I believe that there are other ways in which the Road Fund could be made strong enough to meet the demands made on it. One way would be, as Deputy Dillon wisely suggested, to have the repair, reconstruction and building of roads carried out in a more efficient manner, to have the work better organised and by using more modern road plant.

Deputy Cogan would like the House to believe—not the House because he knows the House will not believe him— that this extra revenue which is to go into the Road Fund following the imposition of this tax will be spent on the building up of the county roads. As we know from past experience of this Government that will not be so, because, heretofore, they spent the money in the Road Fund mostly on what are described as the main and trunk roads. I agree that these roads require repair. There are dangerous corners and bridges on them which require to be removed in order to ensure the safety of the travelling public. I do not agree, however, that in order to do that work, it is necessary to impose the crippling taxes which are set out in this Resolution. Therefore, I am in agreement with the amendment that has been tabled.

The Government and the Minister must be well aware that if this Resolution is carried hundreds of men will be thrown out of work. I believe that the real motive behind it is to try and give Córas Iompair Éireann a greater monopoly than it already enjoys. We all remember that in 1944 and 1945, when the present Government introduced their Transport Bill, they told us that it was going to provide us with an efficient, modern and cheap transport system. That was the whole cry during the election campaign of 1944, but we have not got efficient, modern and cheap transport. The result of that Bill was to give to Córas Iompair Éireann the transport of a greater portion of our merchandise. Córas Iompair Éireann is still more obsolete than it ever was, and will become even more so if the lorries are to be put off the road by the imposition of this tax.

I suggest that it would have been a manlier thing for the Government if they had to introduce legislation to put these lorries off the road instead of adopting this method of going behind the scenes and imposing a burden of taxation, the inevitable result of which will be that the lorries must go off the road. I know that Deputies on the Government side of the House must find it very difficult to justify this conduct on the part of the Minister. Deputy O'Reilly said that we were merely playing politics. I wonder was he playing politics when on this side? He said then that the Government in office were driving the lorries off the road. He was crying about the young men who had lorries and who were being knocked out of work because, as he said at the time, turf production was being stopped. The Deputies opposite were surely playing politics then. If it was a shame and a disgrace for them to play politics then it must be a bigger disgrace to-day.

Deputy Moran would like to convince us that the Minister should, by some method which he did not desire to give to the House, go about eliminating all hackeymen in the country with the exception of a chosen few. We all know that competition is the life of trade. I say that every man who has a hackney plate is entitled to use his car for the conveyance of passengers. These men are making a living for themselves in the rural areas and, whether a man had a hackney plate a year or two before another, he should be allowed to run his car so long as he complies with the law. If Deputy Moran has no other way of increasing the revenue except by the elimination of all hackneymen, except the chosen few whom he has in mind, then I am afraid that is a very bad suggestion, and one which I am sure this House would not agree with.

Deputy Dillon was correct when he said that eventually this tax will filter back into the homes of our small farmers. Deputy Cogan, in his heart and soul, must know that to be so, because he must be aware that the goods which are consumed in the homes of the people in the country have to be transported from Dublin and Cork and from the mills and factories to the small shops in the big and small towns and villages. Naturally enough, the lorry owner and the van owner with his travelling shop moving through the countryside will pass on the extra tax on his car to the consumers in our rural dwelling-houses. Deputy Cogan is well aware of that and fully understood what Deputy Dillon wished to convey and did convey clearly, but which Deputy Cogan sought to misrepresent. Is Deputy Cogan or any other Deputy prepared to justify a tax which ultimately will fall on the ordinary people who cannot afford a car? The result of this tax will be that they will have to pay it.

I cannot see for the life of me how the Government can justify the imposition of this tax, particularly when we remember all the shouting there was some years ago from the Party opposite about high taxation and about the poor lorry owner and the poor car owner. We have an increase in the price of petrol and we have an increase in drivers' licences. If this Resolution is passed by the House, there will be a stupendous increase in taxation.

What alternative had the Minister to offer to the numbers of young men who are employed by merchants throughout the country driving lorries which convey merchandise from Dublin and Cork? What form of employment has he to offer them? I know a number of merchants who have a fleet of lorries on the road conveying merchandise to their areas. As a result of this tax these merchants will have to get out of their lorries. That will lead to further unemployment. Some might argue that it would be cheaper for those merchants to get their merchandise by rail. The fact is that it is not cheaper and it was for that reason that they had to get lorries. They had two or three helpers on every lorry. Now, as a result of this tax, they will have to get rid of the lorries. They will have to be thrown on the scrap heap because there will be no one to buy them. I should like to know from the Minister what he has in mind to offer to the workers who have been engaged in driving these lorries, and in handling the goods carried on them, when they lose their employment. It is a very serious problem and one which the Minister should consider. If he gives it the consideration it deserves, I cannot for the life of me see him coming in here and asking us to pass this Resolution.

Deputy Cogan tells us that it is necessary that a larger sum should be made available from the Road Fund because of the constant and ever-increasing burden of rates. Is Deputy Cogan trying to tell us that if the Minister makes a larger sum available the rates will be reduced? Does not the Deputy know that the ratepayers via the local authority are expected to contribute 40 per cent. or 45 per cent. of the amount provided? That has been the practice for a number of years. If the Minister makes a larger contribution the local authorities will have to make an equivalent increase. There will not be any saving in the rates.

Deputy O'Reilly says this imposition will give better results than the Local Authorities (Works) Act. I dispute that. The money spent under the Local Authorities (Works) Act was much better spent from the point of view of employment, to say nothing of the benefits it conferred on the farming community and the country in general.

The roads are in need of reconstruction, repair and maintenance. We must make our roads up-to-date to meet the ever-increasing traffic on them. I am surprised at a man who has had as much experience of public life as Deputy O'Reilly stating that this money will be better spent than was the money under the Local Authorities (Works) Act. That is rubbish. I could find some excuse for that opinion had it come from someone who had no knowledge of rural Ireland. The statement is fantastic.

My opposition to this Resolution is not political, as some Deputies would seem to suggest. I do not believe anyone is opposed to it for political reasons. As Deputy Dillon suggested, if it were left to a free vote there is no doubt it would be opposed. I know the Minister will not leave it to a free vote. The men sitting behind him are shivering in their shoes at the prospect of walking into the lobby behind him knowing they will have to face their constituents afterwards and knowing how they have been and are being pursued by the hackney car drivers and the lorry drivers. I know, too, that the hackney car drivers and the lorry drivers are the best friends the present Government has. Nevertheless, we have a duty to perform. Very few of these people so gravely concerned in this matter are friends of the Opposition. It is our duty as an Opposition to bring home to the Minister and the Government the seriousness of the step he proposes to take. It will result in unemployment. It will result in bankruptcy for many people. Every commodity used by the ordinary consuming public will go up in price as a result of this increased taxation.

Even at this late hour I appeal to the Minister to consult with his colleagues and try to devise some other means of raising money. It is not beyond the wit or the ability of the House to devise some other means of making the Road Fund meet requirements. I have been a member of a local authority for many years. I do not suggest for a moment that the men engaged in road work are not honest, hard-working men. What I do suggest is that there is considerable wastage, because of obsolete equipment and because of inefficient methods. The Minister did not appear to take much notice of the suggestion made by Deputy Dillon though it was a wise one. It is not beyond the competence of this House to solve this problem. I do not wish to engender any heat in this debate. The Minister should reconsider the matter and endeavour to save the people from what we believe to be an unwise and ill-considered decision. We cannot at the moment visualise all the adverse effects this Resolution will have no matter how vivid our imaginations may be.

The contribution made by Deputy Cafferky is one of the best I have heard in this House on this Resolution. He certainly understands the position in relation to the rural areas. I have no compunction in saying that I am in favour of certain impositions in this Resolution. Unfortunately, those that I am in favour of do not counterbalance the disadvantages accruing from the majority of the items contained in the Resolution. Undoubtedly large lorries should be taxed. Indeed they should be put off the roads completely. They do more harm and damage to the roads than all the harm and damage done by the accumulation of all the other vehicles passing over them. The other forms of taxation I regard as unjust. These impositions will be bound to affect people in the rural areas who are serviced from the cities to the towns and from the towns to the villages, and the extra taxation will be passed on eventually to the consuming public. It is the consumers who will suffer.

I cannot see why the Minister should tax the hackney car and the small motor-car. These cars are mostly purchased by people who require them for their business. It is no indication of luxury for local or central officials to have an A.40, a Hillman or a Prefect. It is absolutely necessary for these officials to have a car in order to carry out their job. If extra taxation was necessary, the Minister could have cast his eyes on the Chryslers and the luxury cars and put a decent tax on them. It would not be felt by the owners. Undoubtedly the man who is relying on a hackney car to earn his living will be hit. He will have to pass on the extra tax to the people who require his car and these people will not take his car so often when the extra charges come into force.

I was amazed to hear the case made by Deputy Cogan with regard to insurance in support of the Minister's motion. He said that the insurance on cars was to be reduced one of these days. Deputy Cogan is a very independent individual. He mentioned that in the preamble to his contribution to this debate. Surely he should be independent enough to know that the insurance on cars was arbitrarily increased within the last 12 months and that when that increase was brought before a certain body it was reduced, but the reduction will not come into force until next December and the reduction will only amount to half of the increase which was put on. I cannot see how that will alleviate the conditions of the hackneymen and the owners of small vehicles.

Deputy O'Reilly spoke about dust. I think Deputy O'Reilly was trying to create more dust on that side of the House during the few minutes he spoke than was raised by motor-cars before the roads were steamrolled. I should like to compliment the Minister on the amazing miracle he performed by transforming Deputy Cogan from being one of the most disgruntled Deputies and one of the hardest to satisfy into a satisfied Deputy. Deputy Cogan has now gone away with the idea that everyone believes what he said. But wait until the psychological moment arrives when Deputy Cogan again becomes disgruntled. Then the Minister will know whether he has satisfied him or not. I am sure the Minister will take notice of the trailers to which Deputy Cogan referred. The Minister should take care that he is not compounding a misdemeanour or a felony if he does, because I believe there is a special licence required for particular vehicles conveying merchandise, pigs, etc. If that is the only favour which Deputy Cogan has to ask from the Minister in support of this Resolution, I am afraid that the farmers of Wicklow and Carlow will not be satisfied with him.

As I said, I am convinced that large lorries should be taxed off the road. In making that statement, I may be cutting across the opinions held by some of my own Party. These lorries, however, are doing no good and they are certainly doing a lot of harm. I ask the Minister to give every consideration to the hackney owner drivers who are depending for a living on what they earn by their cars. I also ask him to give consideration to the owners of small cars, 10 h.p. and under. If the Minister is successful in his motion, I hope that the money he will receive as a result of it will be spent, not on the main roads, but on the county roads.

Is there any necessity for this new taxation? After all, the Government within the last few months have brought in proposals to take an extra £20,000,000 from the people, £12,000,000 by new taxation and £8,000,000 by removing the subsidies. Now they come along and say: "We have not enough yet. We want more from the people. We want another £1,000,000. We want that £20,000,000 to be turned into 20,000,000 guineas." If it was necessary to spend extra money on the roads, did they not budget for an extra £20,000,000 some months ago? I am sure there must be a surplus in some Departments which could be devoted to the roads. But no, the Government say: "We must fleece the people on every side." Anybody who may have escaped the taxation imposed by the last Budget by being a teetotaller will now be caught if he is the owner of a car.

This increased taxation should never have been brought in. Saying that it is required for the upkeep of the roads is only a mere excuse so that they may put an extra burden on the people. If the Minister felt that this money was necessary he could have done things in his own Department without ever coming to the Dáil which would have changed the roads. As a matter of fact, at a meeting of the Kilkenny County Council last month a member proposed that this money which it is said is to be devoted to the improvement of the main roads, should be devoted to the maintenance, not the improvement, of the county roads. The Minister mentioned that there were 34,000 miles of county roads and 2,000 miles of main roads still untarred. I do not believe that he or his officers realised that there were that many miles of road not yet attended to. I feel that if the Minister or his advisers knew that there were so many miles of road they would not be going and slashing expenditure as they have been doing for the past year. They would not be telling people in the county council: "You must spend the money on improving the main roads" instead of allowing us to go and have our county roads put in good order. After all, should we not come to essentials first and when we have finished with essentials then come to the luxury end of it? The Minister, instead of attending to essentials first, has attended to luxuries first. "We must straighten the ends on the main roads for the various people who want to travel at high speeds" and they leave the farmers with stones on the roads. The farmers are paying two taxes. They are paying rates and a large number of farmers in my county are paying tax on cars. But in spite of paying both taxes they have no road which they could call half a decent road on which to travel to their dwelling-houses on the county roads.

I spent last Monday evening with a committee of the Kilkenny County Council trying to find where we could spend money. It revolted me to think that although there are 34,000 miles of roads needing attention, we had to come along in our county to see where there was a corner we could cut off; however, it was no good cutting off the corner without leaving 48 feet wide of a carriage-way, plus sides. The head official of the Department would sanction nothing less than 48 feet wide as a carriage-way even though there are some farmers who have roads leading up to their dwelling-houses scarcely 12 feet wide. Is it not ridiculous for the Government to be heaping this taxation on the people, a crushing burden after the crushing burden imposed in the Budget? As I have said, there is no guarantee that, even if it is passed, one penny will be spent on the roads. The Minister said that every penny of this will go to the Road Fund and every penny of it will be spent on the roads. But has the money that is already there been spent on the roads? It has been spent on the luxury end of the roads and it is likely that in the future the farmers will still be left as they are. The Minister should devote all the money he has in the Road Fund to its proper purpose instead of telling local authorities to try to find awkward corners on the main roads that may be straightened, while at the same time the people in the country are clamouring to have the roads repaired, to have a middling decent road that will not break the axles or shock absorbers of their cars going up to their houses. Of course, the county surveyor tells us: "I am sorry, we cannot do that. We must spend money on the main roads." If the present money were spent where it should be spent we would have ample employment.

Yesterday it was pointed out that for the last three years there was no such thing as unemployment under the county councils and this year is the first year we have had any real unemployment amongst county council workers. In one of the four areas in Kilkenny where 44 men are employed, 20 men were let off. The official pointed out that we have not the Local Works Drainage Act this year; therefore, we must have unemployment. It is wrong, especially with the unemployment position in the country as it is, that the Government should be encouraging or helping on more unemployment at the present time. The aim should be to create employment. Another thing, too, we have many men in my area who are owners of two- or three-ton lorries, drawing sand, timber, coal, turf, as the case may be. They are not in a well-off position. Most of those people bought lorries on the hire-purchase system. They have to pay back the hire-purchase and, even if that is already paid back, they have to repair their lorries. This tax will be a considerable burden. I know some of them are nearly tossing up to know whether they should give up the lorries altogether and cease as lorry drivers. If these men are forced off the road by the Minister's tax, they will have to emigrate because they have a certain standing and they are not going to go back as agricultural labourers or as any other type of labourer. They are semi-skilled men and the Minister is hunting them off to England by imposing this tax as the Government have hunted hundreds of men before them.

There is a similar position in regard to bus owners. Due to the number of private cars, buses are not over-full at the present time. It is all right for Córas Iompair Éireann. If they do not pay their way they can eventually come to the Dáil and the Dáil will have to vote money. But the private bus owner has no redress. He cannot come to the local county council or the local corporation and say: "I have lost on my business last year; I want to be subsidised." He has no subsidy and no means of obtaining a subsidy. The local bus owner will be put off the road. We have several of them in our county who have carried on a good solid business for years past; they have carried it on fairly successfully but not made a fortune out of it. If this tax is imposed it may be the last straw which broke the camel's back.

I would appeal to the Minister if there were any use in appealing to him; I doubt if there is. The only way we can appeal to him is by voting against the tax. Deputy Cogan said he was supporting the measure. If the motor driver's licence had gone up by £5 he would still support it. It is easy to understand Deputy Cogan's attitude. He wants to keep the present Government in power. That is the main feature of Deputy Cogan's approach and that of the other Independent Deputies.

I believe that the Minister has ample money in the present Road Fund. The number of motor-cars on the road has doubled since 1939. The tax which is accruing to the Road Fund has more than doubled. In 1947 they increased the tax on private cars by over 50 per cent. and now they are coming along for a further increase. The Minister should accept this amendment and put back this question altogether. Apparently Fianna Fáil are out to fleece the people and fleece them at any point, but if they do fleece them I hope, at any rate, that some of the money will go to the farmers and not to the luxury roads as they are being built at present.

Mr. O'Higgins

It seems clear that this Money Resolution that we are discussing is part of the Government's financial proposals for the current year. It is a supplement to the Budget introduced in the early part of the year and was foreshadowed by the Minister in introducing his Budget. I think it is proper that Deputies should approach consideration of this Resolution from that point of view. This is taxation for Central Fund purposes. It was so regarded by the Minister for Finance when he introduced his Budget some six or eight months ago and it is correct that Deputies should consider whether the taxation proposals are justified from that point of view. It is correct also that the Minister in charge of this measure, realising the considerable opposition in the country to this extra taxation, has endeavoured to defend it by suggesting that the money is required for the Road Fund and will be spent only on the maintenance of roads. That is so much nonsense.

Under the existing legislation the Minister for Local Government is not entitled to say that. Under existing legislation, the Minister for Local Government has as much say in the matter of expenditure from the Road Fund as Deputy Cogan or Deputy Mark Killilea. No more and no less. The manner in which the Road Fund is administered is a matter for decision by the Minister for Finance. If the Minister for Local Government were serious in what he said here last week, I would have thought that he would have tendered proposals for legislation which would guarantee that the taxation sought to be collected would be made immune from the raids of the Iron Chancellor, the Minister for Finance. Unfortunately, that has not been done and so far as every lorry owner and every hackney-car owner, every commercial traveller and every ordinary hardworking motorist are concerned, they are now being asked to pay increased taxation without a clear guarantee that the money collected from them will not be spent on the purchase of Constellation aircraft to fly across the Atlantic.

I do not think we can afford to be complacent with regard to this proposal. I think it was Deputy Crotty who referred to this tax as being, perhaps, the last straw. It may be. It is certainly part and parcel of a very large burden of taxation imposed on the people in the current year.

I do not want to recount the various grounds of objection that have been raised to the taxation proposals contained in this Resolution but I do want to direct the attention of the House to one or two effects which will be serious from the country's point of view. We have been in the habit in this House of paying lip service to the question of development of our own resources. In particular, Deputies from Mayo, Galway, Laois-Offaly, the Midlands and other parts of the country have debated at length the necessity to assist the development of hand-won turf. I shall not go into details of that industry but I would say to the Minister that the taxation proposed here will have a most disastrous effect on the production of hand-won turf, certainly throughout the Midlands and probably throughout other areas. In relation to the transport of turf, the taxation on lorries is taxation on a worth-while industry. For those who produce hand-won turf the first essential is the means of getting the turf to market. As a result of the amazingly high rate of taxation that will be imposed on lorry owners under these proposals we can foresee in the immediate future the complete disappearance of a market for hand-won turf. I do not know whether or not that aspect has been considered by the Minister. I urge him to consider it.

I can foresee in my constituency—and the same would probably apply in many parts of the country—a very serious effect on employment. In the Midlands there is a large number of firms engaged in the distributing trade. They operate chain stores. It would be invidious to mention names. These firms operate a transport fleet for the purpose of selling goods in outlying parts at a very low cost. Each increase in the cost of distribution materially affects their trade. I have reason for saying that two or three of these firms in the Midlands will have to curtail seriously their fleet, thereby causing unemployment and, apart from the effect on the prices of the goods, causing considerable loss of service. I do not know whether that effect of these Resolutions has been considered by the Minister or not. Again I would urge him to consider it.

I have been urged to say a word in relation to these tax proposals on behalf of the unfortunate co-operative creameries. That type of enterprise is praised from time to time by Ministers in different Governments but always appears to be sat upon when Government proposals are being considered. The Minister for Local Government might well discuss with the Minister for Agriculture the effect of these tax proposals on the production of milk. One particular co-operative creamery in a part of my constituency depends for its supply of milk on the services of 17 lorries. That creamery has had notice in the last fortnight that of that 17, ten lorry owners will cease to tax their lorries next January. Ten out of 17 lorry owners will cease to supply milk to the creamery because of the appalling taxation that it is sought to impose upon them. Now, that is serious— serious at a time when we are told by other Ministers in this Government that we must seek to produce more, to produce more milk and more butter, to produce more of the things that this country can produce. Here in these proposals we are imposing a tax on our very means of production. I think that is a particular result that will be disastrous and I again urge the Minister to give some consideration to it.

Other Deputies have referred to the effect these proposals will have on the cost of living. I suppose it will do no harm if I also repeat that the taxation which the Minister now proposes will in certain cases eventually be paid by the ordinary people who have to buy goods carried by road transport. Again I would urge the Minister to consider that aspect of these taxation proposals.

I mention these various matters because it seems to me, as one Deputy, that these motor taxation proposals have never been considered in a reasonable manner by the Government or by the present Minister. They were foreshadowed by the Minister for Finance when he introduced his Budget. I believe that the Government just drifted into a decision to increase motor taxation without considering in any detail the effects that would follow from such an increase. I can warn the Government and the Minister that in the next 12 months many other results, at present not foreseeable, will follow from this particular effort to increase the cost of distribution and the cost of production in many of our industries. Unemployment, an increase in the cost of living, a fall in the production of milk, the disappearance of our hand-won turf industry—those are some of the results we can foresee now. There will be many more, I am quite certain, in coming months—and all these just because the Government apparently have not sufficient imagination to consider some better method of road maintenance than has been followed up to this.

Before I conclude, may I say it seems a bit unfair that a financial proposal of this kind should be introduced here by the Minister for Local Government? That cannot be avoided under existing legislation, but it is doubly unfair that this proposal, which will have a vital effect on the transport of the country, should be introduced—as it must be; again I concede that—without any definite statement of policy from the Government on the future transport policy of the State. At some stage in this debate, maybe when the Minister is concluding, a guarantee should be given from the Government that if these new taxes are imposed on those who run lorries and engage in the road freight business, those people need not fear any further infringement from the State on their business or any interference with the manner in which they run their business. Certainly, my post each day is filled with protests—and I am sure the same can be said for many other Deputies—from lorry owners and from different business concerns in the country regarding the increase in taxes and the proposed limitation on road haulage. I do not think it is fair or reasonable that the House should be asked to consider first a proposal to increase motor taxation without at the same time having some definite statement from the Government with regard to any possible restriction on road haulage. They seem to me to be part and parcel of a transport policy.

That is as much as I wish to say with regard to the proposals contained in the Resolution but I would like, before I conclude, to remind the Minister not to pay any attention whatsoever—I am sure he will not—to the support extended to him by Deputy Cogan. It might be far better for this House and for the level of discussion here if Deputy Cogan would just silently support the Government. We all know that he will support anything the Minister does or anything any member of the Government does; but it is a bit unreasonable that the House should be treated to Deputy Cogan's reasons for supporting the Government on every possible pretext. He talked here to-night about the private motorist, saying that the private motorist should exult in the fact that he is going very shortly to get back some of the 25 per cent. insurance increase which the insurance companies were proceeding to take from him—that for that reason he should gladly accede to a further increase in the tax which he has to pay.

The term "private motorist" in this country applies to many classes of people—commercial travellers, Deputies of Dáil Éireann and, I am glad to say as a result of the inter-Party Government, many farmers big and small. The private motorist in the last two years has had to meet many impositions imposed in aid of the Central Fund. He had to meet a petrol tax in 1951 despite the opposition of Fianna Fáil; he had to meet a petrol tax in 1952 despite the opposition of Fine Gael; he had to meet an increase in his insurance charges in 1952 of 25 per cent. ; he had to meet also this year an increase in the charge for his driving licence; and now he has to meet an increase in motor taxation. All those increases substantially increase the cost of driving and the cost of maintaining and running a car. The most patient taxpayer we have is the ordinary motorist who drives an eight or a ten horse-power car. He is the butt for the Minister of Finance whenever he seeks to increase the revenue into the Central Fund. The revenue from petrol can be easily collected and the tax is very easily imposed. But to have it urged here in this House that because that motorist will get back next January—as a result of the intervention of the Prices Advisory Body, much criticised by Fianna Fáil—12½ per cent. of the increased premium for his insurance policy everything is grand and he should not be in the slightest bit opposed to this tax, is an argument which is nonsense.

Therefore, I urge the Minister to agree with the amendment proposed here, that this entire proposal should be taken back by the Government, and that they should do what obviously they have not done—sit round the Cabinet table and consider some of the things that have been urged in this debate. There is none of us—I would ask the Minister to accept this—on this side of the House at any rate who are opposed to these proposals merely because they are proposed from that side of the House. All of us concede immediately the necessity for proper road maintenance and for the development and, if possible, the extension of our roads in the country. That is a common case but we do question whether that can be achieved by this financial proposal. We question the motives behind it and we refer the Minister to the unfortunate effects in unemployment, dislocation of industry and the cost of living.

We suggest to the Government itself that these effects should be considered and that the Minister should withdraw these proposals and consider the objections which have been urged in the debate.

I want to intervene for merely a few minutes because I think a lot of Deputies in the House have gone quite wide of the mark in their discussion on these proposals by the Minister for Local Government. I am slightly at variance with many of those who have spoken because I am one of those Deputies who believe that the road work of this country should be financed through general taxation, that the Road Fund should be scrapped entirely and that any moneys received by way of motor taxation should be put into the general Exchequer fund and paid out from that to the county councils and different local authorities in the country.

It seems evident that the vast majority of Deputies are in favour of the retention of the Road Fund. I am not one of those people who is in the habit of waxing eloquent about the ratepayers of this country. I think the rates are the most equitable form of raising money for such things as roads, hospitals, home assistance and the different things for which money is raised.

The majority of the members seem to agree that the motorists of this country, lorry owners and van owners should pay their contribution for the upkeep of the roads. I would not criticise the Minister's proposals in toto but I think that, after a two or three days' discussion, he must recognise himself that there is not universal support, even amongst the members of his own Party, for the different proposals which he has brought in. No member of the Fianna Fáil Party and no Deputy in the Opposition applauded his proposal to increase the motor tax in respect of taxi owners or taximen.

Those who have consistently supported the Government, Independent Deputies such as Deputies Cogan and Cowan, have made a strong plea to the Minister to modify his proposals in respect of hackneymen and taximen. I think it is Deputy Cunningham who made a similar plea. Deputy Flanagan, I think, made a like plea and Deputy Moran to-day made a very strong plea to the Minister to reconsider the proposal in respect of hackney cars and taxi cars. I think he should do that.

I have not a whole lot of sympathy for a certain type of motor-car owner. We in the Labour Benches have given, through the leader of the Party, in the first instance, Deputy Norton, fair comment and criticism of the proposals in general. I think it would be true to say that the increases have not been distributed proportionally over the different types of vehicles. The man who has a ten horse-power Prefect has got to pay an increase of £1 10s. The man who has a Chrysler has to pay an increase of merely £2 per year.

The Minister for Finance, when he introduced the Budget in April of last year, said that the reason for the Budget in general was to ensure that the burden of taxation would be distributed proportionately over the different people of the community generally. He did not do that. I suggest that in regard to these particular proposals the Minister for Local Government has not done it so far as the motor-car and lorry owners are concerned.

If the man who sports his Prefect car—especially the family man, the small businessman or the small commercial traveller—is required by the Government to pay £1 10s. taxation would it not be reasonable to suggest that the owner of the high-powered car should pay something in the region of £4 10s. or £5? The man who has the Prefect car or the Anglia, the small type car, pays directly out of his pocket. It comes off the money he has for food and clothing and the different other things he has got to pay for from day to day, week to week and month to month. How will the owner of the high-powered car pay this increased tax? He will pay it out of the expense account of the firm. It will not hit him to the extent of one penny as far as his private income is concerned. Many of us know the crimes that are committed in the name of the expense account in respect of a lot of the big businesses in this country and in respect of big businesses in practically every country in the world.

It seems to me that the Minister did not consult the Party generally with regard to these proposals. I do not know how the Fianna Fáil Party Government machine works. I do not imagine that they consult their members in respect of every decision that has to be taken but in regard to such proposals as these I think the Minister for Local Government should have taken the whole Party into his confidence.

It works hard and well.

That is possibly the Minister's opinion. I do not think the Minister would have got any support at all for the increases that he now proposes in respect of hackneymen and taximen. There is little use in labouring the points that were made last week and to-day. The hackneyman and taxi owner are deserving of special consideration. I should be quite scared at some of the comments that came from this side of the House to-day with regard to all the different forecasts and predictions that were made about an increase in the cost of living or mass unemployment or other evils. Frankly, I do not believe it.

Quite right.

Because I say to myself that the proposals are framed to get £830,000. That is a considerable sum of money. I trust it will not do the damage that is forecast by one particular speaker here to-day. I hope that many of the crimes that were forecasted to-day will not be committed in the name of an increase in motor taxation. Many of us have the example of the excuses that were put up by businessmen in respect of prices and by employers in respect of wages. That is why I say that many crimes may be committed in the name of an increase in motor taxation. The employer will come out with the glib excuse that motor-car taxation has gone up-one would think that it had gone up 300 or 400 per cent.—and for that reason he cannot give such and such an increase. Other businessmen will commit the crime of increasing the price of a certain article or service on the excuse that motor-car or lorry taxation had gone up.

2/- or 3/- per week.

It is my experience that some businesses and industries make money on excuses like that. Lorry or motor-car taxation goes up in respect of their firm to the extent of £1,000 and they do their damnedest then to get £2,000 and £4,000 to compensate them for the £1,000 loss. I rose merely to ask the Minister not to listen to me or to any of the pleas made from this side, but to listen to his own men, especially in respect of hackney owners and taximen.

May I ask if this debate is to conclude at 7.30?

The debate will be adjourned at 7.30.

It is not likely that I or any other speaker will have much that is new to offer to this debate which has been pretty well talked out and I merely want to register my opposition to the proposals contained in the Financial Resolution. I want to say immediately that in so far as the Minister has displayed anxiety to improve the roads or to bring assistance in some measure to the ratepayers, he has my sympathy and, I believe, the sympathy of every member of the House who is a member of a local authority. The question of the upkeep and maintenance of roads, main and county, is a nightmare to members of local authorities. It is a worry because of the condition in which we find them, despite all the money we lavish on them, and a worry because of the burden which yearly increases impose on the ratepayers. If I were genuinely sure that the Minister and the Government were actuated by motives such as have been suggested by the Minister, I would unhesitatingly approve his action, but I am not satisfied that that is the case.

As many speakers have said, the imposition of this tax has been rather indiscriminate, and, while there may be motorists who can afford to pay the increased tax, those who depend for their livelihood on the driving or manipulation of motor vehicles should have got consideration. It is ridiculous to suggest that you can impose any tax indiscriminately, because taxes ought to be just and if a man's means of livelihood is the driving of a motor-car for hire or for conducting his own business, he is in an entirely different category from that of the man who drives a car for the purpose of going to races or dog tracks, or for pleasure purposes generally. There is a vast difference and it is ridiculous to confuse the two. I have no hesitation in saying that a man who drives a car for hire, such as a taximan, or the man who must use a car in connection with his business—and these are just the ordinary work-a-day people of the country—should not be taxed on his means of livelihood. I think it was Deputy Norton who said that you might as well tax the hammer, the awl or the chisel of a workman. That is common sense. These are the tools of their trade and these people must not be confused with the people who use cars entirely for pleasure.

With regard to the increased tax on motor lorries, there again there is a difference. These lorries are the means of livelihood of many young fellows. As Deputy Cafferky said, on the occasion of their demobilisation from the Army and receiving gratuities, many of these young men purchased lorries, with which they intended to make their livelihood for a long time, and it is almost certain that many of these fellows will be crushed off the road. I do not like mentioning any Deputy personally in an adverse way, but I think that Deputy Cogan is very much misinformed on this matter. I attended a meeting in Carrick-on-Shannon last Monday night week of motor lorry owners from Counties Sligo, Leitrim, Longford and Roscommon, and every one had the loudest possible protest to make against this increased tax.

In that area, we have the Arigna coal mines, and these chaps use their lorries for the transport of coal. One man there had five sons operating five lorries for the transport of coal from Arigna. Does anybody seriously suggest that they are not going to be very seriously affected by the imposition of this tax? Members of the Minister's Party attended the meeting and gave an assurance that they would do all in their power to oppose the imposition of the tax. I honestly believe Fianna Fáil Deputies were genuinely seriously affected and touched by the protest and the reasons given for the opposition to this tax. I am quite sure that the Minister has been approached in his own constituency over the last couple of weeks. Practically every Deputy has been approached, and I personally have been very much impressed by the arguments put forward.

In this regard, I agree with Deputy Cogan. It has been my contention for a long time that the upkeep of main roads is not a matter for a Road Fund or anything else but the national Exchequer. The main roads are the country's main arteries, and should be maintained from the funds of the national Exchequer. There is every argument for it. Deputy Corish does not think that the question of the burden on the ratepayers is a serious one. Many people who were not ratepayers a few years ago are ratepayers now and, whether they be in the town or in the country, they are all feeling the pressing burden of increasing rates year by year. If we were really assured that the Minister and the Government were anxious to provide proper roads, and to assist the ratepayers, we would perhaps accept it, but there is a kind of latent feeling throughout the country that that is not the real object, that the object is to push these forms of transport off the roads in the interests of a particular monopoly called Córas Iompair Éireann. It is very significant that when it was suggested that this tax should be increased there was a proposal, at the same time, by Córas Iompair Éireann, to restrict the radius over which these people should operate. I want to say that I do not believe there was any serious intention behind that threat.

It does not arise on this Resolution.

I want to connect it up with the imposition of this tax and to suggest that it may be for a different purpose. If I were sure that it was for a specific purpose, I would approve of it, but if it is for a different purpose, the purpose of assisting Córas Iompair Éireann and giving Córas Iompair Éireann a complete monopoly of the transport of the country, I would oppose it. I want to point out that the simultaneous appearance of those proposals suggested to the minds of the people of the country that there was collusion between the Government and Córas Iompair Éireann and that the suggestion was to restrict private lorry owners so that at a later stage the restriction might be withdrawn and the increased tax readily and gladly accepted.

Progress reported.
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