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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 6 May 1953

Vol. 138 No. 10

Financial Statement.

BUDGET, 1953.
1.—GENERAL SURVEY.

In introducing the Budget for last year I emphasised the urgent need torestore order in the public finances and in our general economy. I explained that, while these objectives would take longer than one year to attain, the Budget would facilitate their achievement. Looking back on the year which has passed, it is plain that we have progressed a long way towards the attainment of our objectives. We have succeeded in bringing the current revenue and expenditure of the State closer to equilibrium, while at the same time we have reduced the balance of payments problem to manageable dimensions.

VIEWS ON BALANCE OF PAYMENTS.

When, last year, I stated that the deficit in our balance of payments, which began to grow ominous during the latter part of 1950 and the earlier half of 1951, was our greatest anxiety, I said nothing that the Dáil and the country had not already heard many times over from both sides of the House. For instance, even as far back as July, 1939, according to column 1817, Volume 76 of the Official Report, Deputy Dillon declared

"It is plain to the observant that, unless we correct the adverse trade balance, and correct it soon, we are going to have a crash."

In May, 1948, the Coalition Minister for Finance said that it was

"impossible to view with equanimity a continued reduction in external assets on last year's scale. These assets can be consumed now only at the expense of a reduced standard of living for the future ..."

(Volume 110, column 1053.)

Three months later, in August, 1948, Deputy J.A. Costello, who was then Taoiseach, told us that the adverse trade balance had grown

"to an extent which must cause anybody who thinks about it for one moment or who looks at the figures the utmost alarm for our economic and financial stability."

(Volume 112, column 2146.)

In his Budget speech of 1951, mypredecessor, Deputy McGilligan, reminded the country that

"deficits in the balance of payments cannot be sustained for more than a short period"

(Volume 125, column 1880), and then sounded the warning that

"the present position"—that is at 2nd May, 1951—"on external account is by no means satisfactory and if it continues to develop unfavourably the application of corrective measures will be called for."

(Volume 125, column 1883.)

BALANCE OF PAYMENTS, 1951.

The balance of payments position unfortunately did continue to develop unfavourably. The deficit of £30,000,000 which had emerged on external account for 1950 continued to mount and the year 1951 eventually closed with a balance of payments deficit of £61.6 million. If our predecessors regarded a deficit of £30,000,000 as "disquieting" or as a cause for "the utmost alarm", if they had warned the country that "deficits in the balance of payments cannot be sustained for more than a short period" and that, unless we could "within a few years equalise our external receipts and payments, we must inevitably suffer a decline in our living standards", were we to ignore the alarming significance of this adverse figure of £61.6 million? From statements which have been made from time to time, it would appear that we were. The Government were admonished, in fact, to watch and wait for some spontaneous and mysterious process to put matters right.

EFFECT OF GOVERNMENT ACTION, 1952.

Fortunately the Government did not adopt this attitude of helpless fatalism. On the contrary, they did what my predecessor in his Budget speech of 1951 had foreshadowed would be inevitable, they applied the requisite "corrective measures". Recognising that the immediate necessity was for budgetary equilibrium, they took steps to balance the current Budget. At the same time, efforts were made to encourage homeproduction and saving, and imports were reduced. In consequence, we emerged from last year with a deficit in the balance of payments which the Central Statistics Office inform me was £9,000,000.

FINANCING OF 1952 BALANCE OF PAYMENTS DEFICIT.

This deficit of £9,000,000 was financed mainly by the sale of sterling assets by the Government and by private owners and by external subscriptions to the 5 per cent. National Loan. The sale of assets and the incurring of debt to foreigners outweighed the increase shown in the external assets of the Irish banking system.

The figure for the balance of payments deficit is the lowest in the postwar period. Yet it would be wrong to conclude from this fact that the position no longer requires close attention. During 1952 certain factors of an unusual character contributed to narrow the gap between our external expenditure and our externally derived income, and these are not likely to recur this year in the same degree. Nevertheless, making all due allowance for these special factors, when we contrast the out-turn of 1952 with that of 1950 and of 1951, I think we have reason to congratulate ourselves.

DEFICITS WITH CURRENCY AREAS, 1952.

The balance of payments problem exists, of course, independently of any question of foreign exchange difficulties, but in existing circumstances it is important for us to keep under review not only our general external balance but also in a special way the position in relation to non-sterling countries. The fact that, in association with the great improvement in the over-all balance of payments last year, there was a substantial decline in our deficits with the dollar area and with the rest of the non-sterling world is, therefore, very satisfactory also. The figures which I now propose to give in that connection are those of actual payments and receipts as recorded by the Exchange Control. They are notidentical with those which appear in our published balance of payments statistics because the latter record trade transactions at the time of physical import and export of the goods, whereas the time of payment may be either earlier or later.

Because international payments problems are centred on the dollar, the balance with the dollar area, from which we have to buy so many commodities vital to our economy, may be referred to first. To get a true comparison we must exclude Marshall Aid receipts, for if these are included, comparative statements as to our real deficit with the dollar area could not be clearly presented. In 1951 our payments for imports and for all other purposes to the dollar area were $117.9 million while our receipts, including exports at $10.4 million, totalled $48.3 million; the deficit was, accordingly, $69.6 million. In 1952, the corresponding figures were payments $80.5 million, receipts $52.1 million (including exports $11.1 million) and the deficit $28.4 million.

In 1951 we had a deficit of £27.4 million with the non-sterling members of the European Payments Union on trade and other items. Last year we succeeded in reducing it to £20.5 million. In the final summation, our global deficits, expressed in pounds, with all countries outside the sterling area in respect of 1951 and 1952 were, respectively, £58.7 million and £34.1 million.

1952 BUDGET.

It would be idle to claim that equally gratifying results were secured in relation to the problem of the Budget; but even here substantial progress was made. As the Dáil will recall, when the Budget for 1952-53 was framed, the problem which the Government had to solve was three-fold. We had, first of all, to try to ensure that the deficit thrown up on the Budget of the preceding year would not recur. Then we had to meet the inevitable increase in the current cost of the public services, and, finally, we had to procure funds to finance the social welfare legislation of 1952. All told, there had to be found, either by reductions in Stateexpenditure or from fresh taxation, a sum of over £15,000,000. We struck the balance as narrowly as we possibly could, seeking no surplus, making no unnecessary economies and imposing no avoidable taxation. In the event, as I shall detail later, we fell somewhat short of our goal of a balanced Budget.

PUBLIC CO-OPERATION.

As well as the significant changes in the budgetary position and in the balance of payments which I have outlined, another matter merits special mention, namely, the diminution in the inflationary effect of State capital outlay. A closer approach to monetary stability has been secured. This has been due in large measure to the greater tendency of the community to save and to the increased readiness of its thrifty and industrious members to entrust their savings to the Government for investment in works of national importance. The record response which the saving and investing public gave to the National Loan in September last was a striking manifestation of confidence and the Government are particularly appreciative of it.

The nation, indeed, has much for which to thank its provident and responsible citizens. Without their practical support the country would not have made such substantial progress towards economic recovery. If the public had not responded to the needs of the situation by saving more and spending less on imports of consumer goods, last year's Budget of itself could not have been so successful in checking and redressing the unhealthy development of recent years. In this connection it is salutary to remind ourselves that, while the activities of the State have a considerable influence, they are not of predominant importance in our economy. Private decisions as to work, investment, consumption and saving play a major part in shaping the course of our economic and financial affairs. If the public continue to cooperate, especially by producing more it will be all the easier to overcome our economic and financial difficulties. Recovery in production and trade isalready under way and this Budget will stimulate it.

REDUCTIONS IN IMPORTS, 1952.

It is satisfactory that the improvement in the balance of payments to which I have referred was achieved so quickly and without any marked or general disturbance of the country's economy. As was to be expected, dispensable imports of consumer goods accounted for much of it. For example, of the drop of £32.4 million in total imports, one category alone, namely, textiles and clothing, accounted for £15,000,000. It can be fairly said that, in general, the import reductions were such as to cause the minimum of embarrassment to domestic interests. Indeed, the speedy action which the Government took to control imports of textiles and clothing helped considerably, not only to redress the adverse balance, but to restore and sustain employment in this important industrial sector. Apart from textiles, imports of materials for industry and agriculture were well maintained.

CONDITIONS OF 1953.

It is difficult at any time to assess future economic prospects but particularly difficult at present when world trends are so much in doubt. The proper course is to avoid predictions and to confine ourselves to a brief review of recent and current trends.

World prices of many basic materials have fallen in recent months. Our internal prices have by now borne most of the effect of the recent round of wage and salary increases. Stability seems at last within reach provided we avoid a further inflation of internal costs. The dangers of such an inflation at a time when costs are falling elsewhere and competition is becoming keener should never be absent from our minds. As it is, the prospective stability in prices is encouraging new purchases and there are already signs of increased activity in many industries.

IMPORTS.

A rise in such imports as are essential to support increased home production and enable exports to beexpanded is, of course, not to be deprecated. Other factors, however, may operate to enlarge our import total without necessarily increasing our export capacity or earnings. Purchases, for instance, to replenish stocks used up in 1952 may tend to raise the 1953 import figures. If, in addition, the recent increases in wages and salaries should fail to be accompanied by an adequate expansion of output, the balance of payments situation might again deteriorate. Accordingly, although there are certainly good grounds for confidence, we cannot afford to be complacent about the future.

EXPORTS.

Last year, for the first time, exports exceeded £100,000,000. The actual total was £101.5 million or £20,000,000 more than in 1951. Of the rise in value, only £2,500,000 can be attributed to higher prices; most of the increase was due to greater volume. Cattle, dressed meat, tinned beef and the products of new industries, such as sweetened fat, showed the largest increases. In the last quarter of 1952, however, the rate of expansion slackened. Nevertheless, there has since been no falling back and, indeed, exports in March of this year were the highest ever recorded for a single month. The future course of exports depends essentially on the volume of agricultural output and on competitive conditions in external markets, and it has to be said that in some respects the latter have recently become adverse as, for instance, in the case of the trade in frozen meat to the dollar area.

PRODUCTION.

Estimates of national income, savings, etc., are not yet available but the provisional indices of the volume of production in industry and agriculture show the trend of national output. There was some improvement in agriculture in 1952. Gross output rose by 1.7% as compared with 1951. On the other hand, there was a slight decline in output in manufacturing industries. In general, the position was that national production was about the same in real terms as in 1951 and 1950. Inthe final quarter of 1952, however, there was a pronounced upturn in industrial output which was greater than could be ascribed to merely seasonal causes.

REAL INCOMES.

Although industrial production was lower, wage earners and other secured substantial increases in pay during the year, as a result of which the purchasing power of the earnings of the average worker in the transportable goods industries was by December, 1952, as high as in December, 1951.

EMPLOYMENT.

As regards the employment situation, there have recently been welcome signs of increasing activity in consumer goods industries. In the textile and clothing industries in particular, there has been a considerable increase in employment in recent months. The number of houses completed in 1952, with State aid, was 13,018, as compared with 12,125 in 1951 and 11,879 in 1950. Recently, however, the number of houses in course of erection has declined. It is too early to say whether the falling off in private building is likely to be permanent. It is certainly due in large part to the satisfaction of arrears of demand which had accumulated during the war and the years immediately following, when building materials were scarcely procurable. To some extent, the effect on current demand of higher prices due to increased costs of materials, wage increases and higher interest rates, may be responsible. In this industry, as in others, high costs have generated a consumer resistance which can only be overcome by a reduction in prices. Local authority building has also slackened somewhat; not, however, because of any shortage of capital, but because in some urban and rural areas much of the programme has been completed. In the particular case of Dublin, such delays as have occurred are occasioned by the need for development of sites before further housing schemes can be proceeded with.

EFFECTS OF EXTERNAL POLICIES

To arrest the inflation in prices andwages and to secure some measure of stability in external payments, other countries, during the past year or so, have been forced to make internal adjustments of a drastic character designed to reduce domestic consumption and to increase the surplus available for export. These measures have increased the intensity of the struggle for export markets, as the fall in import prices clearly indicates. Their effect has been greatly accentuated by the re-emergence of Germany and Japan as highly competitive producers. A slackening in rearmament demands and the movement towards greater freedom in international trade are other factors of significance. We have already felt some of the consequences of these developments and we may expect that they will become more acute. It is vital, therefore, that our domestic costs per unit of output be brought down; for, otherwise, we shall be priced out of our external markets.

POTENTIALITIES OF AGRICULTURE.

Whether we like it or not, there is no escape, so far as our export industries are concerned, from the effects of these world developments and we must adjust the circumstances of our production accordingly. This applies particularly to agriculture which is the sphere in which we have at once our greatest production and our greatest export potential. Unfortunately, that potential is still far from being fully realised. Taxation presses lightly on the land, so that there is little scope for any stimulus under that head. The Government have provided incentives in a more direct and useful way—by guaranteeing high prices for agricultural produce, by arranging markets, by draining, reclaiming and fertilising the land, by making credit available for the purchase of stock and machinery and by providing educational and advisory services. Accordingly, if the margin between the return to the producer and his costs should be reduced by the action of the forces to which I have referred, the only practicable remedy is to increase production and to spread farm costs over a larger volume of output.

FINANCIAL POLICY, 1953.

In the financial sphere, balancing the current Budget must remain our immediate objective and we must likewise strive to create conditions in which, so far as is practicable, capital expenditure will be financed from current savings. As an adjunct to this, the Government will continue to stimulate saving by making it attractive and popular.

II. —CURRENT BUDGET, 1952-53.

CURRENT EXPENDITURE, 1952-53.

The immediate aim of last year's Budget was the simple and modest one of restoring order to the public finances by bringing current expenditure and current revenue into line at £97,761,000. The figure was fixed for us by the commitments which we had inherited and by the obligation of fulfilling the pledges to expand and improve the social services which had been given by all Parties during the general election. The accounts for the year show that current expenditure was £97,966,000 or a mere one-fifth of 1 per cent. beyond what was budgeted for. It is true that there were Supplementary Estimates for non-capital purposes of £8,890,000 but of these £5,750,000 was provided for in the Budget— £4,750,000 for additional social welfare services and £1,000,000 for unspecified contingencies. In the controversy which developed over the Budget, it was suggested that credit should have been taken for over-estimation, in other words, for the probability that actual expenditure would in the end fall short of expectations. The answer which was given at the time was that experience of recent Budgets had shown that any such casual saving was eaten up by unforeseen supplementaries. And so it turned out in regard to the Budget of last year. There was almost an exact balance between the unprovided-for supplementaries and the savings realised in other directions.

CRITICISMS OF 1952 BUDGET.

So many criticisms were directed against the 1952 Budget that I may beallowed a minute or two to emphasise the absurdities and inconsistencies inherent in them. Take, for instance, the allegation, repeated monotonously and bolstered up with tedious arithmetic, that £10,000,000 of unnecessary taxation was imposed so that we should be in a position to show a surplus on the 31st March last. Incidentally, this phantom surplus occasioned much mental confusion among its inventors. They were never clear in their own minds as to whether it was to be used to finance capital expenditure or was to be held for the distribution of tax reliefs in later years. In any case, as the accounts have shown and as everyone knew from the start, their suppositious calculations had no basis of fact. There was no surplus. There was never intended to be a surplus. Over and over again that was made clear by the Taoiseach, by myself and by other members of the Government. Our aim was to secure a Budget which no more than balanced. In the outcome, even that limited objective was not realised.

Since no one is foolish enough to believe that democratic Governments impose unnecessary taxation, even to take it off again later, what did those who devised the fiction of a surplus hope to achieve? I think the answer must be that their aim was to obscure the truth that the severity of the measures taken in the last Budget was due to the laxity of the previous Administration. Rather than permit this to be known, however, those accountable for the situation tried to browbeat the Government and compel them to adopt a passive attitude and allow things to drift. That course would have been inconsistent with responsible administration of public affairs.

The pity indeed is that this Government came too late on the scene to enable it to avoid drastic remedies. There is no doubt that if the situation which developed in 1950 and reached its culmination in 1951 had been dealt with sooner, the adjustments required to restore order would have been much less severe. If the 1951 Budget, instead of being—as it quite obviously was—a Budget designed for a snap election, had been a sound Budget, hadbeen balanced or nearly balanced, it would have been a relatively easy task to balance the current Budget for last year. Again, the reduction of the deficit in the balance of payments in 1952 to tolerable size would have been achieved with much less strain if external receipts and payments in 1950 and 1951 had not been allowed to get so far out of balance. These are the simple facts. The corrective measures, to use my predecessor's phrase, which were forced on the Government last year, were necessitated by the failure of the previous Administration to act before the situation assumed serious dimensions.

SUPPLEMENTARY ESTIMATES. 1952-53.

I have already drawn attention to the fact that, in the actual working-out of the Budget of last year, total current expenditure, including that due to uncovered or unforeseen supplementaries, exceeded the original budgetary provision for the Supply Services by £205,000, that is, by about one-fifth of 1 per cent. I should like, however, to go into this matter a little further. Last year's Budget included £5,750,000 for foreseen supplementary charges and for contingencies, so that the Supplementary Estimates which were subsequently introduced were covered to this amount. Of the £5,750,000, as I have already said, it was estimated that £4,750,000 would be required to meet the additional costs arising under the social welfare legislation of 1952. The actual provision for additional social welfare charges exceeded the £4,750,000 mark by £4,810 or, approximately, one-tenth of 1 per cent. The £1,000,000 which had been allowed for current contingencies was a net rather than a gross provision since it took account of the possibility of general savings. If it were gross, it would have been deficient to the extent of £3,135,000 because, for the reasons which I shall now detail, the gross provision which actually became necessary for unforeseen supplementaries was £4,135,000.

First of all, in the course of the year it became possible to procure defensive equipment for the Army in greatermeasure than was foreseen but in much smaller measure than the Army's needs. This alone involved an additional provision of £860,000. We had then to provide agriculture with £555,000 as a further advance against the importation of superphosphate and an extra £150,000 for the ground limestone subsidy. An additional £580,000 went in grants to health authorities; a further £200,000 was given in supplementary agricultural grants; and, as a new charge, £130,000 was provided as the first instalment of an ex-gratiapayment to teachers who were retired before the 1st January, 1950, the day fixed by our predecessors for the coming into operation of new superannuation terms. We had, furthermore, to find another £1.1 million to cover losses on C.I.E. All told, the items I have mentioned came to £3,575,000, while the balance of £560,000 was spread over a large number of items of lesser magnitude. I doubt if anyone will have the hardihood to question now that these additional provisions were properly made. Certainly, when the relevant Estimates were before the Dáil there was no demand for curtailment of the expenditure. On the contrary, as in the case of the additional subsidy for C.I.E., the urge was very much the other way.

It has always been a sine qua nonof sound budgeting that the estimate of expenditure on which the Budget is based should be comprehensive so as to minimise the contingency of supplementary demands. This is a principle which, as I shall show later, has been little honoured in recent years. This year the Budget will be based on that sound principle, however, and, accordingly, every care has been taken to ensure that uncovered demands will not arise during the current year on the scale which characterised all Budgets for some years past. For example, the amount included in this year's Estimate for the subsidy on ground limestone is £600,000, as against an original provision of £300,000 last year and £200,000 in 1951-52. Similarly, theex-gratiapayments to retired teachers are fully covered in the published Estimates, while the amount included in the Defence Estimate fordefensive equipment is £1,800,000, as against an initial provision of £850,000 in 1952-53 and £370,000 on 1951-52. For C.I.E. there is £1,500,000, as against £1.3 million, and for grants to health authorities £6,013,000, as against £5,180,000. So far as the social insurance and social assistance services are concerned, the total amount which was included in the original Estimates for 1952-53 was £13.6 million. In this year's Estimate we are allowing £19.9 million—that is to say, £6.3 million more.

It will be readily appreciated that the increased provision which has been made, not only for the services which I have mentioned but for others also, has significantly enlarged the scope of this year's Budget and will reduce correspondingly the risk of Supplementary Estimates being called for during the year. To exemplify what I have in mind, I may recall that, while in 1949-50 the amount included in the Budget for Supplementary Estimates by my predecessor was £676,000, the total amount of the supplementaries actually introduced and voted was no less than £9,212,000, or almost 14 times the Budget provision. In 1950-51 the Budget statement included £600,000 for supplementaries but the additional provision actually voted for current services was £3,412,000, which was almost six times what the then Minister for Finance had budgeted for. The Government have taken decisions in relation to the Budget which I am now presenting which will ensure that nothing of that kind will occur this year.

REVENUE, 1952-53.

I have now some remarks to make concerning the revenue of 1952-53. As I have stated, the forecast and the event were in close accord on the expenditure side of last year's Budget; a similar position did not obtain, however, on the revenue side. As in other countries, the Budget Estimate was not realised and it was this shortfall which was mainly responsible for the deficit of £2,048,000 with which the year closed.

Instead of the projected £97,761,000, the revenue actually received was£95,919,000, showing a deficiency on the Estimate of £1,842,000. As non-tax revenue, at £11,799,000, was only £17,000 short of the Budget Estimate, the deficiency was virtually confined to the tax revenue. Of the shortfall, customs accounted for £1,724,000, excise £1,295,000, estate duties £144,000 and stamp duties £157,000. To offset these in part, motor vehicle duties yielded an extra £374,000 and income-tax, surtax and corporation profits tax between them exceeded the Estimate by £1,121,000.

An examination of the main items of customs and excise shows that beer and petrol produced more than was expected, but that the revenue from spirits was deficient, the gap between expectations and receipts in this instance being as much as £1,500,000. Tobacco, too, was short of the target by £600,000. After the first impact of be increase in duty, however, the consumption of tobacco recovered considerably and is now at a level which promises a higher revenue this year. It is believed that a declining trend in the consumption of spirits had set in before the last Budget and would have continued even if there had been no increase in duty. Indeed, a tendency for the consumption of spirits to decline has been a marked phenomenon in several countries over the past two or three years. Doubtless, the increase in duty accentuated the tendency in our own case; on the other hand, there is good reason to believe that consumption was not affected to the extent that the reduction in clearances from bond would suggest, so I am expecting that the revenue from this source will show an improvement in the present financial year.

CONCLUSION.

Although the outcome of the 1952-53 Budget was disappointing in that revenue failed by some £2,000,000 to cover current outgoings, it was nevertheless a marked improvement on the experience of the previous year when, because of the shortcomings of the 1951 Budget, the current deficit was £6.7 million.

III. —CAPITAL BUDGET, 1952-53.

OUTCOME ON CAPITAL ACCOUNT, 1952-53.

We may now turn to the capital account for 1952-53. I am glad to be able to say, and I am sure the country will be no less glad to learn, that without curtailing capital investment in any form we managed to finance it in a much less inflationary way than in recent years. For this we have in the main to thank once more the Irish public who, despite the higher cost of living, decided to spend less on consumer goods, so as to save more and have more to invest. When introducing the Budget for last year, I ventured to forecast that there would be a "return to more normal habits of spending and saving" among the thrifty and industrious elements in the community. That prediction has been fulfilled and indeed the improvement has been even better than could have been foreseen. In consequence a National Loan for £20,000,000, the largest ever floated here, was not only fully subscribed without recourse to the banks, but attracted a record number of investors, including many people of small and modest means. That the improvement has persisted, with the consequence that more money is available for investment, is evidenced by the unprecedented support which was given to the last public issue made by the City of Dublin.

As against a Budget Estimate of £35.92 million the actual expenditure during last year on State capital account came to £32.27 million. The detailed figures are as follows:—

Budget 1952 Estimates

Actual Issues

£million

Voted “capital services”

9.28

8.61

“Below the line”issues

24.78

21.65

Issue of shares by Industrial Credit Company, Limited

0.50

0.50

Capital for Irish Steel Holdings, Limited

0.25

Capital for Agricultural Credit Corporation, Limited

0.25

Loan repayments reissued to local authorities

0.86

0.89

Dublin Corporation

No specific provision

0.53

Air Companies

do.

0.09

Total

£35.92

£32.27

So far, however, as the issues fell short of the Estimate, I wish to emphasise that the difference was entirely casual. It was not due to any curtailment of capital investment. The most important causes of the difference were, first, the fact that the £2,250,000 provided in the Budget Estimate for the acquisition of the G.N.R. did not mature for payment—the enabling legislation is at the moment before the Dáil; secondly, neither the E.S.B. nor Bord na Móna needed as much as had been expected; thirdly, the Estimates for certain voted items, such as arterial drainage machinery, proved to be on the high side; and, fourthly, the banks provided the capital resources needed by the Agricultural Credit Corporation. The absence of an issue of capital to Irish Steel Holdings, Ltd., will be dealt with later.

BORROWINGS AND SOURCES.

Allowing for the deficit on the current Budget, as well as for capital outlay of £32.27 million, the sum which had to be raised last year in addition to current revenue was £34.32 million. Towards this requirement, loan repayments by the E.S.B., local authorities and other debtors contributed £2.35 million, leaving £31.97 million to be raised independently. How that sum was raised, or rather, the ultimate sources of the borrowings, may be set out as follows:—

£million

(1) Small savings and net investment income of Departmental Funds

5.86

(2) National Loan

20.00

(3) Bank Advances (net)

2.50

(4) Sale of sterling securities of the Post Office Savings Bank and other Funds

4.54

32.90

Less increase in cash balances of Exchequer and Funds

0.93

£31.97

The corresponding table for 1951-52 showed a greater total of borrowings because of a greater Budget deficit and a smaller measure of public support for the Dublin Corporation loan. It showed also a draw on cash balances of £3.4 million, a draw on the American Loan Counterpart Fund of £24.5 million and a sale of sterling securities of Departmental Funds of £11,000,000.

IV.—CAPITAL BUDGET, 1953-54.

OBJECTS OF EXPENDITURE.

It is convenient at this point to review briefly the State capital Budget for the current year. The objects for which new capital is required are:—

Estimate

£ million

Housing

10.54

Sanitary Services

1.08

Hospitals

5.08

Agricultural Development

4.72

Electricity Development

8.00

Turf Development

1.27

Telephones

1.50

Schools and other State Buildings

1.30

University Buildings

0.20

Afforestation

0.68

Fisheries

0.15

Transport

4.40

Wireless Broadcasting

0.12

Irish Steel Holdings, Ltd.

0.25

Total

£39.29

NET BORROWING.

Excluding the capital provided by loan repayments, net borrowing should be of the order of £36.3 million for purposes which can be set out alternatively as follows:—

£ million

Voted “capital services”

14.18

“Below the line” issues as in the White Paper of Receipts and Expenditure

22.63

Capital for Irish Steel Holdings, Limited

0.25

University Buildings

0.20

Capital for Air Companies

0.76

Dublin Corporation (outstanding instalment of underwriting commitment)

0.21

38.23

Less

1.93

Loan repayments to Exchequer

1.93

Net Total

£36.30

I shall refer later to a special circumstance which may affect this figure of £36.3 million.

The increase in prospective State capital requirements as compared with the actual needs of 1952-53 is due mainly to the assumption by the Exchequer of the burden of financing the hospitals' building programme consequent on the exhaustion of the Hospitals' Trust Fund. Other operative factors are additional expenditure on agricultural development, particularly on land reclamation, and the carrying forward to this year of the liability to pay half of the cost of acquiring the G.N.R. Company. Deputies are familiar with the objects of capital expenditure and I do not feel that any of the items, apart from housing and the provisions for university buildings and for Irish Steel Holdings, calls for special explanatory comment at this stage. The voted "capital services" figure will be explained later.

HOUSING.

The Dáil will note that housing occupies top place in the capital programme and is still by far the largest item in it. In fact the figure of £10,500,000 by no means expresses fully the extent of public outlay on housing. So far as local authorities are concerned, it covers only housing financed by advances from the Local Loans Fund and from voted grants. It is out of this fund that, with the important exceptions of the cities of Dublin and Cork, the loan requirements of housing authorities in general are met. Therefore, as deficiencies in housing accommodation in the smaller urban and rural areas are overtaken, the demand for advances from the Local Loans Fund must tend to taper off. This explains why the estimate of the demand on the fund for housing purposes in the current financial year is £1,000,000 less than the actual figure for last year. So far as Dublin and Cork are concerned they will continue as heretofore to finance their housing activities by public borrowings. In the past both cities have been able, with the assistance of the Irish banks and the State, to meet their capital needsby the issue of stock and I am sure that they will not experience any insuperable difficulty in this connection in future.

There is a fact which I ought to mention before I pass on. It is that in recent years new dwellings in this country have accounted for a much higher proportion of domestic capital outlay than in most European countries, even those which have suffered the devastation of war.

UNIVERSITY BUILDINGS.

The £200,000 for university buildings has been included in anticipation of the introduction of a Supplementary Estimate to provide a grant to University College, Dublin, towards the cost of certain properties at Stillorgan which are the nucleus of new university buildings.

IRISH STEEL HOLDINGS.

The £250,000 for Irish Steel Holdings is a repetition of a provision made in 1952-53 towards putting the company's capital structure on a more appropriate basis. We had hoped that this would have been done last year but the matter has been delayed, mainly because the question of the future capital needs of the undertaking has not yet been resolved. In the meantime the company's bankers have continued the temporary overdraft facilities afforded under State guarantee.

SOURCES OF FINANCE.

So far as the State capital programme for this year is concerned, we are faced, as I have indicated, with a net borrowing programme of the order of £36,000,000. The problems involved in raising from this small country such a huge capital sum will be formidable indeed, perhaps even more so than last year. It is never possible to make any firm prediction as to private savings and in view of the erratic experience of some previous years the prospects must not be overrated. But in the year just ended the greater part of the State capital programme was financed from the current savings of the community; production is on the upturn, import prices are tending to fall,money incomes all round are higher and there has been a reversion to former habits of thrift and providence. In short, people now feel that if they have more money it is money which it is worthwhile to save. In these circumstances, while our task will remain difficult, we may face it with some optimism.

Last year the figure for net principal receipts by way of small savings finally emerged at £4.3 million. In the early part of the year it was tending towards my original estimate of £6,000,000. But when the 5 per cent. National Loan was offered there were substantial withdrawals from the Post Office Savings Bank for investment in the Loan, which left the ultimate net receipt at the figure I have mentioned. On the other hand, the total receipt from the Irish public in the form of subscriptions to the 5 per cent. National Loan and "small savings" amounted to £21.3 million, which was 80 per cent. more than the corresponding total for 1950-51.

It will be necessary to float another public issue during the present financial year; and, as in other years, this will react to reduce the savings garnered through the Savings Banks and the sale of Savings Certificates. Nevertheless, in view of the measures which have been taken to stimulate and promote saving by making it more attractive, it is not too rash in the improved financial circumstances to expect an increase in small savings.

We have indeed good reason for this expectation, since the new issue of Savings Certificates which was put on sale in May last has been remarkably successful, gross sales in 1952 amounting to £3.4 million. Allowing for encashment, with interest, of old and new certificates, net sales in 1952 were well over £1,000,000 as compared with an insignificant net receipt of £50,000 in 1951. A Director of Savings was appointed some months ago and his special task will be to organise and intensify the campaign for thrift. To this end full use will be made of the modern publicity media of the radio, the Press, and the cinema, with, we hope, enduring results in the expansionof our resources for capital development. A second minor source of Exchequer finance is the net investment income of the Post Office Savings Bank and the Social Insurance Fund. From this source and from small savings, receipts in the current year are expected to reach £7,000,000.

Last year when outlining the capital programme which we wished to finance. I said that the response of the public to the loan which I then foreshadowed would determine in large measure the Government's capacity to carry the programme through. The ultimate response indicated beyond any doubt that the public were fully behind the Government and were prepared to support in a practical way the programme of national development to which we were committed. I feel that we shall receive the same whole-hearted support for the next issue as for the last.

Should private contributions fall short of meeting our needs, we shall have at our disposal some of the remaining sterling investments of Government Funds. I have no doubt that the banks also will meet any reasonable request for assistance in financing State capital projects. The substantial help they have given hitherto is greatly appreciated. As well as joining earlier this year in underwriting the Dublin Corporation issue, the banks have agreed to underwrite fully a £2,500,000 issue of Government-guaranteed Transport Stock and to assist also with a proposed public issue by the Cork Corporation.

Taking everything into consideration it would appear that the capital programme which I have outlined is within the capacity of the community and can be carried through without damage to our economy. Yet in that connection a certain reservation must be kept in mind.

It is only in recent years, and largely on the basis of the American Loan Counterpart moneys, that State-financed capital expenditure has reached its present proportions. While we may see our way safely ahead for another year, it is not yet possible to say definitely whether a programme of the present size can be continuously sustained, without imposing too greata strain on the balance of payments and without depriving private enterprise of its capital needs. As a general proposition it is clearly unwise to aggravate the obvious difficulties of financing the State capital programme by adding unduly to its magnitude, for the assignment of an item to the capital Budget does not relieve us of the embarrassment of paying for it. On the contrary, to the extent that the State capital expenditure proves to be unproductive, it increases the ultimate burden on the taxpayer and reduces the ability of the community to cope successfully with economic vicissitudes. Moreover, it has to be remembered that, however desirable new capital projects may seem, the resources available to finance them are not inexhaustible and that in this realm, as in most human affairs, means are much more limited than desires. It must, therefore, be the duty of the Minister for Finance to prevent the unwarranted expansion of State capital outlay and, within the programme itself, to ensure a greater concentration on directly productive projects.

CONTROL OF INVESTMENT.

Before leaving the subject of capital investment I think it is necessary to deal with a certain proposal of which we have been hearing a lot of late. It relates to the establishment of a board to decide investment priorities and watch the effect of total investment on the balance of payments. We have been given no indication as to the type of board which would carry out these functions. Against our economic background, in which the basic limitation on national development is the low level of current savings, it is surely a misplacing of emphasis to give pride of place to a proposal for controlling and disposing of the nation's savings when the true national need is to induce our people to save as much as possible. From that point of view, indeed, the introduction of a formalised control of investment would be harmful; for interference with the investor's freedom of choice would discourage private saving.

Notwithstanding this primary defect,certain politicians in search of a programme have swallowed the proposal with avidity. These gentlemen appear, however, to have overlooked the simple fact that control over investment would be useless without control over savings. Control over savings would, of course, raise important ethical considerations as to the right of the individual to dispose of his income or his capital. But I need not dilate on this aspect of the matter. Let us instead ask ourselves how the control could be operated. It would be quite impossible, for example, to control total investment, if companies were free to use their reserves and other resources as they pleased, or individuals their capital or savings. Apart from interference with the freedom of individuals and firms to use their own moneys according to their own desires, we may take it that directives would be issued to banks, insurance companies, building societies, etc., as to the manner in which they should hold their assets. I cannot think of anything more calculated to discourage savings and to undermine confidence in the institutions through which savings are accumulated.

The only practical way, indeed, of ensuring that resources would be diverted to the particular types of investment favoured by the controlling body would be for the State to provide for a Budget surplus by increased taxation so as to bridge the gap between voluntary savings and investment. Rational people would not expect this course to commend itself to those who opposed so bitterly our endeavour to achieve a balance on the current Budget of last year on the excuse that our real purpose was to raise in taxation the moneys required for certain capital expenditure. Nevertheless, the individuals who took that line then now advocate the establishment of a board which would facilitate a deeper encroachment by the State on the resources available for private enterprise and investment. Consistency has sometimes been described as a doubtful virtue, which, no doubt, is why some people are not addicted to it.

Let us ask ourselves, however, whether it is practicable over thewhole field of private and public enterprise even to attempt to frame an absolute scale of priorities in investment policy. To begin with, there is the difficulty that the investment which will best serve the national interest or give the greatest return cannot be decided a priori.Broadly speaking, investment is much more likely to be directed into productive channels when the decision has to be taken by people who are risking their own capital. They are likely to weigh the pros and cons more carefully, balancing initiative and imagination with that prudence and foresight for lack of which the most energetic and enterprising may encounter disaster. They will take the utmost care to be right in their judgment because they have something to lose. Under the proposed investment board, however, the demands of the various sectors of the economy would be determined by the subjective judgment of planners who would themselves have nothing to lose and would be indemnified against the effects of their decisions. The planners would have their own predilections and some matters, perhaps indeed very important matters, might be decided accordingly.

We may now turn to the consideration of the current Budget for the year.

V.—CURRENT BUDGET, 1953-54.

BUDGETARY POLICY, 1953-54.

Our guiding principle this year is to keep a tight rein on expenditure until output expands and revenue automatically expands with it. We must shun any policy which would wreck the improvement in the national finances secured with such difficulty over the past year and we must not do anything which might retard the economic recovery that has begun. The simple rule of health—that current expenses should be met out of current revenue— retains all its old validity. It is, in fact, all the more binding because of the size of our capital programme and the strain it will put upon current and past savings. Were we to incur a deficit in the current Budget, we should have to borrow to meet it. By so doing we would be encroaching on the fundsavailable for capital purposes. We would be wasting on ordinary running expenses the resources which are sorely needed to finance housing, agriculture, electricity and other forms of national development.

Such a misapplication of capital funds we, as a nation, cannot afford. State capital outlay is already so large in relation to any reasonable assessment of what we can borrow from the public that it would be the height of imprudence to budget for a deficit on current account. So far as the Budget is expected to exert a positive influence on the level of economic activity and on employment, it is desirable that it should do so in a direct and useful way, through a large and balanced programme of State capital works, rather than by diverting capital resources to serve consumption needs, whether public or private.

This is my answer to the charge that in fiscal matters the Government have been pursuing an out-moded and ultraconservative policy. We have been attacked for what is alleged to be our rigid adherence to orthodoxy and our failure to adopt what are termed progressive and flexible methods in dealing with the country's problems. Stripped of their sophistry, the contentions of our critics are nothing better than demands for laxity in administration such as characterised their own régime. On the plea that it would stimulate economic activity, they are pressing us to adopt the malpractice of burking year-to-year commitments by deliberately incurring deficits even in the current Budget.

Advocates of this policy do not realise that the contribution by the State towards the stimulation of economic activity is determined, not by deficits on the current Budget but by the over-all effect of State expenditure, capital as well as current. They overlook the extent to which in recent years total State outlay has exceeded the resources drawn from the public in the form of current revenue and savings and has been financed by putting new money in circulation one way or another. In this matter we have been much less conservative thanmany other countries which are not generally categorised as such—Norway, Sweden and Denmark, for instance— which for years past have been running surpluses on their current Budgets. I dare not, of course, mention Britain, for the Leader of the Labour Party would snort "Tory", although the practice was initiated by a Labour Chancellor; and the Republican gorge of Deputy Dillon would rise in abhorrence at the sound of the name. But there it is. This country, on the other hand, has consistently had deficits in its current Budget, while at the same time it has been realising external assets or incurring foreign indebtedness.

In the light of these prefatory remarks we may now outline the current Budget for the year. The White Paper on Receipts and Expenditure, which Deputies have had for the past few days, will, no doubt, have enabled them to comprehend the problem in the main. There are, however, certain additions and subtractions to be made, and these will have a material effect on the final balance.

CAPITAL SERVICES.

First among them, and the most substantial, is the deduction to be made from the current Budget for voted "capital services," upon which vexed question I must say a few words. Last year in the vain hope of allaying controversy, I excluded from the charge against revenue every single item in the Supply Services which had been classified as "capital" in my predecessor's 1951 Budget. About the capital character of several of these items, I had misgivings which have not since abated. This year again, however, but for a different reason, I must postpone any reform of the procedure. If there is anything in the view that we are poised between inflation and deflation, then it follows that this is not a year for categorically assigning to taxation charges which for some years past have been met by borrowing.

Recently, in reply to a parliamentary question, I listed the items, amountingto £9,366,000, in this year's Estimates which fall within the classification of "Capital Services" adopted for the purposes of the 1951 Budget. To these I propose to add three new items of an obviously capital character, namely, the grant-in-aid of the hospitals' building programme (£4,500,000), the cost of new broadcasting transmitters (£115,000) and the provision for grain storage loans (£200,000). The total deduction, therefore, to be made in respect of such voted "Capital Services" is £14,181,000.

Deputies are, of course, well aware that heavy expenditure on hospital construction has been incurred annually for years past, so I need not remind them that the hospitals' building grant does not represent a net addition of £4,500,000 to national capital outlay. It is, however, a new item in the State capital programme. The Hospitals' Trust Fund can no longer defray capital costs in addition to meeting current deficits, and so that the building programme may proceed, the Exchequer has been called in aid.

DEFENSIVE EQUIPMENT.

I have now to refer to a further matter which requires special consideration. As the House is aware, the failure in some recent years to maintain our Defence Forces at proper strength with an adequate standard of equipment was a source of concern to all who valued the liberties which have been won so dearly. In the three years preceding the outbreak of World War II expenditure on defensive equipment, on the basis of present-day prices, ran at the rate of £400,000 a year, and would have been larger if supplies had been procurable. During the years of conflict the average expenditure, again at present-day prices, exceeded £500,000 a year, and once more would have been greater if more equipment could have been obtained. During 1949-50 and 1950-51, however, expenditure was a mere £54,000 and £56,000, respectively, again at present-day prices.

In the light of these figures, the Dáil and the country will appreciate the anxiety of the present Governmentwhen in June, 1951, in conditions of great international tension, they took over responsibility for the defence of the nation and found that the country had to rely on an ill-equipped and under-manned Defence Force.

Immediate efforts were made to retrieve the position by procuring from whatever source it could be obtained the equipment which would afford the Defence Forces some hope, if attacked, of defending our territory. Within our first 20 months or so of office, we expended on such equipment just a shade under £2,000,000; and we have placed further orders which will require us to find £1,800,000 for the same purpose this year.

But this is not, and in our circumstances cannot be, the sum total of the country's expenditure under this head. The position in relation to international affairs which the State through its successive Governments has taken involves the maintenance of a highly efficient Defence Force, a Defence Force which, whatever its numerical strength, must be up-to-date in armaments. For a State of our size, resources and strategic situation, this creates a financial problem of some magnitude. The first heavy impact of it was felt last year, when over £1,700,000 was expended on defensive equipment.

This Government is concerned above all to preserve the independence of our people. Under no circumstances will it seek to economise or improve budgetary appearances by shirking its duty to provide for the nation's defence. In the present condition of our economy, however, it would be inappropriate to ask the taxpayer to shoulder the whole cost of repairing in the immediate present the deficiencies of the past. A substantial part must be accepted as an immediate obligation, since the defensive equipment is required primarily to place us, who live and breathe at this moment, in a position to defend ourselves and our liberties. It is true that, defending those liberties and preserving them, we shall pass them on to succeeding generations but it is we, and not the unborn who are directly concerned that in this our daythese precious things should not be taken from us. It is, therefore, incumbent on us to meet at least that share of the cost which, if adequate provision had been made in the past, would be normal in the circumstances of to-day.

It is not easy in our position to assess what that share would be. Perhaps we may take the years 1937 to 1940 as a norm. This was a period of acute international tension, a period, too, when in face of surprising opposition we were endeavouring to provide for the country's defence. We then taxed ourselves to the equivalent at present money values of £400,000 a year for the purchase of defensive equipment. I think it reasonable to ask the taxpayer this year to provide not less than that amount out of current revenue for the same purpose.

Of the remaining £1.4 million, I propose to find £500,000 by drawing on the revenue balances carried forward at the 31st March last. These balances are the Exchequer counterpart of the liquid capital of a going concern. They are paid into the Exchequer in the first few weeks of the financial year when current revenue receipts are meagre and in this way they obviate pro tantothe necessity for temporary borrowings. In recent times, however, the balances have tended to exceed the £2,000,000 or so which is regarded as a reasonable carry over. On 1st April, 1948, the cash balances in the hands of the Revenue Commissioners amounted to almost £1.9 million and over the three years to 1st April, 1951, they were maintained around this level. As a result of fortuitous accretions over the past two years, however, the figure at 1st April last had risen to £2.5 million. They will now be drawn upon to the extent and for the special purpose which I have mentioned, thereby reducing them to a round £2,000,000. In fulfilment of this decision, the estimates of Exchequer receipts from taxation at existing rates which appear in the White Paper include, in addition to current receipts, the sum of £500,000. The balance of £900,000 required this year for the purchase of defensive equipment will be provided by short-term borrowings.

EFFECT OF ADJUSTMENTS.

The effect of these adjustments is to increase by a further £900,000 the sum deductible from the expenditure side of the account, thus giving a net amount of £101.5 million, as follows:—

£ million

Central Fund Services (excluding payments to the Road Fund)

11.68

Payments to the Road Fund

4.35

Supply Services

100.55

less deductions

15.08

85.47

Total

101.50

In connection with these figures, we may note that the provision for issues to the Road Fund shows an increase of £476,000 over the actual figure for last year as set out in the White Paper, but this is balanced by a corresponding increase in estimated revenue from motor vehicle duties. The prospective increase of £1.78 million in other Central Fund services does not reveal the whole story, since last year's figure included a special payment of £500,000 for shares of the Industrial Credit Company. Excluding this item, the increase is £2.28 million, which is almost entirely attributable to increased charges for the service of debt, internal and external. The debt service provision is, in fact, up by £2.24 million, of which increase almost £600,000 arises because a full year's interest on the Marshall Aid borrowings falls due this year. As the Dáil is aware, the rise in borrowing charges is an inevitable consequence of the progressive increase in the State debt caused by heavy annual borrowings to meet capital expenditure and Budget deficits.

Excluding only the voted "capital" items the net Supply Services figure for the present year is £86.37 million, which compares with actual outlay on non-capital Supply Services in 1952-53 of £84.7 million. The increase arises mainly under the headings of Social Welfare, Defence, Local Government (Gaeltacht roads), Health, Army and other Pensions, Education, Lands, Forestry and Tourism. These and other increases are offset in part by a reduced provision for transport subsidies and by a credit, instead of a debit charge, for superphosphates. Takingnon-capital expenditure as a whole, both on Central Fund and Supply Services, the increase over last year's actual outlay on similar services is £4.43 million.

SUPPLEMENTARY ESTIMATES.

So far my remarks have related to the figures given in the White Paper. Traditionally the White Paper reproduces the figure for Supply Services from the Volume of Estimates published some months before. There are, however, a few items for which the published Estimates do not provide and which I must now take into account in order to present a comprehensive picture.

A case in point is the proposed Bill to increase the pensions of those who were wounded or disabled when fighting in the national cause in the period from 1916 to 1923. The text of the measure will be before the House shortly and its enactment will involve an increase in expenditure which during the current year will be about £165,000 with a prospective ultimate maximum of £215,000 annually. Some additional expenditure on minerals exploration at Avoca is also foreseen.

To cover the cost of these pension increases, the additional expenditure at Avoca and such minor contingencies as cannot be averted, I propose to bring in on the expenditure side a comprehensive and limiting figure of £750,000.

ECONOMIES.

While economies affecting the living standards of the weaker sections of the community are out of the question and will not be sought, this does not apply to other sectors of the administration. There is little reason to doubt that within the framework of an expenditure of over £100,000,000 significant economies can be made without impairing efficiency or curtailing essential or useful services. Accordingly, the Government have decided that a general economy of at least £3,500,000 in the cost of the public administration must be secured. I can assure the Dáil and the taxpayer that this matter will be most vigorously pursued in every Department.

REVENUE.

Before coming to a final review of the budgetary position, there are some revenue and other matters to which I must advert.

First of all, it is gratifying to note that the White Paper figures for non-tax revenue show an increase of £3,153,000 over last year's receipts. Larger interest receipts from the E.S.B. and other borrowers compensate in part for the heavier debt charges on the Central Fund. The transfer from the Central Bank on foot of surplus income is doubled, the figure this year being £800,000 as against £400,000. After the many harsh things which have been said here about the board of the bank, it would ill-become the Minister for Finance if he did not say that he at least appreciates this substantial contribution to alleviate the taxpayer's burden. It will defray approximately two-thirds of the interest on the Marshall Aid Loan. The Post Office services, which are the main category of non-tax revenue, show an increase of £890,000, partly as a result of normal expansion and partly in contemplation of the measures to reduce commercial losses recently announced by the responsible Minister.

In estimating receipts from taxation in the current year I have considered it reasonable, having regard to the general character of the Budget and prevailing trends, to allow for a natural increase in the revenue, particularly from those duties which are showing their innate resilience after the temporary set-back of last year. There is good reason to anticipate a substantial improvement in customs and excise revenue, partly offset, however, by reductions in the estimated yield of income-tax and corporation profits tax. Motor vehicle duties are expected to yield £4,350,000 or almost £500,000 more than for last year. In all, tax revenue this year at current rates is expected to show an improvement of roughly £2,000,000 on last year's actual figure, thus in effect reaching last year's target.

SPIRITS.

I have already expressed the view that the produce of the spirits dutylast year was adversely affected by the fact that consumption had been met in part by using up stocks on hand rather than by withdrawing stocks from bond. I have budgeted, accordingly, for an increase in the spirits revenue in the present financial year, but I do not propose to make any change in the rate of duty. I am fully satisfied that any reduction would result in a loss of revenue.

INCOME-TAX.

It is exactly 100 years since income-tax was applied to Ireland but no one would have wished me to celebrate the centenary by raising the tax still further. I am sorry, indeed, that circumstances make it impossible for me to propose a reduction in the rate or any increase in reliefs or allowances. The appropriate Financial Resolution will be moved.

Over the century, and particularly in recent years as the standard rate of tax has increased, the income-tax code has been under constant criticism. One of the more recent but most persistent contentions is that the present incidence of the tax constitutes a positive deterrent to the modernisation and extension of productive capacity. This is so serious a possibility from the point of view of national development that, despite the many difficulties involved, the Government have decided that the matter should be fully investigated. The decision will impose demands on the time of individuals, companies and organisations in industry and commerce wishing to make representations. It will also put considerable strain on the already hard-pressed Revenue Commissioners whose principal preoccupation must always be the efficient collection of the revenue in accordance with existing law. Arrangements are, however, being made to set up a committee to consider the question of the incidence of direct taxation on production. Its personnel and terms of reference will be announced in due course.

STAMP DUTY .

Under the Stamp Acts as they stand, a purchaser of lands or houses can avoid the increase in duty, imposed some years ago, by adopting a somewhatdevious method of acquiring the property. In the case of a non-national liable to pay at the 25 per cent. rate the duty evaded might be considerable. I propose to move a Financial Resolution to-day with a view to closing the loophole.

Another stamp duty matter arises this year. The rates for purchases of lands or houses by Irish citizens operate only if the deed contains a statement that the person acquiring the property is an Irish citizen. It has been brought to my notice that some purchasers, in the belief that they were not Irish citizens, have omitted the statement and paid duty at 25 per cent., but have found afterwards that they were in fact entitled to describe themselves as Irish citizens at the time of the purchase. Existing law affords no relief and so I propose to insert a provision in the Finance Bill which will authorise the Revenue Commissioners to make refunds in appropriate cases. The cost to the Exchequer will be trifling.

ENTERTAINMENTS DUTY.

Over the past two years I have had repeated representations from the representatives of the cinema proprietors concerning the present scale of entertainments duty. This scale is highly anomalous at several stages in its gradation and I have agreed that it should be replaced. The proposed new scale, while avoiding an increase in the incidence of duty on any current admission charge, will afford some relief at the lower levels of admission charges. I am not seeking to gain revenue by the change—in fact I may lose a little—but, if so, the loss will not be of any significance.

These changes in the law will have an insignificant effect on the revenue. The position now is that we have a prospective revenue of £101.17 million to cover a current expenditure which at most should not exceed £98.75 million. I shall be forgiven if I pause here to look back on my previous term as Minister for Finance in the days before the war and reflect how happy I should have been to gladden the heart of the taxpayer by the announcementof a surplus of almost £2,500,000. Alas this year's possible surplus emerges only to tantalise the taxpayer and then begins to fade away when we turn to consider the Civil Service Arbitration Award.

CIVIL SERVICE ARBITRATION AWARD.

This Government will not borrow to defray increases in public remuneration. They stand firmly on the principle that such increases must be met out of taxation and that those who advocate them or grant them must accept the necessity for raising the requisite tax revenue to meet them. In the light of the revenue trends of last year the Government, who in the Budget for that year had already substantially increased taxation to meet, inter alia, the cost of a previous arbitration award, exercised their rights under the Civil Service Arbitration Agreement and decided that they could not pay any increase in remuneration in respect of 1952-53. That decision has been fully vindicated by the out-turn of last year's Budget.

The substantial economies which will be vigorously sought and secured in administrative and other expenditure will enable the award to be met in respect of 1953-54, but not for any prior period, without an increase in taxation. The Government have decided accordingly and the decision will be effective as from April 1st. Approval will also be given on the same basis to corresponding adjustments in the pay of other State personnel, including the Army and the Garda Síochána, and in teachers' salaries. It is estimated that the cost in the current financial year of all these increases will be £2.4 million, which will in effect absorb the amount which otherwise might have been available for reducing taxation.

Current expenditure, therefore, for 1953-54 comes into line with current revenue at approximately £101,000,000. This sum marks the limit of expenditure beyond which the Government is determined not to go until the present pressure on resources is eased by an expansion of national output and taxation has been reduced to a more tolerable level. Only the gravest and mosturgent grounds of national interest will be accepted as justifying any modification of that attitude.

CONCLUSION.

This Budget marks the second phase in the struggle of this Government to re-establish order in the public finances and in the nation's economy; and we may now review what we have accomplished in that regard. We have virtually resolved the balance of payments problem. We have stimulated thrift and industry. We have regained for the State the confidence of the saving and investing public, so that we can look forward with assurance to the continuance of a well-ordered and sound programme of productive capital investment. To the measure of the nation's capacity, we have expanded the social services and provided for the health and welfare of our people. We have been concerned to make good past deficiencies in the vital matter of national defence. We have met the demands of the public servants for increases in remuneration with due regard to the position of the taxpayer. And we have taken decisions which assure the balance of this year's current Budget. This is a Budget which is designed to achieve stability of prices and money values, to foster increased productive effort and to afford a firm basis for continued economic and social progress. That progress, however, can only be achieved if we have not only a sound financial basis for it, but the will, enterprise and energetic effort which are essential if we are to develop our economy and expand our markets even in face of intensified competition. It must be clear to all of us, worker and employer, farmer and industrialist, public servant and politician alike, that we cannot maintain our present standard of living, much less improve it, unless we earn that standard by a substantial increase in production which will reflect itself in increased exports. Thanks to the measures which the Government have taken during their term of office, the nation is no longer moving towards economic disaster; it has regained its balance; and it only remains for it, unitedlyand co-operatively, to bend its will and its energies to ensure that the bright prospects which now open before it will be realised to the full.

It took you a long time to say nothing.

Would it not be much more sincere to allow the people of Wicklow to give their answer?

In classical literature the disappearance of a certain person was always lamented by the habitual phrase that a voice was left and nothing else. We have had 66 pages of bad and doubtful economics and what does not appear to be very appetising rhetoric, and nothing for the people. Sixty-six pages and nothing besides. I am wrong to say nothing; there are two reliefs which I want to go back on in a moment. First of all I want to refer to the argument which we made last year about the £10,000,000 over-taxation and which was used inconclusively. Now the contention that there was that amount of over-taxation has been proved by the event. Revenue fell owing to the incompetent handling of the public finances by about £2,000,000 or £3,000,000. So we are faced with a depreciated and declining revenue, with nearly £8,000,000 of Supplementary Estimates, £4,500,000 of which were not forecast but were financed.

I said that there are two reliefs that should be mentioned. Businessmen are now promised a committee to consider and report upon—the phrase that follows I suppose is intended to be reassuring—depreciation and obsolescence of machinery. Party funds must be low, but Party expectations must be higher than usual if they believe that business is going to come forward with cash on promises that may or may not be implemented at some future date. Last year we had the remission of taxes to the ballroom proprietors; this year we are dealing with their sumptuary brethren, the cinema proprietors. One can only conclude that they have not subscribed as much as the ballroom proprietors to Party funds because theyare promised only a slight revision in the lower charges. When one considers what sort of depreciation will rank for relief, one is rather puzzled by the announcement of a relief to cinema proprietors in this year's Budget.

The Budget no doubt will be phrased in the newspapers afterwards as a "Standstill Budget" but there is another phrase that could more properly be applied to it, the highwayman's phrase of "stand and deliver". We stand as last year, to deliver £101,000,000. That is the sum to be exacted from a community which has been entreating the Minister for the last few weeks to have some common sense in his economics and to make some effort to grant some alleviation in the harsh levies imposed last year. How are we to achieve stability if no relief is afforded? If I said what the Minister said when I was over there, that in any year I was counting on £3,500,000 economies which would be pursued during the year, it would be phrased as a very dubious type of economy. However that is the insecure basis on which this Budget is presented to the people. In addition we have the promise which was made last year and which is repeated this year, that there would be no Supplementary Estimate during the year.

I did not say that last year.

You did. We heard that statement last year.

And the Taoiseach also made that statement.

That is not true.

We heard it last year but notwithstanding that statement, we had Supplementary Votes introduced in the course of the year to the tune of £8,000,000 odd and we are told that £4,000,000 of these were not forecast. In addition the Minister is going to cash-in on part of the carry over from these Supplementary Estimates to the extent of £300,000. That brings the figure to the carry over from £2,500,000 to £2,800,000 although at the time we were told that the Budget was unbalanced. If these three items aretaken together it will be seen that there was £11,500,000 accounted for, a sum very like the £10,000,000 which we said was imposed in unnecessary taxation last year.

What has happened this year is that expenditure has been forced up to meet the over-taxation imposed in last year's Budget. Finally the Minister adds the items under the heading of voted capital services while at the same time he pretends to be critical of our method of budgeting and indulges in a correction of what he describes as "bad financing until a better time arrives." In the end, he expects that the yield from the present taxes will show an advance of about £2,000,000 over this year. He has provided us in the White Paper with a glimpse of the better times he foresees. The yield from income-tax and surtax is down, or is estimated to be down, by about £700,000. That is a very significant drop but it does not even tell the whole tale as since 1947-48, the yield from income-tax, notwithstanding the reliefs given and notwithstanding remissions of taxation, rose by about 50 per cent., or from something about £12,000,000 to £18,000,000. This year there is going to be a drop. In the year we have just finished there was still a huge yield from taxation because business had not completely felt the inefficiency of the Minister's handling of the affairs of the nation and the impact of last year's Budget. Notwithstanding the recorded estimate of a reduction, the Minister believes that he will get £2,000,000 extra by way of yield from the present rates. If he does it can only be by some way of some new levy on the public. It may be a hidden tax as the increased Post Office charges are a hidden tax which take them out of the precise tax category but the result is the same. That is the result of the Budget. It is founded on a variety of misconceptions phrased throughout the Minister's speech. We were told that the National Loan was a striking demonstration of confidence in the Government—a striking demonstration of confidence obtained at a charge of 5 per cent. You can get even a better expression of confidence by issuing a loan at 6 per cent.

We are told that last year there was no marked or general disturbance of the country's economy—that at a time when there is depression and distress all round, when rates have gone up, when the number of unemployed has increased to the figure we all know, when emigration is excessive to an extent to call forth the lamentations of each Bishop as he visits his various parishes at Confirmation. If the people believe that there has been no marked or general disturbance in the country's economy, how is the Minister going to explain the presence of Alderman Thomas Byrne from North-West Dublin?

We are told that the Budget was carried through with a minimum of embarrassment to domestic interests. The Minister does not include his own Party in that statement or if he does will he say that there is no embarrassment in the words, to parody an old song: "Follow me down to Wicklow"? The Minister believes that some things have led to increased costs without saying where the high costs proceed from. He has told farmer Deputies that he is not going to stimulate agriculture any further, as he believes taxation presses so lightly on the land. We are told also that if the citizens decided to spend less on consumer goods or to save more, they would have more money to invest. The people will know whether they are spending less was due to a desire to save or was simply due to the fact that the Minister had robbed them last year. Did he not say in his Budget statement that he was making the attack which he made upon them last year, because salaries were too high and had gone higher than the increase in the cost of living?

I have a word of welcome for one thing only in this Budget. It is that which has now been done grudgingly and belatedly for the State personnel. The Minister is giving at least an instalment of the award to this personnel by the arbitration body the Minister himself set up. He is giving it from the 1st April. He is withholding from the State personnel, civil servants, teachers, Army and Guards what was due to them under the arbitration award as from an earlier date.If the Minister finds it possible to take some part of the carry over to pay for arms and equipment of this country, would it be anything more disgraceful, in the way of economics, to take some part of that carry over to pay what is due to State personnel from the 18th November last?

The Minister appears in this Budget to accept the system he so much criticised and precisely condemned of these State capital services. The Minister's Budget has not accepted it but at least this year is an improvement in so far as it has not refuted the principle of maintaining a level of investment socially and economically desirable in this country, even though it be beyond the present saving capacity of the community.

The Minister announces one extra relief. The Government are going to provide more for Mianraí Teoranta. The Estimate for the Department of Industry and Commerce shows this year a reduction of £55,000 in payments to Mianraí Teoranta. The Minister knows the names of approximately 50 people who were sent forward to head office as likely to be unemployed as a result of this refusal of funds. With the Wicklow by-election in the offing, Mianraí Teoranta will get this belated relief and will be able to put these men back into employment. The net result of the Minister's speech, all these gyrations and all this economic talk, is that for another year the community has to suffer the savagery of the Budget attack of last year. There is no alleviation given to the people notwithstanding the fact that the newspapers have been full of entreaties to the Minister to recognise the harm he did and to do whatever he could to repair that harm.

Efficiency experts are in the air. One such expert has been described as a person brought in to see that anything that goes wrong goes wrong the right way. The Minister shows his versatility by having that as his objective. The other type of expert has been described as one to see that if anything goes right it is done the wrong way. This community has got to pay £101,000,000 for a second year. I suppose people will be happy to hearto-night that, while there is no alleviation, there is no increase in taxation. But the Deputies recognise that they are unpopular. They have lost any hold they had on the country and they have lost that mainly as a result of mishandling our finances. They recognise that, given a chance, the people will definitely show their appreciation of the harm that has been done and they will turn to those from whom they believe it is possible to expect something better.

The lengthy speech to which we have listened from the Minister for Finance is about as brazen an attempt as I have ever listened to to conceal the very serious deterioration in the whole economic and trade position which has taken place over the past 18 months and particularly over the past 12 months. We have had presented to us a document of 66 pages, a document in which the Minister explains his Budget. After listening to the Minister's speech and perusing the document carefully, everybody must come to the conclusion that this is a dreary and uninspiring Budget. This document maintains every one of last year's vicious impositions on the people of this country.

Food prices are going to remain at their present high level, if, in fact, they are not going to be increased. There is no hope for the unemployed people. There is no serious effort to attempt to bring about any economic renaissance which is so urgently needed if we are to correct the present appalling economic deterioration which is taking place all round. We had from the Minister in the second last page of this document what looked like an heroic recitation by the Minister. The words are worthy of repetition. He said:—

"We have stimulated thrift and industry. We have regained for the State the confidence of the saving and investing public, so that we can look forward with assurance to the continuance of a well ordered and sound programme of productive capital investment."

Later on we are told:—

"... the nation is no longer movingtowards economic disaster; it has regained its balance; and it only remains for it, unitedly and co-operatively, to bend its will and its energies to ensure that the bright prospects which now open before it will be realised to the full."

That is a tenth-rate recitation from the Minister—something you would hear in a down-town concert hall. That is the kind of effort by which it is hoped to put a brass face on the economic situation which confronts the country to-day. Let us contrast this mass of verbiage on page 66 of the document against the three main problems confronting the country to-day and when we are making the contrast let us remember the Minister's recitation on page 65. "We have stimulated thrift and industry." Let us see how we have done it.

I have here a document issued by the Department of the Taoiseach and dated April, 1953. It shows that on the 25th April there were 84,000 people signing for unemployment benefit at the labour exchange. We find that that was 17,000 more than were signing on the 25th April last year. Yet the Minister for Finance with brazen audacity tells us that this Government has "stimulated thrift and industry." They certainly have "stimulated" thrift amongst the 84,000 people who are signing at the unemployment exchanges. They do not spend their money recklessly now. The thrift the Minister put in them was the thrift of poverty because they cannot buy the barest necessaries of life. It was not their money that went into the 5 per cent. £20,000,000 loan. These people cannot provide themselves with the ordinary necessaries of life. Yet the Minister talks about the nation having regained its balance with 84,000 people signing at the unemployment exchange. That figure would be substantially higher were it not for the fact that the Minister had cut thousands off by the application of the Employment Period Order this year. The right figure to-day is one of 100,000 people and not the 84,000 people recorded in this document. Yet we are told in this statement that all the nation has got to do is "to bend its will and its energies to ensure that thebright prospects which now open before it will be realised to the full." Does the Minister live in the clouds? Is the Minister a citizen of cuckoo land, or is the Minister's passion for the main road such that he does not know what is happening in the small towns, villages, and rural areas throughout the country?

Take the question of unemployment. If one starts at Gardiner Street, moves over to Werburg Street and then up to Victoria Street, or if one goes to any other employment exchange to be found up and down the country, one will find that larger numbers of people are seeking unemployment benefit to-day than ever sought it over the last 15 years, and all that in a year in which we are told "we are stimulating thrift and industry." A statement like that, coming from the Minister, is a mockery and a satire on the sufferings of the tens of thousands of people who regard this frothy and windy document as just a mockery on what they are enduring from day to day under a Government which, in the last two years, has increased unemployment by no less than 26,000, according to its own official figures. In spite of that, the Minister talks about "stimulating thrift and industry."

Contrast this document against the three main problems which are confronting the country to-day. Contrast it against the problem of unemployment, and you find this Government's record is a record of dismal failure, not only from the point of view of not solving the unemployment problem but of keeping it from attaining its present gigantic proportions. The Taoiseach told us, with a candour which does him credit, but with an appalling sense of frustration so far as the unemployed are concerned, that the Government, in fact, had no plan for dealing with unemployment. They had no remedy at all. The old fairy tale remedies of 20 years ago which were uttered by the Fianna Fáil Party are now discovered to have been so many punctured balloons. The Taoiseach does not believe in them now, althongh he got almost annoyed if one referred to the fact at one time that he uttered a statement which indicated that itwas only a matter of organising the State in the way in which he had in mind to ensure that everyone would be employed, and that the only danger was that there was the possibility that they might be drowned in a deluge of milk and honey. He must realise now that these old days are gone.

We have a more serious unemployment situation in the country to-day than we have had at any time during the last 15 years. Take price levels. They are higher to-day than they have ever been in the memory of the oldest man or woman alive to-day. People are paying more for articles of food and clothing to-day than they have ever paid in this country since man first populated it. That, again, is the achievement of the Fianna Fáil Government because, thanks to the Fianna Fáil Government and the last Budget, and to the action and inaction of that Government during the past 20 months, the cost of living has soared to a new, to an all-time record.

There is no provision in this Budget for any relief for the tens of thousands of people up and down the country who were crippled by last year's Budget. They are now facing another year with the prospect of having to carry the same burdens. The people will have the same heavy, onerous burdens to carry. There will be the same unflinching burdens, so far as they are concerned, to try and make ends meet, burdens such as they have had to endure during the past 12 months.

Take the problem of emigration. Every Bishop who speaks in this country, and who has been speaking for some time past, has been deploring the way in which the rural areas and the small towns have been denuded of their population. The census figures which were issued during the last few days showed that the Celt is now going faster than even the London Timesat one time thought possible. It is taking an appalling tax on the flower of our manhood and womanhood. That situation, in the main, is attributable to the fact that those who are emigrating are going, largely from the rural areas and the small towns, because they are unable to find the employment which would keep them at home to createwealth if that employment were available for them. So far as they are concerned, they do not see any evidence of “stimulating the thrift and industry” which is referred to in such a prosy manner by the Minister for Finance. Tested against these three main problems—emigration, unemployment and high prices—this Budget statement is a complete distortion of the facts so far as our economic position is concerned. Tested against the sufferings of the people, due to unemployment, high prices and emigration, this document gives no hope of relief whatever.

Everybody knows that there has been a substantial fall in house building. There are four times more unemployed tradesmen to-day than there were two years ago, and the figure is mounting. That fact is going to give us further unemployment during the ensuing year in the matter of house building. There have been savage cuts imposed this year in the grants made under the Local Authorities (Works) Act. The sum of £66,000 was given in the year 1949-50 in the County Kildare under the Local Authorities (Works) Act, and that has been reduced to £11,000 this year.

That is not bad compared to what has happened in the case of other counties.

The grants given under that Act gave a substantial amount of employment in the rural areas in the draining of land when there was no other work available. That, as I say, is gone. The figure has now been brought down to such a low level that it can make no perceptible contribution towards the absorption of unemployed people in the rural areas.

The only thing that would help to bring these grants back would be a by-election.

I shall come to that later. In this 66-page document, to which the Minister treated the House to-day, there are 19 lines devoted to agriculture. I am sure all the farmers on those benches, and Deputy Cogan, will draw joy and inspiration from that. These 19 lines ought to be cutout and used as a Fianna Fáil poster in the pending by-election in Wicklow —19 lines out of a 66-page document devoted to agriculture. That is the best that the Government are able to do for agriculture. If agriculture cannot get on with that, then they had better forget about it.

The position, at any rate, to-day is that we have an appalling flight from the land. Agriculture is stagnant and has been stagnant for the last 50 years. Our industrial production has fallen. These are the characteristics of this Budget—high prices, 26,000 more unemployed and a substantial increase in emigration with a stagnant and deteriorating agriculture. There has been a fall in industrial production, a fall in house building and a substantial reduction in the grants hitherto made available under the Local Authorities (Works) Act. In the face of these unchallengeable facts, the Minister offers to us and to the country the solace of these 66 pages of wasted paper.

The Minister took great pride in the fact that the National Loan filled during the past year. The Minister was concerned during the year to see that the National Loan would fill—to use his own words he was going to make sure that the saving of a "ha'porth of tar" would not prevent the loan from filling. Twenty million pounds were borrowed during the year at 5 per cent. But the Birmingham Corporation recently borrowed £6,000,000 on the London money market at 4¼ per cent. If the Minister, during the year, had not spent so much of his time in maligning the prudent finances of this State he could have gone to the country and got a loan at substantially less than 5 per cent. He was anxious, however, to make political capital against his opponents, and proceeded to tell the country that its finances were in a bad way. He created such an atmosphere that he dare not ask the public for money at 3½, 3¾ or 4 per cent. Now, we are going to have another loan this year, presumably at 5 per cent. All that we have to pay for the loan this year, with all the additional interest, is made necessary by the recklessly intemperate speeches made over the last 18 monthsby the Minister for Finance—by him more than by any other Minister.

There is a reference in this Budget to the Government's proposal to pay an increase to State servants, as from the 1st April. State servants—or a substantial proportion of State servants— got an award from the Arbitration Board on the 18th November last. That board was constituted by the Minister; the Minister agreed to refer to the board the question as to whether or not an increase should be granted and, if so, what increase; the Minister appointed his representatives on the board; he appointed the chairman of the board; he sent his heaviest artillery to the board to make the strongest case he could against the State servants; and notwithstanding that, an award was given by the chairman of the Arbitration Board on the 18th November last recommending payment from the 1st November last. The Minister will not pay the November arrears; he will not pay the December arrears, the January arrears, the February arrears or the March arrears. In other words, he is going to adopt the disreputable and despicable practice of cheating these lowly-paid State servants out of the honest award which they got from the ministerially-appointed chairman of the Arbitration Board on the 18th November last. That is welshing of the worst description. The Minister is now adopting an attitude which has been adopted by no other decent employer in the country. The Minister has held up the award from the 18th November to the 6th May and now says he will not pay the arrears, the arrears having been caused by his own failure to accept the award at the time when it was given, in the same way as every decent employer in the country acts in regard to awards of the Labour Court. I characterise that attitude of the Government as deliberately cheating these people out of the award which they got from the board.

Ordinary employers and workers are expected to honour and abide by the award of the Labour Court. The ordinary citizen is expected to respect the awards of the Government's own courts. But, for the Government, thereis an acceptance of no law, not even the common law or the moral law, in relation to this Civil Service arbitration. I do not know whether it is any use at this stage appealing to a Government which can apparently treat its moral obligations with such contumely as the Government has shown in repudiating the moral obligation which rests upon it to honour this award.

The Deputy is going into detail on this point. It will arise later for discussion.

It will, I hope, and I will have something more to say about it then. The Government is in honour bound to pay the arrears created by its own delaying action and I hope the Government has still sufficient adherence to the moral law and sufficient respect for the Ten Commandments to induce them to do so.

It is a weary, dreary, uninspiring Budget. It is a Budget which takes no cognisance of the existing needs of the nation, of the need for a bold, forward, courageous policy of economic development, and of wise spending in all fields of national endeavour. The best thing that could be done with this Budget would be for the Taoiseach to take it to the President and ask for a dissolution of the Dáil. After another midnight ride to-night, the Taoiseach should tell the President that he is bursting to test out the views of the country on this uninspiring Budget. If the Taoiseach would only take that course, I venture to say that in about three weeks time he would be a wiser and a more realistic man, as he would then know the feelings of the country, he would know clearly and unmistakably by the vote given in the election, that this is not the Budget that this nation wants, that they want a Budget which will hold out, as this does not, some relief for the 100,000 unemployed, some relief from the present level of high prices and some stopping of the haemorrhage on our manhood and womanhood by the exodus of our people to Britain.

I, for one, expected that the Budget speech would contain some relief or some solution for three domestic problems that I hold most urgent in this country at the present time. The first is the cost of living, the second is the 90,000 unemployed and the third is what the Government proposes to do for our principal industry, agriculture, in view of the fact that 78,000 young men between the ages of 15 and 45 have fled from the land since 1946. I have often wished that the public gallery was big enough to gather in the public to see for themselves the flippant, irresponsible, clown-in-the-circus attitude that the Minister for Finance displayed during the greater part of his Budget speech.

The Deputy should not refer to the Minister for Finance as a clown in a circus.

I did not, Sir. I referred to him as seeming like that.

It is the same thing and the Deputy should withdraw the remark.

I said he was adopting that attitude—and nobody deplores that more than I do.

Is the Deputy withdrawing the remark, "clown in the circus", attributed to the Minister for Finance?

I want to point out to you that I did not call the Minister a clown in a circus. I referred to his attitude in the Budget speech as a clown-in-the-circus attitude.

I am asking the Deputy to withdraw it.

Very well. If the Chair presses it, I do so, for the sake of order.

It is unparliamentary.

Nevertheless, that is my impression of what it was. The Minister passed over the whole industry of agriculture very lightly. Onewould gather that it was with the greatest distaste he referred to it at all in his speech. He said that last year, for the first time, exports of agricultural produce exceeded £100,000,000. The actual total was £101.5 million or £20,000,000 higher than in 1951. The Minister is clapping himself on the back for that. Twice during last year I told the present Government that they were achieving an increase in agricultural exports by the device they adopted in the Budget this time last year of depriving our own people of the purchasing power to buy our own farm produce. The Minister has nothing at all to congratulate himself on, as that £20,000,000 increase means that the Irish people have been denied the power to purchase £20,000,000 worth of our own produce. The Minister is very quick, whenever he gets the chance, to proclaim his patriotism and part of that seems to be a deadly hatred of England. I cannot see how a man who hates England as much as the Minister says he does, can show his hatred by stuffing them with £20,000,000 more of our agricultural produce, when our own people are not able to buy it as they could in the days of the inter-Party Government. Sending it across the Channel to England is a novel way to show one's antagonism, making £20,000,000 worth of food available to his avowed enemy, as the Minister has so often described them, by depriving our own people of the power to buy that food. It passes my comprehension and my intellectual capacity to see how the Minister can treat his enemies like that. I would like to be an enemy of his if he started with such kindness, but I would not like to be one of his constituents.

In another paragraph in the Budget speech, under the heading "Potentialities of Agriculture", the Minister says:—

"Whether we like it or not, there is no escape, so far as our export industries are concerned, from the effects of these world developments, and we must adjust the circumstances of our production accordingly. This applies particularly to agriculture, which is the sphere in which we have at once our greatest production and our greatest export potential. Unfortunately,that potential is still far from being fully realised. Taxation presses lightly on the land so that there is little scope for any stimulus under that head."

That is a nice warning, one of the gentle warnings to the farmers, like that which the workers got prior to the Budget last year. Coming events cast their shadows before. He goes on:—

"The Government have provided incentives in a more direct and useful way—by guaranteeing high prices for agricultural produce, by arranging markets."

Would the Minister kindly tell us what high prices for agriculture did he or the Government guarantee? What markets did he arrange? It would be very interesting to know. He says: "by guaranteeing high prices and by arranging markets." But the plum of all is this:—

"...by draining, reclaiming and fertilising the land."

That comes after he deliberately cut down the Local Authorities (Works) Act grant last year by £250,000. That shows how much reliance we can place on any statement in the Budget speech. He tells us that he is draining the land, that that is one of the advantages that agriculture is getting at the present time, and that he is fertilising the land. The lime subsidy this year is £150,000 greater than last year for 26 counties, which works out at an increase of £6,000 or £7,000 per county. No wonder the Minister looks up—when he strays into the field of agriculture he must be a very lost little lamb indeed.

The Minister finishes up that paragraph by saying:—

"Accordingly, if the margin between the return to the producer and his costs should be reduced by the action of the forces to which I have referred, the only practical remedy is to increase production and to spread farm costs over a larger volume of output."

It is a pity the Minister did not tell us what methods he proposes to adopt to increase production. Is one of these methods the method of inducing and assisting 78,000 males between the agesof 15 and 45 to leave the land as they have left it in a period of six or seven years? Is that one of the methods by which it is to be increased? Is another of these methods the cutting down of the drainage grant under the Local Authorities (Works) Act by £250,000?

The Deputy seems to be going into detail at this juncture. The main discussion will take place on the general Resolution No. 3 when the Deputy can raise most of the points he is referring to now.

I was referring to statements in the Minister's speech and had no intention of going into details. I want to refer now to the 90,000 unemployed. There is not one single word in the Budget statement about these 90,000 unemployed and no hope whatever of the re-employment of any of them, nor is there a word in the statement about cutting down the cost of living which is already blistering the poorer sections of our people particularly. I am sure the Minister will feel very happy and will give his usual chuckle when he hears from me that the vast number of people throughout the country are now using less than half the quantity of bread they were using prior to the Budget of last year.

The only relief given in this Budget, strangely enough, follows exactly along the lines of the relief given last year. It is relief this year to the cinema proprietors. Dance hall proprietors last year got a certain relief and this year the cinema proprietors hope to get a certain amount. The Minister dismissed it by saying that he would not gain any money but may lose a little by reason of the adjustment he intends to make I wonder if the Fianna Fáil Party funds will lose anything by it. I do not think they will. I think they will gain a little. The Taoiseach shakes his head.

That thing is too old now.

It is not a bit too old.

We depend for our financial resources on the support of the Irish people and we have always got it.

We know quite well what happened last year and we know what this little move is for. The Parliamentary Secretary may describe it as contemptible. It may be contemptible, but, if it is, it is contemptible from that side, because of its truth.

It is a contemptible suggestion.

If the Deputy has an itching palm, he ought not to ascribe that to other people.

I did not hear what the Minister said. If he has any bricks to throw, I am very willing to have them come across.

And he could not miss you very well.

Unless he is a bad shot. This Budget statement consists of nothing more than 66 pages of sheer empty gas. The position is that the country is to stay where it is, that the hard-pressed people down the country who were hoping for some relief in the cost of living will hear from the radio to-night that the Minister enjoyed himself for the best part of one and three-quarter hours telling them that they are not going to get any relief. The 90,000 unemployed at least now know that the sooner they pack up and clear out the better, that there is no hope of their re-employment this year and that those people on the land who are waiting to see whether agricultural prosperity will be restored before they follow the 78,000 who have left should be getting ready to leave.

I am sure the Minister will be highly pleased when he looks back on his carefully-laid plan, the plan the Government laid when they took office almost two years ago on the basis that the people were eating too much, living too well and spending too much "and we are the crowd who will cut that down". The inter-Party Government brought prosperity to every section ofthe community, but the present Government has brought poverty and privation to practically every home in the Twenty-Six Counties in the short space of two years.

You look like a man who is feeling the pinch.

Deputy Carter may laugh and joke about these things, but he might find that, if he were at a meeting of his constituents, as some of his colleagues were not long ago, he might go in laughing but come out with a very long face as did those colleagues of his on that occasion. I wonder what was the cause of that?

The Deputy is straying very far from the Budget statement.

I am replying to an interruption.

The Deputy should not reply to an interruption.

On a point of order, if a Deputy is not to reply to an interruption, will Deputies be protected from interruptions?

I want to invite the Taoiseach, as Deputy Norton invited him, to take this Budget——

On a point of order, I understood that, in connection with the discussion on the Budget statement, the leaders of Parties made short statements on the main aspects of the Budget and did not go into details. Does that still apply?

The Chair has been endeavouring to point that out to the various speakers.

Does the Parliamentary Secretary want to put on a closure?

I do not want any closure, but I want to see order observed.

How long have I been speaking?

That would apply also to the Minister. I invite the Taoiseach and the Minister to take this Budget to the country, to take it to the small farmer, to the working man, to the 90,000 unemployed, to the small shopkeepers and business people of the country towns whose doors have been virtually closed since this time last year and see what they think of it. That is the proper course to take. Talking will not do very much good here, but that would at least let the Taoiseach and the Minister know exactly what the people think not alone of this year's but of last year's Budget.

It is no exaggeration to say that this nation is facing probably the most serious crisis it has faced since the State was set up. Every economic index shows a disimprovement in the economic position of the country. True, possibly, the position was worse during the war, but at least then there were some exceptional circumstances that caused that situation. We are now in the position where we have higher unemployment figures than at any time since the height of the war; where industrial production figures show a decline; where the number of people in agricultural employment shows a decline; and where the number of people in industrial employment shows a decline.

That is not true.

Deputy McGrath challenges me and says that it is not true. It is unfortunate for the Deputy that he should make a quite casual statement of that kind. I happen to have here the trade journal which, unfortunately for the Minister for Finance, was published this morning and which publishes the statistical returns produced by the Government of the present position of employment. If Deputy McGrath would take the trouble to acquaint himself with the position it might be well because he might then alter his policy. At page 8 of this morning's issue of the trade journal there is an analysis of the number of people in industrial employment. It shows that in September,1951, there were 133.2 thousand people in industrial employment. It shows that, in September, 1952, which is the last figure given, there were 125 9 thousand—a decline of approximately 8,000 people.

The Deputy is going into too much detail at this stage.

I had no intention, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, of going into that detail but Deputy McGrath thought it necessary to say that I was stating something which was untrue.

It is not necessary to reply to an interruption. I would point out to Deputy MacBride that at this stage it is customary to call on the leaders of the various Parties to make short extempore speeches. The broad discussion will take place later.

That was entirely my intention.

Does Deputy McGrath withdraw the remark?

I thought it was only the leaders of Parties who could speak now.

That is quite true.

I agree entirely with the position as the Chair states it. I had no intention of going into details. I made a statement which was relevant to the Budget just introduced, but Deputy McGrath interrupted me and said I had stated something which was untrue. I would now ask you to ask Deputy McGrath to withdraw that remark.

The Chair cannot ask Deputy McGrath to withdraw that remark. It is a matter of opinion that the Chair cannot decide either way.

It is not a question of opinion; it is a matter of fact as to what is the number of unemployed and what is the employment position in the country now. I stated and restate that there are fewer people in employmentnow and more people in unemployment, that the country is facing probably the worst economic crisis that it has faced at any time since the inception of this State and that in those circumstances it does seem tragic that the Minister for Finance in introducing a Budget on behalf of his Government makes no reference, good, bad or indifferent, to the economic position of the country from the point of view of employment or from the point of view of unemployment.

In so far as he does make some references to it these references certainly appear to be misleading having regard to the facts of the position. He states that recovery in production is already on the way. The figures published this morning show that there is a fall in industrial production. The Minister for Finance also told us that what he described as an improvement in the situation with reference to the balance of payments had been achieved without any marked or general disturbance in the country's economy. Is he really serious in saying that? I think everybody knows that there has been chaos in the economy of the country in the course of the last year, chaos in the business life of the country, chaos as regards employment. There has been more unemployment than at any time since the height of the war. To come along and say then that his policy has not resulted in marked or general disturbance of the country's economy is surely underrating the intelligence of his House and of the public generally.

What is disturbing with regard to the unemployment position, and it is a fact that I would like to point out to the Minister for Finance, in case he has not adverted to it, is that it is progressively becoming worse at a time when it should be rapidy improving. At the beginning of this year, in January, we had the position in which 13,000 more were unemployed than in January, 1951. In February there were 23,000 more unemployed.

The Chair has already pointed out to the Deputy that he is going into too much detail at this juncture.

If the Chair would indicate the number of minutes a Deputy has to speak he could keep within that.

The Chair cannot indicate any such thing to any Deputy. As I have already pointed out, the leaders of Parties at this juncture are entitled to make short, extempore speeches and not to go into detail on questions that will arise later in the main debate.

I cannot discuss this Budget or discuss the Government's economic policy without discussing unemployment and emigration and I am not going to be muzzled. I shall talk about emigration and unemployment here.

The Deputy has made a charge that the Chair is restricting the Deputy in the points which he wishes to raise. The Chair is doing nothing of the kind. The Chair is trying to point out to the Deputy that on this occasion he is entitled to make a short speech but not to go into the welter of detail which he has gone into during the last ten minutes.

I beg respectfully to submit that you have exaggerated the position. I have not gone into a welter of detail. I have pointed out that the gravity of the unemployment situation is that it is becoming progressively worse and I am not going to allow myself to be muzzled on that issue.

The Chair has already pointed out to the Deputy that he will get ample opportunity of going into questions of detail, of referring to unemployment and all the other questions at a later stage, as has been the established custom of this House. Unless the Deputy wishes to obey the Chair he will have to resume his seat.

On a point of order. I am perfectly certain that Deputy MacBride does not desire to be impolite or discourteous to the Chair, but it is the invariable custom, at least obeyed by the older members of this House, that when the Chair rises to speak a Deputy resumes his seat.

And seldom observed by the Minister.

I have always done it.

My eyes must be suffering so.

The point which I think it is essential to underline is that, not merely are there approximately 90,000 people unemployed, but the situation has been growing worse and disimproving by comparison with other years and by comparison with the period of the year. At the beginning of April there were 27,000 more unemployed.

The Deputy is continuing to go into detail. I have already pointed out that it is not permissible at this stage. Surely that is quite clear.

With respect, surely the most germane question to the economic policy of the Government is the question of unemployment and emigration. Surely I am entitled to point out to the Minister and to the House that the position has been growing worse in the five months since the beginning of the year; that in this Budget Statement unemployment is not referred to once; that there are no steps being taken to remedy the unemployment position; that on the contrary, the economic policy the Government is pursuing is likely to make the situation even worse. The responsibility of the present unemployment position lies directly with the Government because it is the Government that created that unemployment situation by its budgetary policy of last year which it is re-enacting this year. In my submission to the House this is probably one of the worst situations this country has faced. We cannot afford further deterioration, we cannot afford further emigration, we cannot afford a further fall in production. The policy which the Minister is pursuing is one which must inevitably lead to a continuance of thedisimprovement in the economic position of the country which took place in the course of the last year.

The Minister congratulated the Board of the Central Bank on the amount of money they received. It might be more to the point if the Minister told the House what rate of interest the Central Bank is receiving on its £50,000,000 or £60,000,000 of British securities. I notice that at the same time the Minister talked of the help that the Government were giving to the farmer by way of credits. It might be of more interest to the farmers if he told them that he would be prepared to make credits available for them at the same rate of interest at which he is prepared to make credits available to the British Government.

I should like the Minister to give some further explanation of the rather cryptic references he made to the provisions which he intended to make in regard to the increase in pay for the Army, for the Guards, and for the teachers. He was rather vague in his reference. So far as the teachers are concerned, there has been a most shameful breach of faith in what has taken place in regard to the arbitration machinery. There has been a complete breach of faith with them and they are entitled to know exactly what the Minister proposes to do at this stage. Does he propose to increase the emoluments, with or without arbitration? Does he stand over the arbitration machinery created by the action of the previous Government, or is it his intention to put up conditions so as to make that impossible? These are matters upon which the House is entitled to get some information.

Again, I want to repeat that this Budget is introduced in circumstances in which the country is facing one of the most serious situations it has had to face. The country has never been faced with a worse crisis as far as emigration and unemployment are concerned, a situation brought about by no particular emergency but that created by the Government's economic policy. If that situation is not remedied the life of this nation will be actually in danger.

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