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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 3 Nov 1953

Vol. 142 No. 8

Committee on Finance. - Vote 50—Industry and Commerce (Resumed).

Debate resumed on motion: "That the Estimate be referred back for reconsideration."—(Deputy Cosgrave.)

Major de Valera

On the last occasion I was dealing with some points raised by Deputy Larkin. On looking back I find that the difficulty, as I said on that occasion, is the difference in fundamental approach, and I prefer to deal with these on the basis of the policy which we have been operating, namely, to try to build our industry and our commerce in this country on a private enterprise basis as far as possible. Circumstanced as we are and starting late in the race, again quoting Deputy Larkin, there has been only one possible approach for us. It has been to stimulate private enterprise to supply the gaps on the industrialside of our economy as far as it is possible.

In the course of that stimulation it has been necessary to give certain assistance at State level. The necessity for that assistance arose in many respects from historical circumstances and from the fact of having to enter at a late stage upon the competition that was there. The assistance which is being given in fact stimulates, and did stimulate in the past, considerable activity and considerable investment here, and from two points of view, as I pointed out on the last occasion, the results have been beneficial. We have gone a certain distance, in fact, a long way, towards redressing the want of balance in our economy and making ourselves more self-reliant. We have, at the same time, provided a certain amount of employment, a certain amount of activity which is necessary for the well-being of the community.

The assistance which is given is the ground on which Deputy Larkin, for one, suggests that this private enterprise is not private enterprise, that the public has an interest in it. Of course the public has an interest. The community as a whole has an interest in the activities of any part, but that is not the point. The point of balance in Deputy Larkin's statement is that, very fairly, the public has an interest through the State and the Department in the development I have referred to. On the other hand, the public has reaped the benefit in the important economic sense I have already mentioned, but it also reaped a benefit financially, because from the activities of these industries the Minister for Finance has got a not inconsiderable return each year.

However, let me come back to the basis of the whole thing. What is the policy we are trying to operate here? Let us be clear about it. We are trying to operate as far as possible a private enterprise economy. I think that anybody who studies the matter is fairly convinced that for us it is the best overall approach. It is likely to be the most efficient approach. That is what we are trying to do and that is the outlook and the policy to-day. It hasbeen, as far as I can see, the continuous policy since this State came into being. It has been necessary to supplement purely private undertakings not only by such types of stimulation as tariffs and protection in particular which have been frequently referred to but by direct initiative on the part of the State in regard to certain projects.

It is possibly a necessity, arising out of the circumstances in which we were placed and from the size of our resources, because these projects, necessary as they were for the national economy, were not within the scope of purely private enterprise in the years in question. Certainly, it is questionable and arguable whether such projects under conditions of modern organisation, social and economic, can in future be initiated easily and maintained by purely private enterprise companies. So that we have to admit that there are certain aspects, in our particular case at any rate, where it is necessary for the State to take the active initiative and active interest in their development. Such concerns as the E.S.B., Bord na Móna and the Irish Sugar Company were all-important contributions but whereas these concerns are national concerns in one sense, national in their scope and national also in the sense that their finances basically have had to be built up by the State, nevertheless, these concerns have, as far as possible, been run very much on the lines of large public companies with considerable success.

It is the happy mean, so to speak, struck in the organisation of the E.S.B., the Irish Sugar Company and Bord na Móna, to take these three examples, that has enabled them to function as successfully as they have functioned heretofore.

I think we have found some kind of formula that is useful and helpful in our picture, but the concerns are not quite the same type of nationalised concerns which some people seem to have in mind when they talk about nationalisation. Before dealing with that, let me finish my remarks in regard to our economy as I see it. In regard to certain large undertakings, we will have to have State interventionand State support. That should, as far as possible, be confined—and I think it is the policy to confine it—to such large national enterprises as need it. In the operation of that nationalisation, if you like, or national control, every effort is made at decentralisation from the central Government, and every effort is made to run the concerns on business-like lines. Those which have been run in that way have been successful to-day.

After that, our aim should be to stimulate private enterprise and to have the private enterprise company or firm develop the rest of our economy. I think that was the policy. Anyhow, it is not without its advantages. In regard to the concerns I mentioned which have direct State intervention, these have been functioning very satisfactorily and can show a satisfactory record. Many of the private firms have been successful too. Perhaps, that is one of the causes why there is such considerable complaint about them from some quarters. It must not be forgotten that they are an essential part of the basis of the economy we are building. On the basis on which we are building the economy, they are serving the community in three different ways at least.

They are providing industries which have their own economic value themselves as commercial assets. They are providing employment and they are also providing for the interchange of money. Through their prosperity and activity there are many sections of the community benefiting indirectly. That is the basis upon which I want to approach the matters to which I referred the last day.

There is another approach—the socialistic approach. As I have said, it is very difficult to join issue with Deputy Larkin on this because his approach and mine are fundamentally different, but I think I could voice the conviction that to me socialism in the sense of the State undertaking direct intervention and partaking in every sphere of human activity is not, even from the economic point of view, likely to be efficient or beneficial in the long run.

Deputy Larkin did not say that.

Major de Valera

I am saying it about socialism. I am saying that socialism in the sense of indiscriminate nationalisation, apart from whatever other defects it may have, brings with it an inefficiency that changes the profit position to a loss position. We do not have to go very far to prove that proposition. One experiment at home in nationalisation has not been a happy one with all the problems that are involved. I refer to C.I.E. From the economic point of view, if that concern were less the subject of nationalisation and less the subject of direct intervention at that level, it might, from the efficiency and the profit point of view, be in a better position. I know there are other and very important problems. I am not suggesting that that might not be one of the concerns which should be taken in on the basis on which the E.S.B. and Bord na Móna were taken in. The fact is that the position has not been a happy one.

Major de Valera

The next thing is that the experiments in nationalisation in England have not been happy whether it was the Coal Board, transport or anything else that was concerned. On looking at the facts, one is forced to the conclusion, I submit, that if you are going in for nationalisation you have either got to face up to this inefficiency which will bring you loss if you are going to have socialism or else you have to take definite corrective measures within your socialist scheme to make the scheme efficient and work. If you do that what is the answer? Look beyond the Iron Curtain and ask what is the reason for a lot of this regimentation? Why are workers directed here and somebody else coerced there? Why are the disciplinary courts and all the rest of it there? Because the system will not work without these sanctions. I do not want to go any further into the argument than that.

I submit to Deputies that the reason for all the tyranny, or at least one of the reasons for the tyranny associated with the socialistic type of economy that has been forced to be an economic success, has been due to the fact that, without such forcing, itjust could not work. As I see it, there is nobody in this country going to suggest that your socialism is going to be pressed to the point where you are going to regiment everybody, and mind you, that is the only point at which it can be made work. Well, if your socialism is not going to be pushed to that point, and as I say will not work unless it is pushed to that point, is it not better to sit back and take a sober view of the situation—to work the system that we are working here, one that will give a return, and the one that I have tried to outline?

Is the Deputy claiming that the present day system here is working satisfactorily?

Major de Valera

I am claiming that the system of private enterprise here, as far as industrial and commercial activities are concerned, is working reasonably well, and I shall try to expand that point for the benefit of the Deputy in a moment. What I am trying to say is that the Minister's policy in regard to the fostering of industry in this country is probably the best one from a rational point of view for us. That is all I am trying to say. I am also trying to say that nebulous socialism, or indiscriminate nationalisation, does not work: that to make it work you would have to bring in so many sanctions, so many controls and so much dictation that it could only be made work under a tyranny such as is being exercised in some kind of a way in other parts of the world, and nobody in this country wants that.

These remarks are prompted by the fact that I realise, as regards matters that I propose to go into in a moment, there is a fundamentally different approach, or, perhaps, I should say a difference rather between my approach and Deputy Larkin's approach to the problems that we are dealing with. All this was stimulated by the fact that I heard here in the House, and have read since, the remarks made by Deputy Larkin that capital bonuses and dividends were being paid to industry. Let me hasten to add, in case I should forget it, that I quite concede to Deputy Larkin, or to anybody else, that there may be exceptional cases here and there in any freesystem which could be legitimately criticised, and which might invite criticism, though, quite frankly, the cases proposed by Deputy Larkin are, on the face of them, quite answerable. They do not come into that category, though there may be individual cases, or particular matters, calling for correction. Well, let them be corrected, but do not tear down the whole system unless you have something better to offer, and the only thing I can see that is being offered is nebulous socialism. My answer to that is that if you start on that you will be coerced either to drop it with consequential chaos and be faced with a reorganisation, or you will be forced to come to the logical conclusion of having a tyrannical socialism which none of us wants. I am sure that Deputy Hickey, Deputy O'Leary and Deputy Everett want as little of that as I do.

Now, let me come to what Deputy Larkin had to say the last day. I answered him firstly by asking what is wrong with a firm which issues bonus shares? If a firm had a certain real value in 1938 or 1939, and is maintaining its position to-day in real terms— whatever these may be you can measure them in a variety of ways—let us say that in real terms the firm is as strong to-day and is as valuable to-day as it was then. I am asking no more than that at the moment.

Then, I have already pointed out that its monetary value will have at least doubled because of the change in the values of money. In case Deputies do not quite follow me, let me take the simple question of a machine. I know of cases where you could have bought a machine for £2,000 in 1938. You would pay £10,000 for that machine to-day. The relative proportions will vary in the case of different types of machines, but there is one example. The ratio of difference may be less in some cases and considerably more in others. The machine itself has the same real value, and when you try to express that value in money you find that it is five times as valuable to-day as it was then—I mean, of course, in figures but its real value is the same. On that basis I have tried to point out that I can see nothing fundamentally wrong in the issue of bonus shares.

On the question of dividends, Deputy Larkin said it might not be too bad if you only paid the same dividends— that is if you had doubled your capital. I think that would be inequitable because, surely, if the return on the capital at that time was, say, £10 on £100, why should the person who is getting that return to-day be limited only to £10? Would not the proper figure be £20, and that is just the effect of issuing bonus shares? I would grant to Deputy Larkin, and would not argue with him at all on that, if wages had been pegged down. If they had been, then by all means peg down the rate of distributed profit, but wages have gone up. There is there no lack of proportion but, in fact, to do what Deputy Larkin has suggested would be to introduce a disproportion, and that could hardly be justified.

These were some of the answers which I gave to Deputy Larkin on the last occasion, but there is something wider than that. There is this talk generally of profits being made by industrial concerns. Now, there are two aspects of industrial profits. Take your industrial profits in the gross. What are they required for? A firm has to live, whether it is a trading concern or a manufacturing concern. It has to make, during the year, enough to pay its overheads, to pay its wages and to pay all current outgoings, and, if it can do that at line ball, it just merely gets along, but in the meantime it is not getting along: it is slipping back. Its machinery is wearing out and there is no possibility of expansion. But its machinery will be wearing out and so that firm in order that it may live within the system has nothing to fall back on but its profit.

What are its profits required for? In the first instance for replacement. Replacements are necessary from time to time. The word "depreciation" looms largely in some of our discussions. From time to time its buildings will have to be repaired or it will have to replace its machinery. The resources or the money necessary to make these replacements, do not fall out of the skies. Its original capital, presumably, has been used up inestablishing the firm. Therefore, the only way in which the firm can maintain its position, let alone expand, short of calling for additional capital either from the public or from whatever other source it can command, is by making profits. Therefore, a certain amount of profit is needed for that. After that what about the question of expansion. Everybody knows that most industrial firms are depending on the profits they make for future expansion. Sometimes we forget that fact because of the transactions, borrowings, and so on, that can get in between. However, ultimately, if the firm is going to expand it needs money and that money must be got by profits.

Out of the workers.

Major de Valera

In this particular case I am dealing with, the workers' wages have gone up. I would grant the Deputy every point if the workers' wages had not increased. However, I will deal with that later; at the moment I am dealing with overall profits and where they go. The size of the profits made by industrial firms was commented on by Deputy Larkin in his speech. Deputy Larkin instanced one particular case where the profits made were very much greater than the actual capital put in. That should be followed up. Where did those profits go? If they were distributed profits, if they went into people's pockets there might be something in Deputy Larkin's argument, but one will find by and large—I admit there may be exceptions here and there although I am not aware of any— profits of that nature go back into the concern, go back for replacement and expansion. Are we going to quarrel about expansion? If a firm makes profits and by ploughing them back into the business, is able to expand, surely that is a desirable thing rather than the reverse, because the community is getting the benefit. One will find if one examines the profits, particularly of manufacturing firms or firms that are producing things, that the bulk of the profits have probablygone back into machinery and for expansion.

A good lot went into the National Loan.

Major de Valera

Supposing profits did go into the National Loan; is that money not going back into expansion at home in a more general form? Supposing a firm is going to use these profits on new machinery. They may have plant ordered in advance. It may take three or four years to get delivery and the money may be available. Surely the sensible thing to do is to invest it in that period and use it as the payments become due. This type of transaction is absolutely necessary in business because everything cannot be timed to the split second. If money is invested in the National Loan is it not invested in national development? I am rather shocked the Deputy should make a point of that. I should imagine that investing in the National Loan was going very near nationalisation. The bulk of these profits is going back into trade and commerce.

The next point is that a firm must keep a certain reserve. Again the Deputy will say, why not distribute it? The point is that the firm must keep up its outgoings, the wages of the workers and employees generally. Outgoings of that nature are certain and must be paid. The profits made by a firm are anything but certain; in fact, there are very few concerns which do not at some time or another experience a loss. They must have reserves unless they are to break up. Therefore, within prudent limits, a firm will put a certain amount by to secure its future, because not only is it necessary for their own benefit but it is also a necessary security for the workers employed in that business. If the directors of a firm are imprudent, take chances carrying flimsy reserves, the day may come when they cannot weather the storm and the workers are the people who will suffer by being thrown out of their jobs when the collapse comes.

We now come to the vexed question of distributed profits. I have gone to the trouble of checking the list of present-day returns of a number of concerns, quite apart from what onecan read in the daily papers, from various industrial securities here. I think I am fairly safe in saying—and I have not actually worked out an average—that it is below 10 per cent. Many of them are much lower.

Is that on watered capital? If it is, on how much water?

Major de Valera

I do not follow the Deputy. If Deputy Dillon is making the point about capital, I thought I had already stated my view on that. In so far as there have been issues on bonus shares, is that what the Deputy has in mind?

Major de Valera

It is delightful to have Deputy Dillon and Deputy Larkin in such close agreement on this matter. In regard to dividends on that capital, as I pointed out already, it only keeps up the value in proportion with a change in money values. But there is another point involved in all this distribution of dividends. The average Irish investor, I think, is a small investor. As far as I can see from the starting capitals, the sums involved were quite small. I think that was the result of certain investigations, and the ordinary share list of a number of companies will show you that apart from exceptional cases the holdings are small. In some cases, I know, there may be big family firms which would be different. In either event, it is equitable that, as long as you have got the system, these dividends should keep pace with the rise in wages and with the rise which is alleged to be related to the cost of living.

If one examines the index numbers, one will find that the cost-of-living index has increased very much more than that of an index representing the increase in profits, that actually as output is increasing net profit is diminishing in proportion.

Would the Deputy excuse me for intervening, but I would like to see proof of that proposition?

Major de Valera

Which proposition?

That the rate of increase in commercial profits has fallen steeply behind that of the increase in the cost of living.

Major de Valera

I think I can substantiate that to the Deputy. I can give him the reference afterwards. For the same reason as Deputy Larkin, I do not wish to deal with individual firms.

Major de Valera

I would be very pleased to give Deputy Dillon the figures. I have a list here in regard to profits over the years. From 1938 to 1948 an index representing profits would have increased from 100 to 155, while in the same period the cost of living would have increased from 100 to 183. I would be very pleased to give Deputy Dillon the information at my disposal afterwards.

I would be much obliged.

Major de Valera

Over all, the profits have not been excessive in the sense in which they are represented as being. Secondly, the bulk of those profits is going back into the business in one form or another and into trade and commerce and that is of benefit to the community. That leaves me with the question of distributed profits to deal with. The return on those investments is not excessive by ordinary standards and certainly not excessive by English standards. One must consider such cases as those of many widows, perhaps a widow of someone fairly well off, but nevertheless a widow deprived of means, who may be bringing up a family and who is dependent on some of these investments to some extent.

Hardy old widows most of them are.

Major de Valera

I am not aware of how far nowadays institutions, say big religious institutions, invest their money in that way, but about 30 or 40 years ago investments in railways, and so on, were very common. In so far as that type of investor is concerned, Ithink it is equitable that the adjustment to decreasing money values should be made in regard to the return. What about the persons who are only a percentage of the people in receipt of dividends and who, apparently, are the target for the Labour Party's artillery? These are certain people in the commercial class; what about the dividends they get? There are two answers to that. One is that, surely, under the present system—and this is where we fundamentally disagree—if a man has capital and invests it with risk—and these people, remember, very frequently lose as well as gain in their investments—he is entitled to some return for the risk he is taking, because the community is getting benefit. It is getting benefit. If I or anyone else should have a sum of money to invest, or if a group of people have a sum of money to invest between them and establish an industry, make no mistake about it, they are risking their money. They could much more safely put it in the National Loan and get a return and no one would be talking about it. They are taking a definite risk by investing the money in that industry.

What about money invested in foreign countries?

Major de Valera

If the gamble comes off the community still gets the benefit, the workers who are employed and the community as a whole, if that is the type of industry we want.

Where is the Hospitals Trust money invested? In foreign countries?

Major de Valera

The Hospitals Trust does not come into it.

It is invested outside. It should be working here.

Major de Valera

The people I am talking about are the very people who have invested money here and who have been attacked because of the profit position. The first answer that has to be made is surely that they are entitled to a return. On the percentages as I see them in the ordinary way, they are somewhat less than 10per cent, on the average, which seems a fair enough return. There is another answer, and I wonder if members of the Dáil appreciate it. Do Deputies realise that when a company makes profits the Revenue Commissioners come in and take their share as tax? It is common knowledge to those people who know—and Deputy Larkin and others may smile—that in some cases, because of the amount that has to be paid in tax by the company on its profits, expansion is sometimes inhibited. That is all before there is any question of distribution. On the profits made by the company, the allowances for depreciation are insufficient, there is no provision to enable them to escape or to use those funds for capital expansion or development without paying the tax. The result is that certain concerns in this country have been inhibited in their expansion and development because of the claim of the Revenue Commissioners, which is collected. Let us recollect that. That is the first point.

If Deputy Larkin says, as he did say, that the community has an interest, that the community is giving protection and support through purchasing, we have all an interest. Let us also see, on the other side of the picture, that the community is getting its reward in the general sense and achieving selfreliance, as I said before; but in the more narrow sense, in proportion to the profits the company is making, the revenue, the Exchequer, is benefiting— in certain cases, at least, I would suggest, to an extent which is inhibiting the development of certain firms, that is to say, preventing the purchase of machinery and the expansion of activity that would otherwise take place. That is the first rake-off for the State. The next rake-off comes afterwards. Remember that when you talk about these dividends, and so on, they are in the hands of the private investor or the private individual, who is subject to tax. Everybody knows that as the income-tax code is now, once it goes to a certain level there is a great deal taken off.

Are we talking about corporation profits tax or income-tax?

Major de Valera

I am talking of general taxes, not segregating them. The Deputy may make the point that they could be the subject of additional taxation. I have more or less indicated an answer to that, whatever way the tax is taken from the company.

There is the position in regard to these companies. The reason that I have intervened, perhaps a little vigorously in this debate, is because of a desire to complete the picture painted by Deputy Larkin. As I said, if someone goes too much to the left and virtue is in the middle, the person who is trying to pull things back again into the middle of the road can scarcely avoid being depicted as going a little far to the right. I freely concede all that. But I still say, whatever the argument in the situation, that we have here a system: the alternative to that system does not appeal to me. The reason why Deputy Larkin and I cannot agree is because I believe that a nebulous, uncontrolled socialism and an indiscriminate nationalisation just cannot be made to work. The one grave defect about socialism is that, in order to make it work, one must regiment, control, coerce and, in fact, there must be tyranny; I refrain from using one particular word because I do not want to use it, but there are examples of it in the world to-day. None of us want to see those examples followed here.

I do not want to see that alternative. By and large the system we are trying to operate is the best one for us. Why should any Deputy deem it necessary to intervene at length, as I have done, on this particular subject? I will tell the House why. In order to make the present system work one must encourage our people to invest in Irish industry and Irish activity. The healthier the economic condition of the community, the more savings there will be. We want to see those savings flowing into Irish industry and Irish activity. To make an indiscriminate attack on the present system, without allowing for the factors I have mentioned, will certainly not encourage such industry or activity. People talk about external assets. People invite our own nationals to invest at home, and so forth, but in a small communitylike this, where the units of industry are relatively small, the kind of attack that has been made here will not help investment.

What must we do? Whisper it?

Major de Valera

No. If it is an attack, well and good. But it should be made clear that it is an attack. Deputy Larkin has used the word "whisper." What I am objecting to is the fact that there has been a good deal of innuendo. What I am trying to do is to bring things out into the open.

Just because a man talks about certain things that should not be interpreted as an attack. He is speaking of realities.

We are getting very mealy-mouthed in our old age.

Major de Valera

If there are abuses calling for correction, by all means let us be told about them; but let us have the whole picture and a proper balance struck between the various factors involved. Deputy Larkin makes one case about profits. I could quite legitimately and justifiably plead with the Minister for Finance to give special concessions to concerns for the application of profits free of tax for the purchase of machinery.

There is a commission appointed to do that now.

Major de Valera

Exactly. There are many sides to the problems involved. Let us try to see as many of them as we can. We want to encourage and foster the growth of Irish industry, of commercial activity. We want to make ourselves as self-reliant as we can. For hundreds of years, and particularly in the last century, this country was deprived of the opportunity of legitimate commercial expansion. Some hundreds of years ago it had a thriving wool trade. There were other possible activities nascent here, but in the 19th century we were driven to economic slavery by a foreign power and deprived of the expansion that would have come naturally had we not been so inhibited.Since we have been free in this part of the country at any rate to develop our own economy we have all paid lipservice—some have made a positive contribution—to the importance of trying to make the country more self-reliant, more productive, better organised and even freer. One of the ways in which that goal has been achieved is through the development of the industries that have been the subject of attack here within the last week.

Industries run by foreigners.

Major de Valera

That is another day's work. I do not know whether Deputy O'Leary does or does not want to help the industries that are flourishing here at the moment.

Irish industries, certainly.

Major de Valera

I am talking about Irish industries.

Not those run by foreigners and Jews.

Major de Valera

I am talking about Irish industries which are producing Irish goods for Irish people. With the help of Providence, I hope they will be able to go ahead and produce for an even wider market. These industries are employing our own people at home. These are the industries with which we are concerned here and I feel that the incomplete statements that have been made and the innuendoes that have been thrown out will be damaging in their effect. To say the least of it, they will certainly not be encouraging. I think those innuendoes should cease and the complete picture should be painted in all fairness.

I have undertaken to give Deputy Dillon some information. I shall gladly do so later on. I think it will be found that I have not misstated the case or the facts as I know them. If there are abuses to be corrected, by all means let us correct them. If there are better ways of doing things, let us have them. But let us be very careful about the one-sided statements; for, whereasthey may appeal in certain quarters, they may in the long run do such damage as to render the appeal worthless.

There is only one industry in this country and that is agriculture.

Major de Valera

It is the basic industry.

Let us clarify at once one issue to which Deputy de Valera has applied a long and thoughtful speech. He spoke about a complaint that he heard made, as it seemed to him without proper justification, of high profits in Irish industry. I want to make my position clear on that issue. If an industry is set up here, designed to meet competition from all quarters and if, in fact, it is giving the community better goods at a lower price, paying fair wages and providing decent conditions of employment, then in my judgment the more profits it makes the better company it is. Without limit. If it can make 100 per cent., 200 per cent. or 500 per cent. profit I think it should be highly commended, valued and encouraged as an important national asset, over and above the profits derived by its proprietors from its operations. But when I see a gang of chancers setting up in this country with protestations that they are motivated by nothing but the service of the public and who then manage to get their claws on to some commodity without which the poorest sections of our community cannot survive and post off to the Minister for Industry and Commerce to get a 90 per cent. tariff and a quota on top of that, and when I see the price of the commodity produced doubled and trebled and some of the poorest sections of our community told to pay the price or do without the commodity, and when I see that company issuing a 100 per cent. capital bonus and increasing its dividend, I thank God that I have not yet lost my capacity for sæva indignation.When I hear these crawling hypocrites holding themselves up as public benefactors when they are infact parasites sucking the blood of their own neighbour, trafficking in poverty, I revolt that such things are possible with the connivance and approbation of an Irish Government. I think it is particularly deplorable because the conduct of such parasites tarnishes and disgraces the reputation of honest industrialists in this country who are trying to give good value for the community's money, to pay fair wages and to reserve for themselves no more than a fair margin of profit.

Major de Valera

I misunderstood the Deputy. I thought he was blanketing.

I do not charge Deputy de Valera with making that misrepresentation. It is a common Fianna Fáil falsehood to say that I have denounced all Irish industry. I never have. I and those belonging to me were concerned to promote Irish industry before Fianna Fáil was ever heard of, but we never tolerated and we never dreamt we would see a day when an Irish Government would hatch out in Oireachtas Éireann a brood of parasites to rob our own people.

Major de Valera

The Deputy will pardon me but, I take it, the Deputy's exception covers the bulk of Irish industry?

It covers a large section of it but, I am sorry to say, that the Fianna Fáil breed of industrialist appears to me to be growing as parasites grow. Honest men and their wives have one child at a time. Parasites have frequently 1,000. I want to see industry which serves our people, which produces good things, sells them at a fair price, pays good wages and provides decent conditions, thrive and prosper in this country, and I salute people who promote such industry in Ireland, but I recoil with horror from the kind of industry of which the Minister for Industry and Commerce has begun to talk recently in public, the kind of industry for which the Trade Restrictions Act has been passed, the kind of industry for the control of which the Minister for Industry and Commerce thought upthe Industrial Efficiency Bill, the kind of industry the Minister for Industry and Commerce had in mind when he spoke to those who are promoting the Institute of Business Management and said that a great many industries in this country have enjoyed tariff and quota protection too long without showing the slightest sign of measuring up to the undertakings they gave when they first sought that protection.

What shall we say of an industry which must be supplied by the farmers of this country with its raw material at a lower price than they pay the Abyssinians for it? What shall we say of an industry that purchases raw materials from Abyssinia at 1/8 a lb. and pays the Irish farmer 4d. a lb. for the same or better raw material, but can issue to its own shareholders 100 per cent. share bonus, maintain its dividend and increase it in subsequent years and, when finally asked to pay the world price for the raw material supplied to it by the farmers of Ireland, sticks its heels in the ground and says: "We will not. We will shut down before we pay it," and who find the Minister for Industry and Commerce powerful enough in Kildare Street to tell the Minister for Agriculture to lie down and take it and like it? How shall we deplore the day when so mean a figure is in Merrion Street that he lies down, takes it and licks the boot that kicks him?

The first thing I did was to increase the price paid for hides—to raise the price that you had given.

I have got the prices here and, since I have stirred the Minister——

Why did you agree to lower prices?

Now that I have stirred the Minister from his pensive silence——

I am just giving the facts. You agreed to a lower price. Tom Walsh agreed to a higher price, with my consent.

I will a tale unfold that will surprise this House.

Major de Valera

Are we still on the Estimate for Industry and Commerce?

Oh, yes. When the inter-Party Government was in office, agriculture was deemed to have an interest in hides. Since Fianna Fáil came into office, they are told that cattle hides, á laFianna Fáil, are none of the Minister for Agriculture's concern and he is bidden to take his snout out of them and he takes it out with a bandage round the end of it.

We got a higher price, all the same, than you agreed to.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce, when he came into office, discovered that the price fixed for hides, flayed off cattle designed for export, was approximately 2/6 a lb., which was then the world price for hides. When he came back into office, he said he proposed to fix a new rate, beginning at 4d. per lb. for the lowest grade; 6d. per lb. for the second lowest and 1/- per lb. for the top grade.

And what was it when you left office?

Two-and-sixpence per lb. for every hide flayed off a beast designed for export.

But I abolished control of export.

I am talking about prices paid in this country by the grade.

I am talking about the prices of hides——

The Minister says he abolished export control altogether— will he repeat that?

What I say is that any person preparing carcase meat for export can export the hide as well.

That is another cup of tea. But he has not abolished export control and he has not abolished theimport control on leather. I will come to that in a moment.

The price of hides is to-day worth about 1/8 per lb. for top grade on the world market. The Irish farmers' hides must be sold in Ireland for a top price of 1/-, leaving a differential of 8d. between the two. There is an average of 60 lb. in a hide and eight times 60 is 480 pence, or £2. On every hide flayed off a beast consumed in Ireland there is a levy of £2 per beast.

What was the top price when you were Minister for Agriculture?

2/6 per lb.

Paid by the Irish tanners?

2/6 per lb. was paid for every hide——

Will the Deputy talk about the same thing?

For every hide flayed off an Irish beast for export. I do not deny that when I was in office a middle course had to be pursued in those days. Kildare and Merrion Streets were about on a level, fifty-fifty. My complaint now is that it is 99.9 per cent. Kildare Street and .1 per cent. Upper Merrion Street. I do not say I got all my own way when I was Minister for Agriculture but I never let more than half the bone go with the dog.

Did Irish tanners ever pay 2/6 a lb. for hides in the whole of history?

Somebody paid it.

It was not paid.

The Minister's complaint was that the Minister's darlings were so impoverished in paying what we wanted to make them pay that he had to set up a system of levies to pay off their debts. But who paid off the debts? Was it the tanners who are issuing a higher percentage share bonus? It was not. The levy fell on the butcher and the man who sold the beast.

What is the levy for? To pay this 2/6 a lb. which you said you fixed and which nobody paid.

When I was there, the boys that issued the share bonus paid up accordingly.

Whom did they pay?

It was paid, and they came clamouring to Kildare Street when I left office to say: "The Government that is gone out of office put us into debt to pay the farmers for their hides——

Utter nonsense.

——the Minister for Agriculture made us go into debt to pay for the hides." Under the new dispensation the Minister for Industry and Commerce said: "Well, if they made you go into debt to pay for the hides, we will make them go into debt to pay you back."

What was the maximum price paid for a hide? 8d?

I want to say that there is no use saying that agriculture is the fundamental industry of this country and paying lip service to agriculture if the business of the industry upon which we all depend has to be done in silence behind the Ministry for Industry and Commerce who kicks the Minister for Agriculture all around the lot. Wherever the interests of farmers clash with the disinterested industrialists flourishing in this country you have a tariff of 90 per cent. and a quota prohibiting imports also.

But the quota does not prohibit imports entirely in the leather industry. Leather may be imported under quota and there is a body to advise the Minister for Industry and Commerce as to who shall get a licence to import under that quota. When that arrangement was set up, behold a miracle! The body was there and if any boot manufacturer in this country wanted to import leather, his application for that licence was referred to the advisory body for determination as to whether a suitable grade of leather was available in this country. If thatbody said there was not a suitable grade, the importer would get his licence to import and he might bring it in. But one of the members of that body was himself an agent for the sale of leather. You were not very long in that trade when you came to know that if you wanted a licence to import leather it would not sour that gentleman to know that he was to get his 5 per cent. commission on anything you brought in. But, of course, if you bought it from somebody for whom he was not an agent, then his eye flashed fire and he was all vigilance to protect Irish industry and he was anxious to say: "No, if they want suede leather to make shoes, let them do with kip or split. Cock them up with suede leather, is it!"

But if you did take the prudent precaution to let it be known that you had a very high opinion indeed of the suede leather produced by a particular American firm and that all your inclinations would be to buy that firm's suede leather if you got the chance, tears of sympathy suffused his eye. He was apprehensive lest hardworking Irish bootmakers would be thrown out of employment or put on short time, and he urged the Minister for Industry and Commerce to come to the rescue and issue the requisite licence. If the importer double-crossed him, well, he was not a crotchey man nor was he a reckless man. He just said nothing but he made a mental note and the next time that importer went to look for a licence to import leather he did with kip.

Do Deputies consider I am unreasonable if my nose wrinkles and I reach for a clothes pin to protect it whenever I have to smell transactions of that kind?

Why did the Minister for Industry and Commerce himself sponsor in this House a Restrictive Trade Practices Bill? Did he believe that there were not any restrictive trade practices? Why did the Minister for Industry and Commerce, with his intimate knowledge of the whole business, introduce into this House the Industrial Efficiency Bill under which he sought powers unknown in a democracy prior to the introduction of that Bill tocontrol industry in which he said the scandals were so great?

Bear this in mind. My animadversions on these matters relate to industries which, sheltering behind quotas and 90 per cent. tariffs, plunder their neighbours.

Now, I will say something that may be unpleasing to the Labour Party. Side by side with these outrageous practices to which I refer, there are scandalous restrictive practices by certain of the trade unions and of which the trade union leaders well know—cases where industries install machinery to reduce the cost of production and discover they are face to face with trade union regulations which require them to maintain a staff standing idle if that staff is to work overtime; and during the overtime period not one staff shall operate the machinery but two staffs must be maintained, one to stand idle and the other to work the machines, but both get paid.

In what industry?

In the bakery industry. I am asking the Deputy to attack the restrictive practice that exists in certain parts of the bakery trade which involves the employment of double staff to operated certain types of machinery if that machinery works more than one shift in 24 hours. The truth is never sweet. I am just as bitterly opposed to restrictive practices designed to raise the cost of production to the detriment of the consumer on the part of the trade unions as on the part of the tariff racketeers. One is as bad as the other. I have the greatest admiration for trade unions whose aim is to give a fair day's work for a fair day's pay, and I have given ample proof of that. As Deputy Larkin knows, on occasion I have gone to him where persons were not properly organised and asked him to organise them, because I wanted to be able to proceed on the basis that those men negotiating for conditions were in a position of exactly equal strength and authority with myself, so that fair conditions should be attained. I admire the honest trade union seeking fair conditions and wages for its members just as much as I admire andhonour the industrial entrepreneurwho seeks to give better value with better conditions, lower prices and better profits for himself; but I detest and repudiate the restrictive practices operated by the trade unions at the cost of the consumer, just as I condemn and despise the tariff racketeer who, under the protection of a 90 per cent. tariff, tries to plunder the public.

Deputies on the Labour Benches have good reason to know that I have been on many occasions a good friend to the trade union movement, but I am never afraid of trade unions nor of employers' combinations. Both of you are powerful vested interests. The truth is the truth and will ultimately prevail.

I think you ought to read Deputy O'Gorman's speech——

Deputy McGrath will never face the trade unions nor the employers in Cork.

You ought to get a bit of unity in your own Party.

Go fish. The poor man will be turning somersaults.

I was led into that little digression by the remarks of Deputy de Valera, who I do not think differentiated sufficiently between the honest enterprising industrialist whom we all admire and respect and the tariff racketeer who is a public enemy. Fianna Fáil say that they agree that he is a public enemy and that they mean to do something about it, but they never do. I would be glad if some evidence of their intention to do something about the evils which they passed so many Acts of Parliament to combat were forthcoming. Now I want to compare the Minister for Industry and Commerce in 1953 with the Minister in 1951. I would ask Deputies for a moment to give me the benefit of their attention and to listen to this, because I think it is good. I refer the House to Volume 127 of the Official Reports of Dáil Éireann, columns 951 and 952. We were debating the Supplies and Services Bill, 1951, and the debate revolved largely around a White Paper whichhad been issued by the Government entitled "Trends of External Trade and Payments, 1951," presented to the Oireachtas by the Minister for Finance in October, 1951. I was explaining at column 951 that the imbalance of payments in the year 1951 was largely accounted for by the fact that at the instance of the Fianna Fáil Party the inter-Party Government had agreed to stockpile against the danger of the outbreak of a world war. Nobody was more loud-mouthed or eloquent about the perils of impending war than Deputy Lemass, as he then was in 1949, and Deputy Vivion de Valera, who used to make our blood chill and our flesh creep with the prospect of the urgent immediacy of the danger of war. I was explaining in 1951 that the imbalance of payments was not correctly described as a spending spree on consumer goods created by inflation precipitated by the folly and profligacy of the inter-Party Government but was due to a studied policy of stockpiling. I said in column 951.—

"We brought in tobacco, we stockpiled and we distributed continously great quantities of tobacco. Is there any more deflationary procedure than to make widely available an unnecessary comestible carrying a heavy degree of tax?"

At this point Deputy Lemass observed: "There was no stockpiling."

There was, mousetraps.

I am coming to the mousetraps, and the housing timber that was shipped up from Dublin to Belfast and the substitute timber brought in from Russia to replace it. I will come to that in my own good time. I went on, as reported in column 952, to say: "Although we have in this country a greater stock of leaf tobacco in bond than I believe ever before." Deputy Lemass interrupted me and said: "We have about a year's less stock than is normal.""Oh, the subtle creature!" I replied, and Deputy Lemass said: "Less stock than we had during the war." I continued: "The subtle creature knows fully that the people listening to himdo not know that consumption is almost double pre-war consumption and he compares the stock now with the pre-war stock." Deputy Lemass remarked: "Do not call it stockpiling. The stock is going down."

Deputy Lemass in column 955, when I was dealing with imports of building timber, said: "Mousetraps was one commodity which was stockpiled." Deputy Lemass was subsequently asked what were the trade statistics relating to mousetraps and he said that there were none, but during the debate he thought it was a good joke to make at the moment.

Special import licences were given for mousetraps.

Now wait a minute. I was able in column 958 to say: "Did you hear Deputy Briscoe to-day marvelling that we did not, when we were going to spend money abroad, buy timber suitable for housing? Has he not woken up to the fact yet that the Minister for Finance had been in hysterics all over the country because we brought in too much timber?" Deputy Lemass remarked: "You did not buy any at all," and I replied: "The items are listed in paragraph (5) in the White Paper." Deputy Lemass said: "There was no stockpiling."

Of timber, owing to the fact that you abolised the organisation to stockpile timber.

There was no stockpiling of timber, yet every Deputy in this House saw the timber placed on flat rail cars, rolling out of Amiens Street in wagon loads to Belfast. Fianna Fáil had stopped the housing for which that timber was purchased and so the owners who had brought it in in the belief that the inter-Party programme for housing was to be continued had to beg for export permits from the Minister, which he gave them, to export it to Belfast. And we saw pictures of that timber rolling in the flat cars to Belfast; but that is not all. I would not have drawn the attention of the House to that if I had not been struck by the moving eloquence of theMinister for Industry and Commerce when he got up last week and addressed Dáil Éireann as he did, reported in column 790 of Volume 142, No. 6, when he said:—

"I moved the appropriate resolutions yesterday and gave some information concerning the changes in the amounts required under the various sub-heads of the Votes. Then I proceeded to say that there had been a general improvement in the conditions as compared with last year, that the temporary trade recession which was experienced internationally in 1952 because of the liquidation of stocks which had been accumulated on the outbreak of the Korean war had ended, and our records show that industrial production here is moving up again to new records."

Has he yet made up his mind whether or not there was stockpiling in Ireland? I am asking that question not because I think people in the country attach much importance to the answer. By experience, we now know that the Minister for Industry and Commerce says whatever suits him. I am trying to carry light and illumination to some of the hardy old roots of the Fianna Fáil Party and to some of the blushing bluebells who have recently sought the comfort of integrity in the ranks where they will find themselves side by side with the gentle, gracious and courteous Deputy Pat McGrath.

Funny man, eh?

That has nothing to do with the Estimate which is before the House.

What has nothing to do with the Estimate? Is it my desire to illuminate the bluebells that joined Deputy Pat McGrath? I suppose I have not much chance of success but surely this is the occasion and the arena in which I ought to make the effort.

If it arises from the Estimate before the House, yes; if it does not, no.

I think it does. The Minister for Industry and Commerce,whom they have now joined, is a chancer who will say anything that suits him for the time being.

The expression "chancer," which the Deputy applied to the Minister, should be withdrawn. It is unparliamentary.

Very well, Sir, I withdraw it. The Minister is a thoroughly unreliable man whose solemn testimony, short of on a sworn oath, has to be taken with a grain of salt.

If I did swear false you would send me a telegram of congratulation.

I should be long sorry to see the Minister for Industry and Commerce in the Irish Republic made amenable to criminal law for perjury.

I hope I shall never get a congratulatory telegram from the Deputy on that score.

I do not think the Minister need lose much sleep on that score. I am glad to be able to console him in that regard. Having consoled him, I now want to draw the attention of the House to another of the Minister's interesting announcements. He was jointly responsible for the White Paper which was presented to this House explaining the economic problems that lay ahead. In paragraph 17 of that White Paper on the Trend of External Trade and Payments and which was presented to each House of the Oireachtas by the Minister for Finance in October, 1951, we read:—

"Prices of our staple exports are much less flexible than world prices and there are no grounds for postulating any pronounced favourable movement in relation to import prices. Again, the current output figures for our staple exports rule out the possibility of any large increase in the volume of exports in the near future to bridge the gap. The agricultural census returns for the 1st June, 1951, reveal a drop of 50,000 in the numbers of milch cows and heifers-in-calf as compared withJune, 1950, and the number of cattle under one year is also down."

Listen to this. Just listen to this:—

"The agricultural census returns for the 1st June, 1951, reveal a drop of 50,000 in the numbers of milch cows and heifers-in-calf as compared with June, 1950, and the number of cattle under one year is also down."

There is a footnote to the census returns for 1953 to the effect that they put their foot on a banana peel in June, 1951, and that their figures were wrong—with the astonishing result that we have more cattle between one and two this year than we had calves the year before.

And more sheep.

But that is not all. "The volume of our principal exports could not possibly expand"! All Fianna Fáil took up the cry that the dirty lazy Irish farmer was lying down on the job, that he ought to be made work more and kicked into producing more. They were all baying round the country that it was a pity they would not work like the industrial worker who was doing something about it, and like the tariff racketeer, who was doing something about it: that no one could expect any more production from the dirty, lazy Irish farmer. That is what Fianna Fáil said.

We repudiated these statements by Fianna Fáil. We told the Deputies of this House that nothing would salvage this country but the incomparable effort of the agricultural community which, left uninhibited, would float this country off the rocks in spite of Fianna Fáil. The answer came in the White Paper: Not possible. Irish agriculture is down and out, scatty, incapable of expanding production or of being anything except a burden on the great industrial revival. I, at least, told this House that the industrial revival would not last ten minutes if it was not built on the rock of agriculture, and that if that rock were further chipped away the whole daft house of cards would come crashing down round the gentlemen with their tariffs of 90 per cent, and their quotas and their restrictive practices, and the practices whichrequired discipline by the Minister's Industrial Efficiency Bill. Now we have got the facts. Here are the trade returns brought up to date by the Statistics Office as to the 24th October, 1953. I am going to talk first of the value of exports, and then I am going to talk of the volume of exports— exports expressed in terms of prices as at 1938. The value of domestic exports in January, 1952, was £6.9 million, and in January, 1953, £7.5 million; February, 1952, £7.06 million; February, 1953, £7.5 million; March, 1952, £8.55 million; March, 1953, £10.21 million; April, 1952, £6.93 million; April, 1953, £7.53 million; May, 1952, £7.17 million; May, 1953, £9.14 million. Listen to this: July, 1952, £7.88 million; July, 1953, £9.86 million; August, 1952, £8.50 million; August, 1953, £9.57 million; September, 1952, £9.43 million; September, 1953, £11.28 million. Bearing those figures in mind, let us also remember these words:—

"Again, the current output figures for our staple exports rule out the possibility of any large increase in the volume of exports in the near future to bridge the gap."

Then think of the figures I have read out-and remember, there is no sweetened fat in that: there is no mincemeat in that. Four million pounds worth of fraudulent flash-in-the-pan exports have melted away and agriculture has filled the gap and added what I have described by these returns. That is the industry that we were told in this House held no prospect of filling the gap. Let us look at the volume of domestic exports and compare those of the year 1952 with those of the corresponding period of the year 1953: January, 1952, £2.27 million, January, 1953, £2.51 million; February, 1952, £2.32 million, February, 1953, £2.52 million; March, 1952, £2.88 million, March, 1953, £3.48 million; April, 1952, £2.48 million, April, 1953, £2.73 million; May, 1952, £2.60 million, May, 1953, £3.34 million; in June, 1952, £3.12 million, and in June, 1953, £3.60 million; in July, 1952, £2.71 million, and in July, 1953, £3.41 million; and in August, 1952, £2.83 million, and in August, 1953, £3.15 million. Is that a performance to beproud of? Is that something the Minister for Industry and Commerce and his colleague, the Minister for Finance, certified that the farmers could never do? Was it on that certificate that he described them before the world as incompetent, antediluvian, static drones whose system of land tenure would have to be radically changed if they were to be made produce what was necessary to maintain his crazy empire in Kildare Street?

The Deputy seems to be discussing the question of agriculture rather than Industry and Commerce.

These are exports and imports. This is industry and commerce, and commerce involves buying and selling.

The Minister whose Estimate is before the House is not responsible for agriculture.

I wish to God he was not, but in fact he is now. God be with the days when he was not, but I am talking not about agriculture but about exports, and exports represent one-half of commerce here. We were told in the White Paper the only way to deal with the situation, in these classic words, at the end of paragraph 17:—

"The inescapable conclusion is that substantial relief to the balance of payments can only be achieved by importing less."

That is the familiar old doctrine that our people were eating too much and living too well and they must be brought down to reality—let them import less, eat less, buy less, do with less, and live lower. If we had put our trust in that remedy, where would we be now?

I am going to give the House now the volume of imports. In June, 1952, imports were 3.81-this is volume or imports expressed in terms of 1938 values-and in June, 1953, 5.09; in July, 1952, the volume of imports was 4.2, and in 1953, 5.48; in August, 1952,the volume was 3.4, and in 1953, 4.5. The money value of these imports in June 1952, was £11.45 millions, and in June, 1953, £14.46 millions; in July, 1952, £12.26 millions, and in July, 1953, £15.61 millions; in August, 1952, it was £9.88 millions, and in August, 1953, £13.07 millions; and in September 1952, it was £11.89 millions, and in September, 1953, £13.40 millions.

What is paying for these? What is making it possible to bring these goods in? It is the superb performance of the agricultural industry of this country, and the thanks that industry has got for what it has done is a tariff of 20 per cent. on sugar phosphates, the machinery of the land rehabilitation project sold and scattered and a campaign waged against it at home and abroad that those engaged in it are antediluvian incompetents and that there is no way of salvaging the country but, in the words of our Minister for Posts and Telegraphs, by precipitating a revolution in agriculture that will blow them all out of their existing system of livelihood. Can you imagine Capel Street and Rathmines combining to teach the farmers of this country how to run their holdings when, between them, they have wrought more havoc on the economic life of the country than the unfortunate small farmers will be able to repair in the next decade?

I do not expect that the Minister's mind is even open to suggestions for remedial measures to mitigate the bitter damage he is doing, but I want to give the House a solemn warning, and I want, if possible, to arrest the attention of the Minister for this. I made a trade agreement in 1951 relating to pigs and, in that trade agreement, the price payable for Irish pigs was linked to the price payable for British pigs, the price payable for Irish pork with the price payable for British pork and the price of Irish bacon with the price of British bacon. I did that with my eyes wide open and, by that device, we escaped from the straitjacket of bacon prices as fixed for Denmark, New Zealand and a variety of other exporters to Great Britainwhose price levels did not suit our economy at all.

I knew when I made that price agreement that the price of pigs, pork and bacon in Great Britain was being hitched to an index figure for feeding stuffs and that there was an agreement between the National Farmers Union in Great Britain and the British Ministry of Food that, as the index figure for feeding stuffs fell, the price fixed for pork, bacon and pigs in Britain would fall in proportion. I was fully aware that, as the impact of that decline fell on prices in England, it would repercuss here, but I felt that, seeing that our sources of feeding stuffs are virtually identical, the likelihood of feeding stuffs coming to our farmers at the same time as to British farmers was very high. We are now in this appalling position that the British farmers have had two reductions in the prices of pigs and bacon, on the ground of a corresponding decline in the index figure for feeding stuffs and we are bringing maize into this country delivered c.i.f. Dublin at £27 per ton and the farmers of this country are paying 38/- per cwt.

I want to warn the House, whether they like it or do not—remember the export figures I have read out—that, if these exports do not continue, everything else in this country will go up the spout. There is nothing carrying the country to-day but the exports of the small farmers and the one most valuable, growing and expanding item in these exports is pigs, bacon and pork. I warned the House before that the differential between profit and loss on the production of pigs was becoming very low. There have been two reductions in the price levels in Great Britain, consequent on a decline in the price of feeding stuffs. If those adjustments in feeding stuff prices are not made accessible to our farmers, very soon pigs will disappear off the farms of Ireland.

Would the Deputy's remarks not be more relevant to the Estimate for the Department of Agriculture?

I am talking about exports.

The Deputy is talking about pigs.

You know, Sir, that during the inter-Party régime we reversed the policy of Fianna Fáil. Fianna Fáil had succeeded in banishing pigs out of the economy of the country as an article of commerce and we reintroduced them. It is easy to forget that for about 15 years, while the Fianna Fáil Government were in office, pigs disappeared in this country.

That does not arise on the Vote. The Deputy should relate his remarks to Industry and Commerce.

Pigs, pork and bacon are now articles of commerce in this country again. It is very understandable——

The Deputy is deliberately insulting the Chair and he should not be allowed to get away with it.

Is this a point of order?

On a point of order. I suggest that the remark which has just been made by the Deputy should not be tolerated by the Chair or the House.

What remark? The remark that pigs and bacon are again articles of commerce?

The Deputy's attitude to the Chair has been deliberately insulting and I think the whole House should resent it.

I think the Minister for Industry and Commerce is most insolent. He had no small part in banishing these commodities as articles of commerce from the economy of the country. We brought them back, and I will rub his nose with that fact.

The matters to which the Deputy refers come within the purview of the Minister for Agriculture and not the Minister for Industry and Commerce. I suggest that the Deputy is flouting your ruling.

I am not, Sir.

I pointed out to the Deputy on three occasions that the matters to which he has been referring are the responsibility of the Minister for Agriculture, not the Minister for Industry and Commerce. I would again ask him to relate his remarks to the Estimate before the House.

I am dealing with the cost of feeding stuffs. When I was Minister for Agriculture, matters relating to cereals were within the province of the Minister for Agriculture. I was not a month out of office when the whole staff dealing with these matters went back to Kildare Street.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce has no function in regard to the cost of animal feeding stuffs.

If the Minister states he is not responsible for animal feeding stuffs, the Deputy should accept that.

That is the plain fact.

Does not the price of bran and pollard come within the province of the Minister in relation to the flour subsidy? I know what I am talking about.

The Deputy has been talking about pigs. These are matters for the Minister for Agriculture. The Deputy is merely trying to circumvent your ruling.

Is the price of bran and pollard not within the province of the Minister?

It has been the practice if a Minister states that he has no responsibility for a certain matter, to accept that statement. If the Minister states that he has no responsibility for the matters to which the Deputy has been referring, the Deputy should accept that statement.

I know with the same certainty that I know that paper is on that desk that the Minister for Industry and Commerce controls the price of bran and pollard. I dare him to denyit now. If he gets up and says: "I have nothing to do with the price of bran and pollard," I shall not refer to it again.

I have said that matters affecting pigs and bacon are not the concern of my Department.

I am talking of bran and pollard.

Do you know what you are talking about?

I shall nail the Minister's ear to the desk with the statement that he is solely responsible for the price of bran and pollard.

I withdraw my point of order in view of the Deputy's statement that he has not been referring to pigs and maize.

I am not saying any such thing. I am referring to the price of animal feeding stuffs, which include bran and pollard.

I thought you were referring to pigs and maize.

I have reminded the House that bacon has again been brought back as an article of commerce in this country. The Minister is not going to intimidate me. I know him. He is the most unreliable man in this House——

I have sat here for half-an-hour listening to the Deputy talking nonsense.

You will listen to me for some time longer. I am warning this House that if the price of animal feeding stuffs is now at a high level in this country and a lower level exists in Britain, there will be a disparity between the profit margins available on certain live-stock products in this country which will make exports dwindle away. The Minister has left the House.

A Deputy

You ran him.

I ran him. It is not the first time we had to run him. I want to draw the attention of the Houseto this interesting fact. There was recently a report of an interview granted to the Irish Pressby two gentlemen, Messrs. Silverstein and Nathaniel Morris. They said they wished publicly to express their appreciation of the far-sighted statesmanship of the Minister for Industry and Commerce in releasing from all control, including export control, rags and bones. They wished it to be known that they thought it eminently desirable from the point of view of Irish economy, that an active trade should be restored in these raw materials of the paper industry. Will it be taken amiss of me if I ask that if it is a statesmanlike thing from the point of view of Irish economy to remove all control, including export control, from the rags and bones of Messrs. Silverstein and Nathaniel Morris, how is it a crime against the economic foundations of the Irish Republic to suggest that similar control should be removed from Pat Murphy's and Tom McCauley's hides? Perhaps after the Minister for Industry and Commerce has had his tea he will think that one out and give us an answer.

I want to make a suggestion to the Minister for Industry and Commerce which, I think, would go a long way towards producing virtual unanimity in this House on the question of industrial protection. I ask the Minister for Industry and Commerce to consider this plan at least in regard to those things which are the raw materials and the equipment of the agricultural industry. I take, merely as an example, things like spades. There is a prohibitive tariff on the import of spades. I forget momentarily what the rate is. Let us assume that the rate is 70 per cent. That tariff operates to prevent the import of spades and leaves the domestic manufacturer to produce almost anything he wants and to charge the Irish farmer a stiff price for it. Our purpose in industrial protection is to ensure the continuous employment of men on the production of spades in Ireland. That is what we want.

I want to suggest to the Minister that a new system should be applied to duties of this kind, that we shouldbring the tariff down to, say, 10 or 15 per cent., that any imports that ensue would pay that tariff and that on the revenue thus derived, the domestic producer of spades should be given a subsidy per spade on his production. Let us say that a spade, c.i.f. at the port of Dublin costs 4/-., and had upon it a tariff of 25 per cent., which would be 5/- f.o.q. Dublin. If that tariff produced a revenue sufficient to pay the domestic manufacturer of spades a subsidy of 6d. per spade and you said to the domestic manufacturer: "The imported spades are costing 5/-. We are starting you off with a free gift of 6d. for every spade you produce; go and sell your spades in competition," would not that be effective protection for an honest domestic producer and a competitive price to the farmer who had to buy the spade?

If that proposition is valid for spades, think what could be done if it were applied to boots, hosiery and a dozen other commodities which at the present time constitute a large part of the cost of living of the poorest of our people. If you could say to the woman with a big family who had to buy clothes for her children: "The domestic clothing industry requires protection, but we are giving it in this way: we are levying 25 per cent. on the imported clothes and using that revenue to give the domestic producer a subsidy to bring down the price for you, the woman who has to buy;" let those who want style and fashion buy the tariffed commodities and those who want warmth for a large family buy the commodity which carries the subsidy and which is specially made cheap to meet their needs, I think if that device were operated here 90 per cent. of the acrimony which characterises the tariff controversy in this country would evaporate overnight. I believe the consumer would get a fair or fairer deal. I believe that the parasites who have a licence to suck their neighbours' blood under the existing system of quotas would disappear from the social life of Ireland.

I want to say a word about whatDeputy Vivion de Valera was talking about. He said he believed that private enterprise was the most efficient instrument of production. I agree, and I think every sane man in the world agrees with that proposition. But there are more things in life than efficiency. The untrammelled operation of competition produces a form of society in which I want no part. I loathe the social organism which contains millionaires and paupers, and I rejoice to think that any society which accepts that as its norm is disintegrating in our time. God speed the day of its disintegration. I believe that private enterprise is the most efficient instrument of production and distribution. But, holding that belief, I ask Deputy de Valera what does he propose to do with the classic rule when the byproduct of that system emerges into monopoly and eventually lays all competition low, and there is only one vested interest producing an indispensable commodity under this private enterprise system. Is society to stand silently by while that monopoly proceeds in that way? I say, "No!" I would suffer no monopoly producing or dealing in an indispensable commodity to remain in the control of any individual or group of individuals in any community.

I do not care a fiddle-de-dee if there is a monopoly controlling sable furs, silk stockings or lipstick, all of which are desirable things if you are able to afford them. I see no Deputies in this House who would prevent their wives or sweethearts or eligible daughters from using lipstick or nylon stockings. But they are not the indispensable minimaof existence, and it is only in respect of one of these that, if it comes within the grasp of a monopoly, I ask any democratic Parliament in the world what then?

Are we all to stand back and bow our heads and accept the will of those who claim for themselves the traditional prerogative of power without responsibility? So far as I am concerned, never, never, never. Neither by power nor credit will those things without which our people cannot live ever, if I can prevent it, pass into the uncontrolled dominion of monopoly.But, if it should transpire that in our despite such a monopoly should emerge, there is only one remedy and that is for the State to enter into it, sweep the irresponsible monopoly aside and substitute for it what is very much the second best, a monopoly responsible to Parliament and the people. Yes, private enterprise so long as it functions will give the best results in efficiency and in value. But, if it does not function and monopoly takes its place, we in a democratic State should rejoice that the resources of democracy are not exhausted and that we have the power and the means to protect our people from any such exploitation.

Then let us record in summation what I submit is the right attitude to adopt. Free enterprise and fair competition on a free market, furnishing goods or services of the best quality at the lowest price with fair and decent conditions of employment for those who work within the industry, that is the beau ideal. If there has to be a monopoly, let it be a monopoly responsible to Parliament. The last but least desired is a monopoly responsible only to those who seek profit from it, or nationalisation for the sake of nationalisation. Both are equally disastrous and ridiculous to reasonable men.

I want to conclude by asking the Minister for Industry and Commerce certain specific questions. He spoke loudly and proudly of Irish Industry, and these sentiments have been echoed by Deputy de Valera. I want to ask the House, if we had in our midst a monopoly industry which charges our mineral water manufacturers 35/3 for bottles ex the factory which they are selling carriage paid in Liverpool and Northern Ireland at 22/3, ought we to strike up the band? Is that something to rejoice about? If it is, I do not understand it.

If we have a monopoly industry functioning here which charges a mineral water manufacturer in Ireland 40/- per gross for a 10-ounce white mineral water bottle which can be had in Great Britain and Northern Ireland for 26/6, are we to put out flags and prepare the laurel wreath for the enterprise?That is not the most astonishing part of the story. Are we to hail as a public benefactor the firm which charges the humble beer bottler in Ireland 32/6 for half-pin bottles, sells the same beer bottles to a Dutch firm at 23/9, who brings the bottles to Antwerp, fills them there with Dutch beer, and ships them back into Ireland, claiming exemption from import duty on the ground that they are Irish glass bottles, and undersells the Irish beer bottle? Are we daft? Is this the type of industrial development we are all to hail as the hallmark of freedom?

Perhaps Fianna Fáil would think of a suitable remedy. If we decimated the publicans' assistants of this country and sent every tenth man to Antwerp after the bottles and let them bottle the beer in Antwerp—if they want to bottle it in Ireland the bottles are going to cost them 32/6—and if we transfer their activities even to Armagh, not to speak of Liverpool, they can have them for 23/9. Have we all gone mad?

When I directed the attention of the Minister for Industry and Commerce to that situation, he said that the matter had been referred to the Prices Advisory Body on more occasions than one and that they were quite happy. I want to tell the House that if the matter was referred to the Prices Advisory Body nobody knew anything about it except the monopoly. Nobody was asked to come and give his opinion about it. Nobody was asked what he thought. Nobody even knew that the Prices Advisory Body considered the price of bottles. I do not believe it ever did. I believe the Minister for Industry and Commerce just said that in Dáil Éireann to make the puzzle a little more difficult. It is like the man who asked the riddle: "What is it that has two legs, feathers, a beak and barks like a dog?" When nobody could guess it, the man gave the answer—a hen. He said: "I put in the bark to make it a little more difficult."

There is another question I want to ask the Minister for Industry and Commerce. Why is it that a motor car, designed for the least affluent element in the community, manufactured in Great Britain is selling at£275 but costs £350 in Ireland according to a half page advertisement in an Irish national newspaper? You would think we would find that out quick enough without publishing a half page advertisement to announce we were going to be privileged to pay £75 more on it than the price for which they are available in Northern Ireland and Great Britain. Would the Minister for Industry and Commerce tell me why we must pay £350 for a £275 car? Why is £100 put on to a £350 car to make it cost £450 in Ireland? The most stalwart buttress of Fianna Fáil shrouded in the moss of unquestioning adhesion to the chief must sometimes stir the moss a trifle as he cogitates that puzzle. I know their lips are sealed. Since my lips are happily unsealed—I was about to offer a passing vote of condolence to Deputy Cogan but he is gone—on his behalf, on behalf of the silent three and of the old reliables, the dummies by election, I ask why does a car costing £350 in Northern Ireland cost £450 in Dublin, Cork or Galway?

I want to ask another question. Can we not devise some method of adjusting the charges made to the aeroplanes availing of the facilities at Shannon Airport to bring the revenue of that enterprise more into line with its costs? In 1945, the total deficit on Shannon Airport was £153,000; in 1946, £188,000; in 1947, £240,000; in 1948, £259,000; in 1949, £305,000; in 1950, £385,000; in 1951, £399,000 and in 1951-52, £426,000. I think that this year it will be of the order of £350,000. Shannon Airport is of very great importance to all the transatlantic lines that ferry to and fro across the Atlantic to use when they want it. It must reduce their insurance and their risk by 50 per cent. Let us write off the capital. I must say that the deficit figures which I read out contain a proviso for depreciation and interest on the capital. Surely somebody could devise some means whereby we could get the people who use the airport at least to pay for it without leaving us any profit or leave us a modest loss which we could write off. We are told that Ireland is on its uppers but since we find it difficult to meet the annual salaries of the Civil Service, handing out £426,000 for theconvenience of transatlantic airlines of other countries is an unreasonable demand to make upon us.

There is another matter which I think is well worth considering here. I have no hope that it will even receive friendly consideration but it is none the less significant for that.

The Minister is responsible for the development of hydro-electric power in this country in so far as this House accepts responsibility for it. In its development, regard is naturally had to all ancillary considerations. I do not know if the attention of the Minister has been directed to a great hydro-electric development in Canada. There it was discovered that if the rivers running west to east in the western quarter of the country could, by tunnelling through the mountains—an unprecedented engineering feat—be changed to run from east to west, the resultant reduction of the journey of these rivers to the sea would produce a head of water of about 400 feet at the point of emergence to the Pacific Ocean, and on this unprecedented hydro-electric power station, built in the heart of the mountains, is to be founded one of the largest aluminium industries on the Continent of America. That much has been done.

I now look to the Deputy for North Mayo, because I think that, within less than ten miles of his home town, there is an opportunity for an enterprise of a similar design, though I would not say of equal magnitude. My interest was first turned to this possibility, and it is no more than a possibility deserving of examination—it may have no substance in it when the critical light of an expert survey is turned on it, but it is worth surveying—when I was perplexed with the problem of the Moy drainage. The Moy is a peculiar river. It has one egress to the sea, but it has two sources, one rising north of Crossmolina and the other rising west of Foxford, both joining south of Lough Conn.

I suggest that the question of reversing the flow of the Moy north of Lough Conn, carrying it through the high bogs to discharge between Killala and Ballycastle, should give a waterhead of close on 100 feet, with reservoirs in Lough Conn ample to sustainwhatever water power may hereafter be required, so that at the one stroke we would be opening up sources of power that could be made available to an area of the country where power is dear and scarce, while at the same time a large arterial problem would be brought into manageable proportions. Now, whether that question is relevant to the Parliamentary Secretary for the gCeanntar gCúng——

I did not catch what the Deputy has said.

I was asking whether that question was relevant to the Parliamentary Secretary for the gCeanntar gCúng or to the Minister for Industry and Commerce. It is a matter, I suppose, which the Parliamentary Secretary for the co-ordination of Ministers will have to decide whenever he is authorised to consider it. I would be interested to know if the Minister for Industry and Commerce would honour it with at least its reference to a competent engineering body for a survey. If it is well founded it will be an enterprise well worth undertaking, and if it is not no great harm will be done by making certain, once and for all, that no possibilities lie in that direction. It is a thing that I would like to have a hand in doing. Maybe if the Minister for Industry and Commerce would make the survey now it will be ready in time for me to satisfy that ambition.

This is an Estimate which gives great scope to individual Deputies to raise matters which they consider to be of importance both to the general economic well-being of the country and the welfare of their own particular constituencies. Some months ago, I raised a question in this House in connection with the desirability of developing a well-known Irish industry, namely, the distilling industry. At the time I did so, I found that little attention was being paid to that very important aspect of our economy. However, in order to bring home the seriousness of the situation, and to convince this House as well as the general public of the tremendous importancewhich this industry could be, I decided to put a motion on the Order Paper so as to obtain the views of all the members, and at the same time focus the spotlight of attention on the necessity for expanding the industry.

The motion which I put on the Order Paper asked the Government to set up a committee representative of the Government and of the distilling industry, that the committee would examine the best means by which we could develop the distilling industry, and that as a result of its inquiries a report would be made to this House so that suitable action could then be taken. I asked that this particular motion, in view of its importance, would, if possible, be taken in conjunction with the Estimate which the House is at present discussing. I should like, at this stage, to thank the Minister for Industry and Commerce for his courtesy and co-operation in the matter when he stated that he had no objection to this motion being discussed with the Estimate.

The motion was not put on the Order Paper for the purpose of causing annoyance to any particular Party or of starting a controversy in the House. It was put down for the purpose of focusing attention on the desirability of expanding this industry, and of pointing out the benefits that would accrue if the necessary steps were taken for its development. What really put this matter in my mind at the beginning was the fact that I found that the exports of Scottish whiskey last year were worth £32,000,000, while in the same period the exports of Irish whiskey were worth less than £500,000. I am personally convinced that, if this industry received the attention that it justly deserves and was tackled with enterprise and initiative, within 15 years, which may sound a long period to many members, it would not only beat our tourist industry but could possibly beat our main trade to-day, which is the cattle industry.

I have here a copy of a publication which is issued in Britain every fortnight. It is known as the Beverage News.I find from it that a prominent distiller, speaking within the last fewweeks in connection with exports of Scottish whiskey, said: “We are actually the largest single dollar earner of any industry in this country.” We have heard a lot about the drive in Britain for the American market with regard to the export of motor cars and so forth, and of the tremendous sacrifices which are being made in Britain to-day so that they can earn dollars in America and thus provide themselves with the necessities of life in the purchase of food.

It has been established that the biggest single dollar earner to-day in the United Kingdom is the whiskey trade. I gave the figures which indicated that, last year, the Scottish export trade for Scotch whiskey was worth £32,000,000, while our export trade in Irish whiskey in the same period was worth less than £500,000. I felt that, in view of the interest that was being taken in the development of export markets, in the present year an effort would be made, small though it might be, to increase our exports of Irish whiskey. I put a question down which was answered to-day dealing with the export of Irish whiskey in the last six months and the comparable figures for the first six months last year. I find that from January to June, 1952, the export value of Irish whiskey was £292,000, and in the first six months of this year, 1953, the export value of Irish whiskey was £167,000. Therefore, straightway we have a reduction in the first half of 1953 of over £120,000 in the export value of an important commodity such as whiskey.

Those are the Irish figures. Let us see what has happened in Scotland with Scotch whiskey during the first six months of 1952 and the first six months of 1953. Between January and June, 1952, the export value of Scotch whiskey was £16,200,000; between January and June, 1953, the export value of Scotch whiskey was £17,400,000 —these are round figures. In other words, the increase in the earnings on whiskey in these two comparable periods was over £1,200,000, while ours showed a reduction of over £120,000.

In the last few days a certain gentleman who is the executive vice-Presidentof the National Association of Alcoholic Beverage Importers, Incorporated in America, said in London that the 1953 shipment of Scotch whiskey will be the largest in volume and value ever made. That gentleman was in a position to speak— I will not quote his name but what he said is quite true. So far, we have no indication in this country that any increase has taken place or is about to take place; in fact from the figures I have given it would appear that we are in for a reduction in the value of our export trade.

We may ask why is it that the position is so bad with regard to the export of Irish whiskey. First of all, I would like to say that I believe one of the troubles all along has been that this important industry has been left in the hands of very conservative people. Our major distilleries to-day are still family concerns and as such have argued that they cannot be expected to take the risks of expansion at the wish of any Government. Their attitude has been that an attempt made by them to break into the dollar area, especially on a large scale, would leave them in the position of incurring the grave risk of a heavy financial loss. Their argument, as outlined by the secretary of the Pot Distillers Association, has been that the Government should pay handsomely; in other words the distillers are prepared to take such a risk.

As far as I personally am concerned —and I am sure there are other Deputies on all sides of the House who will agree—that will not wash to-day. The greatest argument—and we have had many arguments in this House in the last week about private enterprise— that can be put up in favour of private enterprise is that it is enterprising. I feel that no Deputy can for a moment say that those who have had responsibility for the distilling industry have shown enterprise in the last 20 to 30 years. We have plenty of examples of where State or semi-State companies or enterprises have shown initiative and have shown themselves willing to adopt go-ahead methods in their various lines. When some months ago this matter began to receive publicitythe Pot Distillers' Association rushed into print to defend their position and at the same time, I suppose naturally, blamed the Government for the situation that existed. We find that their spokesman in a letter to the Press, which is available in all the daily papers, stated as follows:—

"We would expect our Government to assist rather than handicap the industry as they have done by the crushing weight of taxation imposed on it. The industry must depend on the home market as the export market is problematic in these times."

That statement has been made by the Secretary of the Distillers Association within the last six months. Let us examine the statement and see how it stands up to a little criticism. The first argument is that the Government by the crushing weight of taxation on the industry have handicapped its development. It is an extraordinary thing that the spirit duty is considerably higher in Scotland than it is here; yet that does not prevent the Scottish distillers from selling £32,000,000 worth of whiskey abroad. The Pot Distillers Association goes on to say that the Government have handicapped the industry and hindered its development. That argument can be exploded, too, because since 1939 the output of Irish potstill whiskey has increased by almost 70 per cent. If that is the case I cannot see how the Pot Distillers Association can suggest that the Government have hindered its expansion. Those two arguments put up by the Pot Distillers Association have been exploded. The fact remains and cannot be contradicted that the distillers have shirked their duty to the State and have failed in their duty of securing a foreign dollar trade. It is clear, to my mind, at any rate, judging from the pronouncements of those who speak as representatives of the distilling industry that they have no real intention of embarking on an export trade on a large or a grand scale. I personally would not mind at all if it were an unimportant industry—then it might not be worth arguing about in this House—but in view of its tremendousimportance to the nation I think we must take alarm at their outlook and that steps must be taken to ensure that, whether they like it or not, this industry is expanded.

I do not intend to go into the details of the benefits that this distilling industry would give the community, but I would like to touch on a few points that might be of interest. We have had a lot of talk here by Deputies on the importance of growing here at home as much of our foodstuffs as possible. Whiskey comes from the soil—in other words, the making of whiskey is based on agriculture. It provides a rich cash crop for the farmer; it provides work for the men in the distilleries; it provides whiskey for the maltsters; it provides work for those engaged in the glass bottle industry, in the printing trade, in the packing trade, in the manufacture of boxes, in Irish shipping and in Irish insurance. There are many services which can be associated with the production of this commodity known as whiskey.

Let us get back to the most important aspect of our economy, agriculture. Here is a product based on agriculture. Not one iota of all that is concerned in the manufacture of whiskey is imported. Everything in connection with its manufacture is produced here in Ireland. Incidentally, one of the things that urge me to take an interest in this matter is the fact that some of my own constituents have an excellent record for years past as growers of malting barley. Last year, out of the blue, all those men were told by their particular maltster that their contracts for malting barley had been reduced by 50 per cent. That was a blow to agriculture. The land of many of those farmers who grow malting barley is not suitable for the growing of wheat. If we are serious, as I am sure all Deputies are serious, about the importance of agriculture and tillage, here is an ideal tillage crop providing both foodstuffs for the farmer as well as a cash crop; and in addition, after the making of the whiskey, the effluent that has been allowed to flow into the stream can now be processed into an excellent feedingstuff for pigs. Therefore, not a thing is wasted from the time the seed is put into the ground until the final commodity is put on the counter.

I do not suggest that overnight a great change be brought about in this industry—I have no such illusions —but I am convinced that if it is tackled on the right lines there is hope for the future. One of the arguments put up by those who say that it is difficult to get into foreign markets for Irish whiskey is that many people find the Irish product rather strong. Here at home we all agree that Irish whiskey is the best in the world. I am not going to dispute its merits or compare it with any other whiskey, but I would just say that we are the only people who say that, for the simple reason that it has not reached to the general public in many countries. In so far as the opinion goes of those who have tasted it in those countries, their view is that Irish whiskey as it stands or as it is exported to-day is not suitable to the palate of, particularly, the Americans and the Canadians.

That raises a very important point. Are we on the right lines at all in producing the type of whiskey at present made in the country? The whole question of development depends on this— to blend or not to blend? We can go on and try to expand the whiskey trade with the present potstill whiskey which we have, but if that pattern is followed I am convinced that the expansion will be very small indeed. We will be going against all the advice of those who deal with the public, we will be going against the wishes of those who should know; and it is an acknowledged fact that, in any business, in regard to any commodity you sell, you must please the customer, not yourself. If the world does not want Irish whiskey as we know it, there is no use in trying to sell it to them. Why not sell them a product that they like? That is where we come up against the difficulties in the whole industry, and that is the angle I want to air in this House.

There are many interests outside at present taking a very keen interest in the progress of this trade. The minute the Potstill Association hearsa word of our going on to a blended whiskey, they will be up in arms. Consequently, there will be great difficulties in the way of the Minister if he is to overcome the opposition of those conservative interests who want no change from the product that they have been distilling for years. Perhaps we should not blame them as individuals—I am not blaming them as such—but in view of what can be done with the industry I think it is unfair to allow their conservatism or their prejudices to thwart or halt the expansion of the industry.

I have got reports from very reliable sources in many countries and the reports from all over are in favour of a lighter blended whiskey. We even have Deputies who gave publicity to Irish whiskey at Strasbourg, where representatives of many nations were present. It was admitted by many of those representatives that Irish whiskey was an excellent product, but none of them would care to drink a great deal of it, as they were afraid it was too potent. That should give us some idea as to the tastes of other nations in relation to this commodity, and it is for their tastes that we must cater. It is no use boasting that Irish whiskey is the best in the world if the rest of the world will not buy it. We must shed our conservatism in this respect. There has been a good deal of talk of the conservatism of our farming community and the way in which that section of the population hankers after the old methods: what was good enough for my father is good enough for me. But there has been a tremendous change in the agricultural outlook in this country to-day, and that change is particularly patent in the case of the most conservative element in that community.

We have the distillers on the industrial side of our economy showing a far greater conservatism than the farmers ever did. Had the farmers not been prepared to adopt up-to-date methods and put on the market the type of goods required we would still be looking for an export market. The distillers will have to do likewise: they will have to take steps to meet the wishes of potential customers abroadin relation to whiskey. We must not permit these very conservative interests to ram it down our throats that their product, and their product alone, is the ideal one and that we should help them to expand that industry. I hope the Minister will not be said by one or two of these people.

I said at the outset that there is need for co-operation. I have obtained the views of some of the distillers upon this matter. I had a communication from the secretary of the Irish Potstill Distillers Association informing me that they saw no reason whatever for such a motion as I have tabled here. I have already given the reasons why they saw no need for that. In the words of the secretary of the association, they believe that it is a chancy thing to go into the dollar market and that the future of the industry depends on the home trade. That is the view of the conservative element. I can assure the Minster and the House that there are distillers who are not tied to this particular association and who are willing to co-operate with the Government in the establishment of some national concern prepared to go into this question of expansion in a big way in relation to a blended whiskey.

The Minister has shown great interest in this, and I believe that he is keener than anyone on the question of expanding our industries. When the report of Córas Tráchtála is available he should call these interests together and discuss with them the production of a blended whiskey. There are certain matters in connection with it that I do not wish to discuss here. I have painted the situation as I see it. It is quite possible that, when all the avenues have been explored, the Minister will decide to call for a reorganisation of the industry on a co-operative basis. It may be too early now to make that as a firm suggestion. I want the Minister to know my mind in this matter. I want him to know that so far as the farming community, Macra na Feirme, and the industrial and business interests are concerned they will be behind him in any effort he will make to expand this industry, and novested interests should be allowed to stand in the way of that expansion. I am sure the Minister will find that Córas Tráchtála will be all out for the export of a blended whiskey.

The general impression in America and Canada is that people prefer a lighter whiskey. So far, the efforts made by the Irish distillers to advertise their particular brand can only be described as puny. There are superb advertisements for whiskey in the American magazines. The principal theme running through those advertisements is that a particular whiskey is as light as Scotch, as rich as Rye and as satisfying as Bourbon. The one thing they ask for is lightness; that is one thing that our product lacks. I am sure many Deputies will admit that from their own experience.

After this motion had been tabled, the Minister decided to set up a sub-committee of Córas Tráchtála to examine the position. I understand he is now awaiting the report of that body. As soon as the report is available I hope he will bring the various interests concerned together so that their ideas can be pooled and we can go ahead with a proper line of attack.

In connection with the undeveloped areas, I have had occasion to visit the office of the Department of Industry and Commerce and Gaeltacht Services. I have always been met with courtesy and assistance on the part of the officials but, despite that courtesy and assistance, I am still where I started in so far as getting an industry established in Roscommen is concerned. There seems to be too much red tape in the administration of the Act. Some time ago I received a comprehensive list from the Department of Industry and Commerce setting out particular lines of textiles that the Department was anxious to see established under the Undeveloped Areas Act. The list showed what our requirements were and how much of those requirements had to be imported. I made a very simple request: could I be given a list of British firms engaged in the textile business so that our development association in Roscommon could get in touch with a likely firm across channel and discuss the possibilitieswith it of expansion of its industry here? I received a letter from the Minister's office informing me that a list of these British industrialists could be found in the National Library. If the Secretary of the Development Association in Roscommon were to write to all these people, not knowing one from the other, it would be a six months' job. I could not extract from the Minister's Department a list of, say, five or six firms that I might contact. I could not get it because of red tape, because they had no authority to give me such information.

Compare that with the attitude of the British Board of Trade towards businessmen. It should be an eye-opener to the Minister. I have here booklets issued to businessmen by the Export Promotion Department of the Board of Trade, London. Every businessman leaving London or Manchester for Canada, South Africa, Poland, or any other country in the world, is issued with a booklet giving up-to-date information on trade in these countries. The booklets are printed annually. In addition, the Board of Trade have a special register information service. They issue documents every week or every month. Some of them come under the heading, in red, "A Dollar Export Inquiry". One such document, a copy of which I have here, gives information regarding a U.S.A. inquiry for jams, jellies and marmalades, and states that the British Consulate General at San Francisco has reported that a particular company are interested in making a direct contact with a United Kingdom manufacturer of jams, jellies and marmalades. Such documents are issued every fortnight or when any inquiries are made. In contrast, when I inquire about industries, I am told by the Minister's Department to go to the National Library and to search the files.

Is there any such service as that given by the British Board of Trade available to Irish businessmen abroad? In the documents I have here the inquiries range over fancy chinaware, jams, jellies and marmalades, hardware tools and cooking ware, wood,flush doors, woollen, worsted and tweed piece goods, honey, biscuits. The Board of Trade gives information about particular firms looking for these goods. In one case they say that: "The firm is known to be a moderately small concern, importing a wide range of merchandise; they are interested in expanding their business to cover as wide an area as possible in the U.S.A. and would be willing to carry stocks if necessary."

By getting this information, the businessman knows where he stands. If you were to make such an inquiry of the Department you would be lucky if you got out without a libel action. I have here information supplied by the British Board of Trade about an inquiry in the United States of America to the British Vice-Consul for frozen fish fillets; an inquiry in respect of another dollar export—high quality glass tableware; an inquiry for earthenware and dinnerware, and bone china and earthenware teapots; an inquiry for toys; an inquiry for foodstuffs, including biscuits; an inquiry for scarves in Canada; an inquiry in the United States of America for men's and women's footwear; an inquiry for medium grade small leather goods, including gladstones, dispatch cases and men's 2-suiters. These documents indicate markets in America and Canada. I have documents giving information for other places, such as the Lebanon, about inquiries for various goods, plastic materials, paints, radios, recording machines.

What are our so-called diplomatic representatives in all these countries doing to-day? There is a lesson to be learned in the approach of the British Board of Trade towards these matters as compared with the approach of our Department. I am not blaming the Minister. I know he has enough on hands without trying to deal with every detail of his Department. My complaint is with regard to red tape. I want him to try to get that matter remedied. If we are serious about the establishment of industry under the Undeveloped Areas Act, people who show an interest must be facilitated and helped. The argument all along has been that if the people in therural areas who are howling for industries do not make some move they cannot be helped but when they do make a move they are stymied.

The development association with which I was connected were fortunate in the fact that I have to come to Dublin to the Dáil. How could they conduct their inquiries if it were not for that? It would mean that the secretary and others connected with the association would have to travel to Dublin and possibly would be told to make inquiries at the National Library or possibly might be sent to the Museum and even to the Zoo to get a list of industrialists dealing with these matters. The Department should be able to supply me with a simple answer, giving the information that a particular company were anxious to expand and to set up here. That is the only aspect of industry and commerce that I wish to discuss. I hope the Minister will remedy the situation.

The Minister has the reputation of being one of the best members of the Cabinet at putting a good face on a bad question. He has the reputation of being able to get an Estimate or a Bill through the House with the least amount of criticism and with the utmost speed. I am afraid I must conclude from his speech introducing this Estimate that the position in his Department during the past year was very alarming. His speech was full of vague promises of improvements in future. There were significant omissions to comment on very important factors affecting the lives of the ordinary people. The Minister made no suggestion of a change of policy. We must assume that the policy in the year to come will follow the lines of the policy adopted in the past year, a year of unemployment, taxation and starvation.

A number of Deputies, ordinarily independent, within the past week sought refuge in another Party. It is not for me to question their right as to where they go, but they took occasion in the public newspapers to state that they went to the Fianna Fáil Party because of its progressive outlookand its broad-mindedness. I would have preferred if these Deputies took advantage of the Estimate to show the broad-mindedness and the progressiveness of the policy in connection with industry and commerce as carried out by the present Government. It would help, I think, to convince me more effectively if they were able to do that than by just a general, vague statement. I think every one of us will admit that Industry and Commerce, as a Department, has a great effect on the lives of the people, and its ramifications are so large that they affect every other Department of State and, because of this, it deserves the full, unqualified attention of every Deputy. But because it is so vast and because there are so many points that it would take so long to deal with, it is only possible for those of us who wish to speak, to take one or two points in which we are particularly interested and to hope that the Opposition as a whole, spread over the number of Deputies who are interested, will in some way cover the various heads of the sub-sections of the Vote for Industry and Commerce.

I would like to deal with one of the points that, to my mind, the Minister was rather vague on. That is the question of food subsidies. The amount of money available for food subsidies here has very direct effect on the lives of the ordinary working people of this country. Naturally, because of that, I, as Labour Deputy, have a very keen interest in that particular section of Industry and Commerce. The Estimate for 1953/54 shows that £5,386,000 is available. The Minister passed over that particular part very lightly, and I think, in fact, it was not until he was questioned by Deputy Cosgrave that he referred to it at all. I would like to know from the Minister whether there is any intention to reduce or discontinue in their entirety the subsidies on food that remain?

I was one who, on behalf of my Party, a year ago gave a promise that we would not associate with any Party to form a Government unless we got an assurance that the food subsidies as they then were would be restored in full. Because of certain statementsthat have been made and because of the passage of time, I think it is desirable to repeat in the name of my Party that our promise still holds good. We will not associate with or be party to a Government that does not restore the subsidies or the value of the subsidies to the standard that was there in the time of the inter-Party Government. We may not be able to do that due to the fact that rationing as such has been discontinued, and the actual form of direct subsidisation of essential foodstuffs, but we will in some way, either by children's allowances or social welfare allowances of some sort give back to the people purchasing power equal to the amount of the subsidies that have been withdrawn. Otherwise, Labour will reserve to itself the right to vote against the Government that is not prepared to co-operate on this matter.

Labour is conscious of the fact of the removal of food subsidies because that removal affects mainly the small people of this country and we could not be loyal to our Party and to the people we represent should we co-operate with any Government that will not be agreeable to carry out what we have already pledged ourselves to.

Tied up with the general question of food subsidies is the question of price control, because unless price control is continued in the same manner as the food subsidies the real value of the wages of the worker is going to be affected, and because of that we in the Labour Party take a particular interest in it. The Minister, I suggest, was vague, even threatening in connection with the life of the Prices Advisory Body. He indicated that the period of life of certain Orders concerning supplies and services would shortly be coming to an end. He did state—in fairness to him—that he thought if these controls were to be kept on some permanent machinery which would keep control should be established.

I believe that the Minister would be well-advised to keep control of prices, because while perhaps the prices of important or everyday major items are not increasing, there are innumerable small and perhaps in themselves pettyincreases in the prices of articles which unless looked for would not be noticed, but which nevertheless constitute an item in the everyday expenditure of the ordinary worker that has been steadily increasing. I believe it is essential that control or at least publicity of some sort should be established in regard to increasing prices, and that the Minister and the Department must undertake the responsibility of carrying that out.

I note with regret that in answer to questions last week and again to-day the Minister indicates the number of cases in which recommendations have been made to him by the Prices Advisory Body has been steadily declining. I would suggest that the Minister, or his Government should accept some responsibility for that state of affairs. I suggest that the Minister has made a number of Orders removing control without at first seeking the advice of the Prices Advisory Body. That body may not be a perfect piece of machinery but it was established with a certain intent and purpose, and I believe it has carried out very useful progressive work in its recommendations to the Minister.

I am aware that the Minister is a keen believe in competition and the fact that private competition between individuals as a means of reducing prices is most effective. We would all agree with him up to a limited point; but where, as he must know, there are in this country combines and rings and trade organisation groups which of themselves agree to keep a certain standard or level of prices, you will wait a long time before competition will bring down the prices of commodities to the level at which they could rightly and with profit be sold. I regret that the Minister in his speech had to forecast the dissolution of the Prices Advisory Body. I consider that a backward step, and I believe that irrespective of price control or not that body can still serve a function. I would suggest to the Minister that it should be continued and should get an instruction from him to investigate, at its own discretion or on recommendation from his Department or on application fromreliable sections of the public, any cases of the costs of a particular article of a particular firm, and that a public statement be made that in the opinion of the Prices Advisory Body the price charged for the article is a fair one, that it is made up of a certain content of wages and of profit —in other words giving the structure of the price and indicating to the public the reason why the price had to be charged. In that way we would educate our public who believe in our Irish industry and get them to accept the prices charged knowing that they would be fair. On the other hand if the firm investigated was overcharging it would be a method, by pointing this out to the public, of forcing it to come into line with those Irish industrialists, and there are many, who are satisfied with a fair profit on their investments. Decent employers and, I am sure, the ordinary public would welcome such a step by the Minister.

It would act in the same way as the Standard Mark Committee acts with regard to quality. It would say that this was a fair price and that the people who paid it could pay it content in the knowledge that they were getting goods at the lowest price that could be charged for them.

I welcome the fact that the Minister has indicated in connection with the Institute of Industrial Research and Standards that he is prepared to introduce legislation to provide for a much bigger grant than the present £15,000 per year. I believe that that is an excellent move by the Minister and one that should be welcomed by all Parties. It is most important that that research work should be carried out and extended and that money should be made available to do so.

I regret very much that on this day week in answer to a question of mine in the Dáil the Minister indicated that there were a number of Irish industrialists who had not taken advantage of the facilities afforded to them to have a mark on their licences as being of a standard. I feel that Irish industrialists owe it to the people that they would avail themselves of this opportunity of securing for their goods aguaranteed standard. Irish industrialists have asked, and successive Ministers of Governments have demanded, of the Irish people that we should buy Irish on every occasion. Tariff walls have been set up to help these industries, and not only to help them so that they might make a profit but to help to keep our Irish boys and girls at home. All of us in this House irrespective of what Party we are in desire to see that continued. But we also desire to see that Irish industrialists and their workers give of the best to the Irish people both for consumption at home and export abroad, so that the good name and reputation of this country will be held high. All of us can agree with the Minister in his efforts to see that that goes much further than it does at present.

Some months ago the time of this House was largely occupied by a Bill brought in by the Minister which dealt with restrictive trade practices. Most of us will agree that it was a very urgent and important Bill and that since the passing of it a certain amount of good has been done. I have come across, during the course of a month or two, certain happenings in this country which forced me to the conclusion that there is need for an extension of that Bill or of some other Bill to curb the activities of certain individuals who have formed themselves—and, I am afraid, with Government recognition—into control of certain industries. I know a young Irishman who by his own endeavour educated himself in a particular industry, went to night school and secured the highest qualifications. Having passed his examination, with the help of a few people who had money to invest and were anxious to set up an industry, he formed a company producing a certain article in this State. Many other companies were producing the same article, but he felt that he could produce at a price and quality that of its own would secure for him and for his partners a certain amount of business. He applied to the Minister's Department for a licence to carry on, which he secured, but a condition was that the raw material would be allocated through a certain company.When he made his application he was told that there was no raw material available. Imagine his surprise to find that, inside of a week or two, the person who had control of the raw material was himself a manufacturer and was refusing to supply him mainly on the ground that he had not enough for himself. In other words, there is in this country such a position that people who are engaged in industry for profit, and only for profit, have, with the sanction of the Department of Industry and Commerce, control of the allocation of raw materials. Thanks be to God, there is a happy end to the story. He was able to carry on without that allocation and secure on the open market sufficient of the raw material to make his industry a success, and he is at present carrying on his industry. But I wish to protest against the fact that that control of an essential raw material for an industry is held, apparently with Government sanction, by a group who are themselves engaged for profit in the very industry that they are controlling. I think that position should not be allowed to continue.

The Minister has bewailed the fact that a large number of industrialists have not seen fit to avail themselves of the grants made available for the undeveloped areas. It is regrettable that these backward parts of the country will not have the advantage of becoming industrialised, thus preventing the flow of men and women from those areas either to the eastern part of the country or across the Channel. However, I might be human enough to say: "I told you so." On the debate on the Undeveloped Areas Bill, both Deputy Desmond and myself stressed the need for inserting in it a provision whereby the Government itself could invest capital if private capital could not be secured. I believe that the Government of this country have not only the right but the responsibility and duty to invest Government capital in any industry that can be proved worthwhile. I agree that private enterprise should be stimulated by Government grants or by certain other concessions but, where that stimulation is not effective, I believe that the Government have a primaryresponsibility in the matter of investing money in industrial undertakings that will show a very small profit or, perhaps, no profit at all and that will not be attractive to private enterprise either because of the risk involved or because of the smallness of the profit. There are profits other than monetary profits. The keeping of our men and women in useful and gainful employment in their own country —even if the industry does not make a profit or makes only a very small profit —will, in itself, show a profit on the right side. The keeping of these people at home will, in turn, give a fillip to industry.

We must remember that one-third of the total enterprise of this country is composed of consumer goods. Unless our people are employed and receive wages sufficient for their needs you will have a continuous draining of the life-blood of our country in the form of emigration. That will result in a consequential reduction of industrial work which, in turn, will result in a further flow of emigration from this country.

I believe there is a grave danger of complacency in regard to this Estimate. There is a need, as anybody who has studied the question must know, for 25,000 new jobs each year to meet the number leaving school and seeking work and the number leaving the land. In fact, I am putting the estimate at a very conservative figure when I say 25,000. In reply to a question which Deputy Desmond put to the Minister last week, we were informed that a certain number of persons are engaged in industry this year as compared with last year. On examining last year's figure, however, I was amazed to discover that last year over 22,000 fewer male persons were on the land as compared with the year previous to that. That figure of 22,000 fewer male persons on the land in any one year is the highest figure that has been recorded, so far as I can discover. If new jobs have to be found for those 22,000 persons, plus all the young persons leaving school, then indeed my figure of 25,000 is very conservative and should be much nearer to 40,000.

I am afraid we cannot afford to haveany complacency. The Minister must not content himself with bewailing the fact that private enterprise has not caught up with the job and saying that he is going to encourage it. This Government, or any Government, must make up their mind that they will have to invest money in this country. Let them raise that money by way of loan, if necessary. They must get sufficient capital to put into industry so as to keep in employment at home those 25,000 to 40,000 persons who are leaving the country annually. It is necessary that the Government should start thinking on the lines of projects similar to the E.S.B. and Bord na Móna. These two schemes were started either with Government capital or with Government capital allied to private enterprise.

I do not care whether the schemes be started with Government capital or partly with Government capital so long as they are started. I suggest that the Industrial Development Authority are the ideal group to undertake the planning of that work. I am aware that at present most of their time is taken up in examining whether a licence should or should not be given for the importation of certain commodities. I think there is a bigger function there for them to perform. I believe they should be thinking on the lines of whether or not it is possible, with Government money or partly with Government money, to develop, say, a chemical fertiliser industry in this country. Everybody must be aware of the cost of imported fertilisers. Deputy Dillon suggested a likely scheme and I suggest a chemical fertiliser factory as a suitable project.

I believe that where very little profit can be shown from an industry, you will not get any private enterprise to touch it. I think, therefore, that it is the duty of the Government to utilise the Industrial Development Authority and to invest the money of the people within this country itself.

In his introductory speech, the Minister stated that 68 new factories were opened within the past year. I should have liked the Minister to relate the number of additional persons engaged in industry in the past year. There isthe possibility that some of the 68 new factories, which the Minister said were opened during the past year, are like some of the factories about which Fianna Fáil used to taunt the Cumann na nGaedheal Government—back-room factories where there might be maybe one man and a boy and, indeed, where even the boy might not be employed. There is also the possibility that, while 68 new factories were opened, 100 others have closed down. God forbid that that should be so. I should have liked to hear the Minister say, when speaking on this subject, that so many more persons are employed in industry now than were employed this time 12 months ago. I fear, however, that he was not in a position to make any such statement. My investigation, and the investigation of the Party to which I belong, shows that instead of an increase in the number of persons engaged in industry there has been a steady decrease.

The live register of unemployed cannot be regarded as an index in that regard on account of emigration, but it is evident from it that the position now as compared with that which existed 12 months ago does not show that there is anything like equilibrium in industrial undertakings. My experience as a trade unionist who has kept in contact with conditions throughout the country is that there is considerable unemployment in our industries. Thank God, there are signs of an improvement but I am not party and neither do I want to be party to the complacency with which this Estimate has been introduced, and the manner in which the Minister has dealt with it. One would think that everything was going on wonderfully. I do not accept that view and the Government, the Minister and all Deputies would do well to remember that while there are men walking the streets of Dublin and other cities and towns crying out for work in industry or anywhere else which has been denied to them or which cannot be given to them, the Government has not only a right but a duty as I have said to see that work is made available by the promotion of some industry which will occupy these idle hands.

I am not quite sure whether we can discuss on this Estimate the Tourist Board, for which, I understand, there is a separate Vote, No. 67.

That is not included in this Estimate.

As there will be another opportunity——

I am sorry; it is included.

The Minister referred to it.

There was a drop of £2,000,000 in the income from tourism in 1953 as compared with 1951. All of us here appreciate the terrific value of the tourist industry. It is a help, and a very decided help in balancing the difference between our imports and our exports and one of the things in favour of which all Parties spoke, but it is significant that in 1952, in the year in which we were making our maximum effort, there was a drop of £2,000,000 in income.

The Coronation celebrations might have had something to do with that.

I hope they had, inasmuch as there will not be a Coronation this year and we may hope to do better. As well as helping to bridge the gap between imports and exports, the money that comes from tourism is of particular benefit to the country in so far as it spreads out through all the counties of Ireland. It affects all industries and trades pretty well equally and the raw materials of the tourist industry, the services provided and the food eaten, can be said to be home produced. It is of terrific value from this point of view and the Government cannot be too strongly urged to foster improvements in the industry.

I believe we are working on the right lines and I welcome the fact that increased grants have been earmarked for both An Bord Fáilte and Fogra Fáilte. I understand that the figure is £375,000, or £140,000 more than last year. That improvement in the grants is something on which I should like tocongratulate the Minister but I again want to impress on him that there is no room for complacency. While we have improved our position, and will, I hope, improve it further in the future, I want to point out that the grants are still very low by comparison with the amount of money we get in, being only 1½ per cent. of the net receipts from the industry. I suggest that that is not enough, that bigger propaganda and better planning are necessary.

While saying that, I want to point out that I believe too much attention is paid to the dollar side of tourism. Of a total figure of £32,000,000 received last year, only £2,500,000 came from the dollar countries. The balance came from across Channel or from Northern Ireland. I suggest that we cater more for our friends in Northern Ireland and across the Channel——

The Six Counties.

I stand corrected—the Six Counties. We should cater more for our people in the Six Counties and also encourage our own people here to stay here for their holidays. I believe that instead of emphasis being placed on the luxury hotel, the luxury airliner or other method of travel, we should cater for the ordinary people who want a good standard—cleanliness, good food and reasonably speedy travel. For that reason, I believe that the money spent on Aer Lingus is money well spent, but I am equally satisfied that money spent on transatlantic air services is of no great benefit to the people.

I suggest that the Minister should emphasise to the two boards which deal with tourism that they should concentrate more on the ordinary people and their needs, and should encourage not only the person who comes to stay in our hotels, but the very modest hiker who wishes to have a holiday on the lowest amount of money possible. All these hikers, with the limited funds in their pockets, added together can very well tot up to the same millions as a couple of hundred millionaires will bring. There is no particular reason why we should seek dollars now. We can get all our dollar requirements, I understand,out of the dollar-sterling pool. There was perhaps in earlier years an urgency about securing dollars at any cost, but now we should concentrate on the ordinary person who crosses the Channel, or comes from the Six Counties, or those of our own citizens who spend their holidays here. I understand that £7,000,000 of Irish money was spent abroad by Irish tourists in England and elsewhere last year and it would be well if we could divert even a portion of that money and retain it here.

We have to help other countries.

I suppose there is that to be said. If we do not go to them, they will not come to us, but I feel that we should show our beauty spots not only to the people in America and the people in the Six Counties and Great Britain but also to our people at home. I believe there is a good deal to be done in bringing the charms of the different counties to the notice of these people.

I did intend to deal with the question of Tourist Board property and, in particular, the selling of property in the town of Tramore by the Tourist Board to certain private enterprise. The people of County Waterford would like that I should deal with that matter and perhaps even some Deputies would like me to deal with it. While I might be able to give some surprising information about it in view of the fact that there is a motion on the Order Paper in my name which will probably be discussed within the next week, I will confine my remarks to saying that I believe the Minister should co-operate more with local authorities or encourage these boards to co-operate to a greater extent. Local authorities have a responsibility and they have a will to help that private enterprise can scarcely be said to possess. A particularly glaring instance of non-cooperation was the fact that the local authority in Tramore was deprived of the right of even bidding for a certain tourist property which, to my mind, was disposed of at a sacrifice price,but we will have more of that anon.

As a Labour Deputy, I feel that there is no room for complacency in discussing this Estimate. The Minister has not even attempted to make things look well. Any Deputy who is alive to the position in the country cannot feel that things are well while unemployment stalks through the country, while people are in want, while the goods, the raw materials and the man-power are available in this country to make the things people want and yet these things are not being made. That is the position at a time when people are flying out of the country in thousands. It is the duty of the Minister in such circumstances not only to introduce this Estimate but to include in it provisions which will ensure that our people will have an opportunity to live and work here and to receive wages sufficient to enable them to maintain themselves and their families.

This is a very big Estimate for a very big Department. It covers so many different branches of endeavour that it is somewhat difficult to pick out the parts which are of most importance. I shall start by mentioning what I believe industry has done up to the moment and what perhaps we would wish it to do in future. We all wish to see the industrial arm developed to the fullest extent here in Ireland. We know that we have suffered very much from having an inadequate industrial arm. We entered the industrial field much later than many other countries. In some ways, that has been an advantage, but in other ways it has been a considerable disadvantage. At any rate, that fact has a very great bearing on our consideration of industry here.

One of the difficulties which we are up against, owing to the recent growth of many of our industries, is that we have not nationally worked out just what we expect our industries to do for us, how far we are prepared to help them and how far we are prepared to see that they get adequate capital and are permitted to make adequate profits to carry on. By that I mean that in countries where industries were established a long timeago, a working arrangement has been entered into roughly between the various industries, the Government and, indeed, all the people of the country.

We hear a lot of criticism of certain industries in this country from time to time. We also hear considerable praise of industries. Sometimes the blame and the criticism are as unjustified as the extravagant praise, but what we all want is to see industries here flourishing and playing their part in the life of the country, because we have suffered terribly from unemployment. We have suffered and are still suffering from the effects of mass emigration of the youth of the country every year. We wish industry to play its part in keeping people here at home and in providing them with adequate employment and all that flows from that. One of the criticisms that we hear from time to time is that Irish industries are making too much money, that there is, in effect, exploitation. That is a very easy thing to say, especially in a small country like this where we are apt to look on industries with perhaps the eyes of persons accustomed to looking at agriculture and the profits that agriculture can make. There is undoubtedly a certain degree of ignorance in these matters. That is where we have not yet, as a people, come to a working arrangement with regard to industries.

Deputy Larkin on Thursday spoke on the question of profits in industry, and whilst one would expect Deputy Larkin not to be in favour of large profits, he certainly spoke reasonably on the subject. He mentioned the case of certain firms which had made very large profits but actually it is impossible to discuss the rights or wrongs of profits unless we know the particular industry and, in fact, the particular firm concerned and unless you have the balance sheets and other relevant matters in front of you.

I am not advocating that we should mention the names of individual firms; I think that would be a very wrong thing to do but what I want to point out is that Parliament is not the place where you can go accurately into the question of profits. You can merelysay that the profits appear to be high on the one hand and you can listen to the argument of somebody who says that they are not, but, to come to a reasonable decision, the matter has to be gone into a great deal more closely than is possible here.

I should say, however, that you cannot consider the question of profits except in relation to turnover and the capital employed in the business. Deputy Larkin referred to several businesses but he mentioned one in particular which had a capital of £50,000, and its net profit from 1945 to 1952 totalled £351,000. I am just as much in the dark about that as other Deputies are. But, from my knowledge of business, small though it may be, I know that you cannot decide whether that was in fact a large profit for the business concerned, because it is very likely that the real capital employed in the business is many, many times more than £50,000. It may be in fact ten times that.

Take the case of two firms which were started, we will say, 50 years ago with the same capital. If one firm every year ploughs back the profits or a good proportion of the profits into that business, at the end of 50 years that particular firm will have what we call capital employed in the shape of loose cash, stock, land and buildings and perhaps some investments— although not many firms go in for holding investments; they usually invest the money in their own business— that has become enormous because that firm, by thrift and self-denial, has built itself up into a very big position.

If, on the other hand, the other firm in the same line of business and with the same capital has not ploughed back its profits into the business because the owners decided that they would have a beano every years on the profits, in a very few years there will be an enormous difference between those two firms. It may then look as if the firm which is making a large profit on the same capital is making an exorbitant profit. It is not. It is making the profit to which its skill and its conservative policy over theyears has entitled it. One of the reasons why businesses do that is that they hope, when bad years strike them, to be in a position to carry on and weather the economic storm with the reserves they have built up. That is a cardinal principle of commercial life.

In a paper which I have here, got out by the Statist, in which there is a review of the commercial life of Ireland, a writer says:—

"There has always been one paramount condition essential to the success of private enterprise. This is the necessity constantly to plough back a very substantial proportion of the profits earned to provide capital to revitalise and expand the business."

In those two sentences lies the whole secret of commercial stability and, in many cases, the secret of industrial success. Therefore, when we hear talk about profits I would ask Deputies to consider, wherever possible, the whole circumstances surrounding the case. It is impossible to say on this or that fact whether profits are adequate or are too high.

Deputy Larkin also raised a question about bonus issues. Certain firms do issue bonus shares if they are doing well. They do that for a variety of reasons. I know of one firm which issued bonus shares and it did so because during the early part of the war it made a purchase abroad and then, owing to war conditions, was unable to bring the commodities that were purchased back to Ireland. Eventually, after the war was over, they succeeded in getting them over and as a result they capitalised that purchase and made a bonus issue. There are a variety of circumstances or conditions in each case and it is necessary to know the circumstances before judgment can be passed. Certainly judgment cannot be passed on the whole of our trade and industry in that way, because, as I say, there are varying conditions, some of which arise through the skill and better business ability of certain firms.

Then there is another matter arising out of that. It is very easy to talkof profits by looking at a business for a short time only. Most of the successful businesses in this country have been established over a long number of years. If you look at the balance sheets of various companies over a period of 20 or 25 years, you will find a very different picture from what you will find if you take just the short number of years since the end of the war. Another matter in connection with the question of profits in industry is the value of the £. As we are aware, the value of the £ has twice fallen since 1938. It fell as a result of the war from 1939 to 1945 and then it fell as a result of the Korean war. We have had a very large drop in the value of money since 1947. It is only fair, therefore, when you look at the profits of a business, to consider the actual value of the £ because a business, be it retail or manufacturing, is geared up to do a certain volume of business in goods. It has the personnel to deal with it. It has the warehouses in which to store the raw materials or the finished articles it manufactures. It has also the actual buildings in which to carry on the trade. It is geared to produce a certain volume of trade and the endeavour of every firm is to keep that volume up.

If that firm did a volume of business which produced a turnover of £100,000 in 1938—I want the House to think of a volume of goods which kept its employees adequately employed and its warehouses and other buildings occupied to the fullest extent—to-day that sum would represent at least £300,000. In other words, that business would require to make a turnover of at least £300,000 to produce the same volume of goods. Therefore, if you look at the profit in 1938 and the profit to-day you will get a very different figure but a very different amount of money is employed. If that business made a profit of 5 per cent. or £5,000 in 1938, to-day a profit of 5 per cent. would produce £15,000. That business has to finance and run the extra turnover which is necessary. These are all considerations which we, as a Parliament, should have at the back of our minds when we are considering the industry and commerce of this country.

In that respect it is interesting to note the American report on the industrial potential of this country. That report was made some time ago and it refers several times to the low rate of profit in this country. Far from thinking it is high it considers it is low. In one part of the report it is said that profits had not been sufficiently high to attract domestic private investment. It also said—and we all know this— that this country suffers from chronic under-investment. Therefore, we have to consider how far our criticism of the profits of industry is real because those experts pointed out the effect that low profits have had on industry in this country. They say that should be borne in mind when considering the low industrial activity in this State.

The report also refers to the business tax structure which, it says, is slightly lower than in Great Britain or the United States of America but is the same as in Holland and Sweden. That means it is at a very high rate. We really have got to make up our minds as to how far we wish industry to be allowed to carry on under conditions which enable it to make sufficient to lay by for the uncertainties and difficulties of the future.

I was interested to hear the remarks made by Deputy McQuillan on the whiskey industry and its exports. I do not know anything about the intricacies of the whiskey trade but I would say that this criticism of the industry for not going into the American market is one that is not quite fair.

It will not go down well.

Whiskey will go down well.

Whether it goes down well or up well, it is very easy to criticise a trade or industry for not expanding and going forward to a market but the whiskey industry would have very great difficulties to encounter in the American market. There would be difficulties of taste and large sums of money would have to be spent on advertising and working up the business generally.

We all know that potstill whiskey is not sold until it is seven years old. That means that a programme of laying by large quantities of whiskey would have to be carried out for something like seven years before any return could be made. It is, therefore, a very difficult matter for the whiskey people. It is a matter upon which I would certainly not criticise them. I think the Government should meet and discuss the difficulties which lie in front of any expansion of that trade in America.

Various Deputies have mentioned the tourist industry. We do seem to have hit a bad year this year, but of course there are reasons for that. It was Coronation Year in England and a lot of people who normally would have come here probably went to Britain instead. We hope that next year and in the future the tide will turn in that respect. Of course, what has happened might also represent a change, but we hope that is not so. It is up to the hotel people and to those in control of the tourist industry to make every effort to have the conditions as good for visitors as they can possibly be made. My own view is that we should concentrate on providing facilities for the middle-class tourist, for those who want reasonably priced hotels, and reasonably priced amusements and entertainments generally. I think it is in these respects that we can really show ourselves to the best advantage.

This year An Tóstal has come in for a great deal of criticism. Personally, I think it was a success. I think that we should carry it on and hope that there will be an improvement in each succeeding year. This was the first year that we had anything like it, and in my opinion it is worth continuing. People have pointed out that the number of tourists who came here this year dropped as compared with previous years, and argue from that that An Tóstal was a failure. I do not think that is fair criticism because even without An Tóstal the number of tourists coming here this year might have been smaller still. I think we should keep it on and endeavour to profit by our experience of this year.

Some people consider that An Tóstalis held too early in the year. That is my own opinion, too. I think it should be held as close to the regular summer season as possible. I also think that the committee of An Tóstal would be well advised to keep in touch with the various sporting people, and that it should endeavour to arrange sporting programmes well in advance of the holding of the festival. I understand that it is too late now to arrange racing fixtures for next year. That is something which the committee should be thinking about for 1955. I am also of the opinion that the committee should get in touch with the Royal Dublin Society which, I understand, offered it full use of the society's show grounds. I believe that, so far, the offer has not been availed of. The grounds were offered last year. That situation seems extraordinary, in view of the fact that the shows of the Royal Dublin Society constitute the greatest tourist draw in the whole country.

There is another matter which, as a Dubliner, I would like to refer to. It is that so many people, during the rush hours in this city, have to wait in queues for buses. One never saw queues when we had the trams on the streets. Nowadays, at every bus stop, during practically all hours of the day, one sees little knots of people waiting for buses. If that occurred only during the rush hours one might say that it was something which it was rather difficult to deal with. The fact is that you see groups of people waiting at the bus stops during the rush hours, and these queues are almost always there. That fact would seem to point to this, that there are not enough buses on the roads, and that the citizens of Dublin are being very badly catered for by the bus company. I would ask, as a city Deputy, that this matter should be very seriously considered, and that more buses should be put on the roads.

In conclusion, I would say that we in Ireland have been suffering for the last two years or more from a trade depression. Our unemployment figures are very high, and the Government are not doing anything very much to meet that situation. The building industry, about which I know something,provides one of the quickest and best ways of giving employment, but at present that industry is in a very depressed condition. I would ask the Minister to take steps to see that employment is encouraged by every means in his power in the country generally, and, particularly, that the building industry be allowed to make the contribution to employment which it and it only can make.

I had hoped that the Minister in his review of the activities of his Department would have made some reference to our position as a member of the O.E.E.C. I think that some importance lies in the fact that as a nation we are a member of that organisation. When it was formed in 1948 it had for its object to combine economic strength, to join together and make the fullest collective use of the individual capacities and potentialities of its members, to increase their production, to develop and modernise their industrial and agricultural equipment, to reduce whatever barriers there might be between them, and thus provide full employment, restore or maintain the stability of their economies as well as general confidence in their national currencies.

It was on that basis that a number of nations came together to form the O.E.E.C. In the years since it was formed in 1948 the data obtainable have been collected by the organisation and this material has been made available for this Government and for the Governments of the other countries which are co-operating in that organisation.

I would have liked the Minister to say how we are co-operating with O.E.E.C. in their general policy of promoting full employment, how we are fitting into their scheme of reducing trade tariffs and liberalising trade generally.

Another organisation has been set up known as the European Productivity Agency and that organisation has for its purpose: "To promote the most suitable and effective methods for increasing productivity in individual enterprises in the various sectors of economic activity in the member countries and over the whole field oftheir economy and to this end it shall undertake and promote measures tending to the acceptance and adoption of the best and most modern techniques and to the removal of factors limiting their adoption." I would have liked to hear the Minister say whether we have joined this European Productivity Agency and, if so, what benefits we have derived or are likely to derive from membership.

Then there is the third organisation to which I would like to refer briefly, that is, the organisation known as G.A.T.T., or the General Agreements for Tariffs and Trade. How far are we as a nation co-operating with that organisation and how far are we benefiting from the very valuable research and very valuable technical information that is available in that organisation?

When our membership of these organisations, in the first instance, became practicable, the tendency then was to run these organisations, as it were, through the machinery of the Department of External Affairs. I always felt that, being economic, having to do with industrial development, having to do with the promotion of full employment, these were matters that were peculiarly within the domain of the Minister for Industry and Commerce. I think the House and the country would like to know how valuable these organisations have been to us and how much we have contributed in a general way to the objectives they have in mind. Perhaps when he is replying the Minister would deal briefly with these matters.

The Minister, the House and, I think, the country generally, welcome the efforts that have been made to get our feet into the American market. I just wonder whether this is a wise policy at the present time. Undoubtedly, if we could get into the American market and if we could maintain our position there it would be a most desirable development for this nation. As I understand it, economists of world reputation agree that there is a chronic, as they term it, unbalance of trade existing in the world which should be ended as soon as possible. Economists also agree that there is nopossibility of that unbalance being rectified unless there is a fundamental change in American commercial policy.

A very large range of potential exports to the American market are fixed with tariff rates of 50 to 60 per cent., or even more. There is the extraordinary complexity and difficulty of their customs valuation which increases the tax on goods imported into the American market. There is the Buy American Act. There is their own shipping policy which is generally described as discriminating against every nation except themselves, and there are innumerable other difficulties in connection with the American market.

I understand—and perhaps in this the Minister would be more informed than I am, but I think it is something the House might consider—that in actual fact in the coming months a very big political battle is developing in the United States in regard to whether there should be a lowering or a raising of tariffs or trade barriers. If that battle resolves itself in favour of those who apparently up to the moment have had control, that is, in favour of an increase or the maintenance of present trade restrictions, then efforts to get into the American market, however desirable it might be to get into that market, are not likely to meet with any success.

The Minister was most diplomatic— as he usually is since he became a Minister—in his reference to what happened in regard to his own efforts to establish a transatlantic air service in the last couple of years. The Minister mentioned at columns 814-15 of the Official Debates of the 20th October, the difficulties he encountered and there were two very main difficulties. We are anxious to establish this transatlantic air service. Everything that could be done on this side of the Atlantic to establish that air service was done by the Minister. It was the desire of the Irish people that we should establish that air service but the efforts to establish it were sabotaged, which is not putting it in the diplomatic way the Minister puts it. The decision as to whether we would be permitted to run it or notwas delayed for over a year until there was less than two years left to us to operate the service. As the Minister very properly says, no one would undertake the risk of offering a service limited to a life of two years. Consequently, the whole project was abandoned.

I hope that no one will consider that I am unnecessarily or unduly critical if I say that, if there had been a spirit of co-operation between the United States of America and this country in regard to the air service, the air service would be operating; but it was stopped, and it was stopped for the reasons stated by the Minister, that there was this delay, which he very diplomatically says may have been due to the election in America, but which we all know had nothing to do with the Presidential election in America. It was delayed just sufficiently long to make it impossible for anyone but a fool to attempt to run it in the short period that was left available. American business people connected with air lines had no desire to have this competition and consequently they successfully stopped it, just as they will successfully stop the imports of any goods from this or any other country they may consider would endanger a particular line of business of their own.

I am stating this as a fact that we have to realise when we talk about bursting into the American market. I think that Deputy McQuillan—who has excellent ideas in regard to the increase in the production of whiskey and the export of whiskey—will find that there are undoubtedly very many and very grave difficulties in the way of putting into the American market whiskey which will go into competition with their own ryes and their own whiskey and the business they have built up themselves over a long period with the Scotch distillers. What I am very anxious about is the danger that very valuable energy, time and money may be expended in an effort to get into the American market and that effort, in the long run, may be unsuccessful.

This is not a matter of difficulty only as far as we ourselves are concerned.Each Western European country faces the very same difficulties. Each and every one of them believes that unless there is this alteration in the American approach to imports it will not be possible to build up the strong Europe that those nations are anxious to build up.

The Minister—and many other Deputies—talked here about the temporary trade recession which was experienced internationally in 1952 because of the liquidation of stocks which had been accumulated on the outbreak of the Korean war. The Minister said that that temporary recession had ended and many Deputies have expressed their pleasure and delight that it has passed. Economists are worried now about another depression in trade. The economists from different countries who belong to the O.E.E.C. and economists who have debated this matter in the Council of Europe are of opinion that a major depression could now start in Europe and that if any depression does start it may start in the United States. According to these economists, several weaknesses have appeared in the economic situation of the United States recently. The level of stocks, they say, is rather high; there has been a reduction in the demand for broad categories of consumption goods; the number of houses begun has declined this year; the price of industrial securities has fallen; and there were other signs to indicate a weakness in the economic structure of the United States.

The danger is that the United States of America may be forced to take steps to avoid the recession or to bring about some readjustment in their own economy. American economists, to whom this problem has been put by European economists, say that they are able to stand any such strain. The trouble is, even if the United States can stand the strain of the measures they would have to take to bring about readjustment, can the nations of Europe stand the effects of those measures? In 1949 there was no slump in America, there was no falling off in the rate of fixed investment. All that happened in 1949 was that manufacturers ceased to accumulate stocks. American importsfell by only 7 per cent.—but that resulted in a devaluation of the British £ by 25 per cent. There is undoubtedly cause for concern. While that position exists, are we wise, I say, to expend time, energy and money in trying to get into the United States market?

It has been estimated that a 10 per cent. cut in American imports would cost the sterling area £1,100,000,000 a year. The O.E.E.C., and the countries in the O.E.E.C., including this country, feel that we must endeavour to avoid what would be termed just the ripple from that kind of disturbance in the American market, that we must expand industry and remove trade barriers. They say that industrial expansion and the removal of trade barriers are the most effective measures to prevent the worst repercussions of such a recession as I have mentioned in the United States of America.

It would be a bad thing for us if we had any recession.

I mention these matters as matters worthy of consideration. I want to make it clear to the Minister and the House that I am not speaking now as an expert; I am speaking as a student. What will our policy be in the light of these possibilities? First and foremost, it must not be a haphazard policy. We cannot take chances. If the other European countries decide that the situation must be faced in a uniform way, have we considered that matter and have we decided to keep in step with them or what, in fact, have we decided to do? I think the House would welcome a statement from the Minister in that regard.

The economists say that we should have a selective programme of expansion and that we should adopt a policy such as that rather than haphazardly try to establish an industry here, buttress up an industry there or let an industry go out of existence somewhere else. The general feeling is that there are certain things that all of us can do. We must concentrate on basic industries, the products of which are necessary for any general expansion in production, and industries such ashousing, because it corresponds to the urgent needs of the population.

We must concentrate as far as we can on new industries such as synthetic fibres and things of that kind, that is, on absolutely new industries. We must do everything we can to improve the balance of payments with the dollar areas.

It seems to me that there should be a greater concentration on agricultural development and agricultural production because agriculture is the one industry capable of a truly enormous expansion and the products of that industry are vital from the point of view of enabling us to pay our way and from the point of view of providing essential foodstuffs for humanity.

We should concentrate also on such other industries as will supply the needs of our people and, if possible, leave a margin for export. Generally speaking, looking over the economic tables, we find that most countries in fact retain 90 per cent. of their production for their own use and export 10 per cent. There are, of course, variations.

A good deal has been said in relation to industry and the improvement in the balance of payments. I agree with what was decided when O.E.E.C. was set up: our economic policy should be increased production and full employment. The people who came together to found O.E.E.C. were of that opinion. I think the Government, statesmen and economists generally are agreed that our economic policy should be increased production and full employment. A restrictive financial policy does not assist so far as increased production and the maintenance of full employment are concerned because such a policy limits the demand for imported goods and thereby reduces imports. That, in turn, means reducing the possibility of exports from other countries. We cannot stand alone. If we help to reduce exports from other countries we thereby contribute to stagnation in production in these countries. That has been described as an attempt to export unemployment to other countries.

I agree that when we had inflationarytendencies of a harmful kind it was right to insist on financial stability and to provide safeguards against real inflation.

How could there be inflation when we have so many unemployed not producing?

I do not want to digress at the moment. I have dealt with that point on many occasions here and, as Deputy Hickey knows, if there are two Deputies who are in agreement on this I think they are Deputy Hickey and myself. Real inflation can be a great menace. While there is a danger of inflation, the present viewpoint amongst Western nations is that deflation is the greater evil now. Every one of the Western European nations associated with O.E.E.C. and the Council of Europe agree that all of them overdid the policy known as financial stability. As one speaker described it, most Western European countries have become internally financially stable, but all of them have become internally economically stagnant. That is rather interesting, because last year in the fifth report of O.E.E.C., leaving Western Germany out of the picture, Western European industrial improvement was only 1 per cent., whereas in America it was 8 per cent. There are certain figures of importance which illustrate the general effect on Western European countries of this policy of financial stability. Taking the 1948 level of production as 100, Western Europe had a production index which reached 136 by 1951, and only 137 by 1952. The U.S.S.R., taking 1948 as 100, had reached 171 by 1951, and 190 by 1952.

Is that a case for slave labour?

That is more than any of us can say, I am sure.

Concentration camps.

The satellite countries, as they are called, taking their 1948 figure as 100, reached 187 by 1951 and 223 by 1952. So that there hasbeen developing in the Western European countries a position of economic stagnation, and that is attributed to this policy that was adopted in all the countries a couple of years back of what was known as financial stability.

In other words, you can starve the people and have financial stability.

You can, yes.

It was adopted here, too.

I have said that we were one of the countries in the O.E.E.C.

Do you say that you are in favour of it?

Had the Central Bank Report anything to do with it?

I think Deputies will have to listen to what I am saying. I would not talk on this matter if I did not think it vitally important.

I would not have gone to the trouble of collecting the data that I have collected if I did not think it was of some importance to the House and to the country.

I find it very interesting.

The Minister, in his efforts to bring about full employment —because I know and I think the House knows that that is his objective —must take into account the wisdom of those European organisations that have considered the matter in the light of developments. If I may say this— now that the Government have created what is termed financial stability and political stability——

Do not mind the cost.

I am not talking about political stability but financial stability.

Now that they have created financial and political stability, they are in a position to change over to the policy of full employment, and I think that might perhaps be described as a policy of giving to the people— that is, not just a section of the people but all the people—greater spending power.

Conversion number one.

No. I think Deputy O'Sullivan might have been a student of mine on this many years ago. There is an effort to create markets for this country in Germany. What market can we create for this country in Western Germany? From the industrial point of view, because of their strength in industrial production, Western Germany could swamp the rest of Europe with industrial goods. So that we have no market in Germany for industrial goods. We have no market in Germany for agricultural products because if anyone will refer to this report of the O.E.E.C. he will see the duties that are imposed on agricultural goods in Germany. I shall not go into this fully, but I would refer Deputies to the volume. In respect of bovine cattle, that is, animals for slaughter, there is a 20 per cent. ad valorem duty in Germany. There is nothing in England. For sheep or lambs, there is a 20 per cent. ad valorem duty in Germany; there is nothing in Britain. In the case of swine the duty is 20 per cent. in Germany, nothing in Britain. In the case of meat of bovine cattle—beef, veal— there is a duty of 20 per cent. in Germany and in Britain, 13 per cent.

Taking the list of agricultural products or things that can be made from agricultural products, there is obviously no market in Germany for us. No matter what anyone may say about all the eggs being in one basket, we are forced back to the position that our only market, with the exceptionof small items here, there and elsewhere, is Great Britain. In order to build up and cushion this country against economic danger in future we have, as a free people, to enter into the closest and friendliest trading relationship with Great Britain. I feel that that is vital and essential. I should wish it were otherwise. I should wish that markets were open in Germany, France, America or elsewhere, but the fact is that they are not and they are unlikely to be for some considerable time. All our efforts, therefore, ought to be concentrated on the extension of our agricultural production and of such selected industries as will help to provide employment and will be able to cater for our home market.

The general policy as agreed on by the different nations who form the O.E.E.C. was that tariff barriers, as we know them, should be lowered to a large extent and that there should be a considerable amount of free trade. It is only right to say that this country is almost on a level with the other countries in regard to this particular matter of liberalisation of trade, but the tendency is to increase liberalisation and, while we are able to bring about financial stability to some extent and to reduce the margin in regard to our trade, that is being brought about, not only in this country but in other countries, by an attempt to increase exports and an attempt, undoubtedly successful, to reduce imports. The effect of the reduction of imports, as I have already stated, is to create unemployment in another country. If we are co-operating as we should be co-operating in Western Europe, those trade barriers all round will have to be lowered and in the reasonably free exchange of goods the people as a whole will find prosperity that is at the moment denied them. The grave danger is that in the event of a recession or any threat to some of our industries, we immediately hit back by high duties or by tariffs or by even prohibition of imports. If we are going to play our part as part of this new European unit, then I think we will have to take the rough with the smooth and in the long runI think it will react to the general good of the people in this country.

Previous speakers on this Estimate have adverted to what is perhaps the most important item under the Minister's domination and that is tourism. It is probably one of our biggest earners and one which I am sure everybody is interested to see developed to maximum capacity. I share a fear expressed by previous speakers as to whether the methods at present adopted are best suited to extracting the maximum that can be gained from tourism. I am referring to the two boards set up under Government control at the present time. That was decided on as the wisest course and I hope it will be the wisest method but I cannot help feeling some sort of fear that there is a danger of overlapping.

The old Tourist Development Association, in my opinion, gave good service in this country although its efforts have been belittled and written down by all sorts of scribes including the Press. But having regard to the limited means at the disposal of the old association and to the time when they started to put Ireland on the map as a tourist centre, I think they are entitled to a good deal of admiration and praise for the efforts which, if not as good as they might have been, were at least reasonably successful.

They had very limited funds and were not subsidised by the Government. They had to draw funds from contributions by local authorities and personal contributions from private members and hoteliers and others in the country. But they were working with the people and from the people. They were drawn from the publicly elected representatives of the counties and from people directly and indirectly interested in tourism.

Another board has been set up which is not short of funds, nor is it beholden to anybody for its sustenance. It is subsidised liberally and I congratulate the Minister on that because I believe that the industry is worthy of big subsidies to bring back a big return. There is a fear in mymind, however, that An Bord Fáilte, because of being financially independent, may take that independence a little bit too far and feel that they are themselves not in touch with the ordinary man in the street and say: "We are not going to come to you with our cap in hand like the poor old Tourist Development Association; so we will go and draft out our own policy and our own programmes without consulting you or anybody else."

I would like to suggest that perhaps they are setting a headline in deciding the date of An Tóstal of 1954. If they are going to follow the headline that they set in 1953, it is not going to be good for tourism if they hold to that decision. The festival which originated this year was an experiment throughout this country and it had the warm and enthusiastic support of everybody. Everybody took it as an experiment, a national effort to expand tourist revenue and extend the tourist season. I am sure the main object of it was to encourage tourists to come here, although sometimes we might not be able to see the wood for the trees. We were apt to lose the original idea because of the way in which it was linked up with certain national fixtures. It was decided to have it early in the year, in the month of April, and we know what happened. Despite the people's efforts and the efforts of local committees, the weather was bad and the first Sunday was what you might call "a washout". I think it speaks very well for the local people that they came up again, notwithstanding the inclemency of the weather, and splendid efforts were made to put An Tóstal across on the first occasion it was held. But there was a feeling that there should be some consultation as to whether or not it was a wise time to hold the festival, and if we are going to have the festival again next year we might perhaps do something better in regard to the date. I have heard various expressions of opinion—not from my own county but outside it—that An Tóstal should at least be extended to the month of May.

Common sense indicates that that is a reasonable suggestion, because youcould not possibly expect to have a successful festival in April, close down for May and start the normal tourist season in June, running on into July, August, and possibly September. Are we going to expect that Americans will come from their own country to seek Ireland in the winter and spring, when there are always, as the saying goes, "twelve days from old March that run into the days of April?" You might have very inclement weather around that period and I think it is unreasonable to expect the people when they are going to go back to a hot period in America to come here at a time when they can only get the cold draughts of April and May.

I think it would be much more sound and sensible if consultations had taken place and if a majority decided against having An Tóstal in April—well, we should be bound by majority rule. But this committee said: "We will have An Tóstal on a certain date and you are to accept that and you must not question it." Already certain committees in the country are in revolt. I hope that they will be brought round to fall into line, but I think this dispute is a bad start-off. There should be consultation, and An Bord Fáilte have several agents in touch with these committees down the country, agents who went around to see these people on the first occasion of An Tóstal, and I think that An Bord Fáilte should show that they appreciated what these people did in 1953 by consulting them in respect of 1954.

I mention this to the Minister purely because of the fear I have that it may be taken as an indication not alone for An Tóstal, but also as an indication that An Bord Fáilte might be thinking of itself as a self-contained body with power to go out and carry out its own proposals. The old Tourist Development Association acted in conjunction with the public boards of the country and the hotel-keepers and whatever shortcomings they had were of a purely financial nature.

They were working in co-operation with the people as a whole. I hope that we are not going to persist in the date now fixed for An Tóstal, that at least some effort will be made to indicateto the authorities throughout the country who co-operated so loyally with An Bord Fáilte that they are not being slighted in this way and will be consulted for the fixing of dates of national events in future.

In connection with C.I.E., another big item in the Minister's programme, I want to express congratulations to C.I.E. for the courageous approach they are making to the problem of popularising rail travel, and to congratulate the Minister on the support he is giving them. They are making a brave effort to restore to the railways some of the passenger traffic lost by means of the buses and motor-cars in recent years. The old steam engine seems to be becoming obsolete, and if you are to get people back from the roads you must give them regular, fast, up-to-date modern services. That is being done by the company in no small way at the present time, and I believe that with the development of fast trains between big centres they are going to attract back people at present utilising their own motor-cars. Some of these people are already worried about using their cars because of the dangers of the traffic and of the difficulty of transacting business in Dublin with a motor-car. I know many people in the South who would gladly avail of rail services to save themselves the trouble of getting parking space in the City of Dublin and running the risk of getting tickets from the Garda Síochána when they come up from the country.

Do not give that excuse to the Guards in Dublin.

We can always say that to the Guards and get away with it sometimes. I do think that there is a big desire by a lot of people to get back on the rails if we had a railway service which would give them a reasonable opportunity of travelling up from the country and transacting their business instead of having to drive up and back again. The company has put on a splendid service to Cork and I am sure that the Lord Mayor is anxious to know that I am glad to see such a good service.

Dublin people might be more anxious about it.

There is a splendid service which gives people plenty of time to travel from Cork to Dublin and transact their business and get back to Cork that night. That should be a good incentive to many people, who have business to transact in Dublin and who have been coming up by motor-car, to get back on the rail. I want to make an appeal in that regard. In the old 1939 days, before the war, there was a good service between Cork and Dublin also and we in Limerick got a service connecting with that at Limerick Junction. This is a branch line of 22 miles with a very fine permanent way, and we are a city of 50,000 people who are fairly useful travellers when we get the chance. I am only asking C.I.E. to give us back the 1939 standard. I am not asking for any progress on 1939, when we left Limerick at 8.40 in the morning, joined up with the train from Cork to Dublin at the Junction, and were at Kingsbridge at ten minutes to 12. I found myself frequently on O'Connell Bridge before 12 o'clock. Now a good service has been given back coming between Cork and Dublin and I have had complaints from business people in the City of Limerick that we ought to at least go back to what we had in 1939 and have a connection from Limerick through the Junction to meet that train. It would only mean stopping at the Junction to pick up the Limerick contingent but it would be a desirable effort on the part of C.I.E. and I hope that they will do this. I have been approached by members of the chamber of commerce and different people in Limerick who say that the Cork fellows get away with murder and have got this very fine train.

I believe that what is being done by the company is praiseworthy and creditable and the only reason why I go into this thing is that I hope that they will give this connection. We cannot expect the company to provide services that are uneconomic, but I am satisfied that in this particular instance, where there is this fine main line which is a credit to the companyand to the country, we should at least get this connection from Limerick through the Junction and pick up the contingent from Limerick and give them a connection back to the Junction also. That would popularise travel with that city of mine and would prove itself economic for the country.

Speaking about the railway company, I would like also to refer to the goods end of the business. They have become the biggest sinners in the matter of heavy haulage on the main roads. The railway company, I suppose, had to move on to the main roads in competition with the other hauliers, but anybody using the road to-day will have to admit that if you take a return of the big heavy lorries you will find that C.I.E. are the biggest offenders. I hope that they will not be getting road-minded and forget that they were originally pioneers of the iron road. Their big double-trailers will cause considerable damage to the roads, which were never intended for such very heavy vehicle and goods traffic. If I had my way, all those six-ton lorries would go completely back to the railway and let the rail services deal with the heavy merchandise traffic. On the main roads between Cork, Limerick, Waterford and Dublin there is traffic from heavy vehicles which the roads cannot possibly stand up to and we have roads collapsing under the strain of these vehicles.

I believe that the railway company came out on the roads to meet the competition of their competitors, the hauliers, but they have now outstripped the others and are the biggest offenders themselves. They have got so inured to it that I have a fear that they will forget that they have railway lines with steam engines which could not be scrapped very readily and which could do a splendid job in moving heavy loads of live stock and goods. The vehicles I am speaking about are carrying live stock, two or three vehicles tied on to each other, and they are also carrying timber and girders 20, 30 or 40 feet long. Weights are very difficult to estimate but it has been alleged that on the roads to-day there are loads of 25, 26 and 27tons, and apart from the damage that they are doing to those roads on which money has been spent for a very long time, something must be done to divert this heavy traffic back to the rail in the interests of the protection and safety of life. C.I.E. should set a headline by trying to divert as much of it as they possibly can back to the railway. If they are getting on with their programme of dieselisation of the passenger services they could utilise the steam engines for this purpose, as they did for years and years before they ever came on to the roads, carrying goods from fairs and markets and hauling heavy goods for buildings and other industrial purposes. I would ask the Minister to put that before C.I.E. I fear that they are forgetting that they are railway people and I as an old railwayman am anxious to see that there should be more regard paid to the fact that they originated from the railway. I believe that they would be doing a good job for themselves and for the country as a whole by taking as much as possible of this heavy traffic back to the steel road and leaving the roads for the ordinary passenger and vehicular traffic.

I was glad to hear the Minister's statement in connection with the programme of the workshops of Inchicore and Limerick. On a recent occasion I was very pleased to have an opportunity of discussing the matter with the Minister, leading a deputation of the men. Up to that time there was unrest in the minds of the men and I want to thank the Minister publicly for the readiness with which he acceded to my request to meet a deputation of the men. They came representing 12 or 14 unions and the Minister was able to allay considerably the unrest that was in their minds.

It was a genuine fear, because a considerable number of men had lost their employment—highly skilled men who could get no similar employment in this country if they were to be knocked out of C.I.E. The sore point of it was that many of them who had gone from here to England are now engaged in the manufacture of rolling stock to beused by C.I.E., built by men who had served their time and learned their trade in Inchicore and could get no employment there. I think that the discussion between the men and the Minister on that occasion resulted in at least a certain amount of assurance that the position is pretty well safeguarded, and I want to thank the Minister for the generous way he received me and the members of the deputation. I made one statement to the Minister concluding that day and I would make it here again if he will convey it to C.I.E.—that they should make what they can and import what they cannot. They have a lot of facilities there and materials are available here in Ireland and they could make a lot of things that they now import, because apparently some big adviser tells them that they cannot get them here. We had evidence at that time that they were importing stuff which we could make at Inchicore. I only want to draw the Minister's attention to this with the idea that we should utilise such materials, and especially that more native timber could be utilised by C.I.E. than at present. They are importing plywoods of all kinds, and wooden panels, but notwithstanding the growth of steel vehicles and wagons a considerable amount of timber has still to be used, and we have a fine supply of native timber and could make all the pillars, doors and sheeting for the roofs and sides of the wagons. I would appeal to the Minister to draw attention to this because we were told by some officials of C.I.E. that they could not get enough native timber. I would ask the Minister to address himself to this point because it is in the national interest from the point of view of supporting the timber industry that we should utilise native timber and there are splendid facilities available for kiln-drying it. We should concentrate as far as possible on the utilisation of native timber.

I am very pleased in regard to the extensions that are taking place in rural electrification. It speaks well for the progressiveness and adaptability of our people in the rural areas that they are tumbling over each other in their anxiety to have electricity supplied totheir homesteads. We realise that the E.S.B. cannot possibly provide an electricity supply for everybody the moment they demand it. Then, again, there are people who refused it when they were offered it before and who are now anxious to get it. I must say that I think the E.S.B. are doing a reasonably good job in extending electricity supplies as fast as their resources permit them to do so.

There should be a little more elasticity on the part of the E.S.B. in regard to the zones where electricity is to be provided. The trouble is that a man outside a zone—even if he lives only a very short distance outside it—is not connected. The result of these zones is that there are bound to be dark pockets. It is obvious that at some time or other the people outside zones will have to get a supply of electricity and, for that reason, I think it might be better if there were not such cast-iron rigidity on the part of the E.S.B. in regard to the extension of the supply of electricity. There should be a bit of common sense and where one pole might mean the extension of electric light to perhaps, two or three houses, the pole should be erected and the people should not be left without their supply of electricity. Instead of having circular zones, I think the E.S.B. ought to have square zones and then we would not have these dark pockets to the same extent.

The E.S.B., being a semi-State body, ought to recognise another State body, that is, the labour exchange. Unfortunately, unemployment is rife in rural areas at present. When the E.S.B. come to a rural area and have employment to offer under the rural electrification scheme I think that, for the sake of harmony and equity, they ought to go to the labour exchange and give employment to those people whose names are on the list there and who have been longest signing on. I think that that should be done in respect of any scheme that might last as long, maybe, as two or three months. There is the grievance that a man may drive in from his farm in his horse and cart and obtain employment on the schemefrom the day it begins until it ends, whereas some of the men signing-on at the labour exchange are unable to get employment on the scheme. The position of these registered unemployed men is that if they do not look for work they will be struck off the register, and yet they are faced with that difficulty when a semi-State body comes along to their area and ignores the labour exchange. That procedure does not make for harmony and equity. The E.S.B. ought to do what any employer is expected to do. They should take the list from the employment exchange and give employment to the men whose names appear on that list, irrespective of their political affiliations, and bearing in mind only their commitments and family requirements.

I was interested in Deputy Cowan's contribution to this debate, though I must say that I got cold feet towards the end of it because of some of his observations. As a result of his international experience, he proceeded to prove that there is no market in America for anything we produce in this country. As far as I could judge, he based that opinion on the fact that the Americans would give only a two years' guarantee in respect of an airline agreement between Aer Rianta and Seaboard and Western Airlines. Deputy Cowan considers that there is no market for our produce in America. He then produced what I regard as the Doomsday Book—O.E.E.C. Report No. 5. I do not think that that volume was ever intended to be used in the way in which Deputy Cowan used it this evening. It is the Doomsday Book as far as I am concerned. He said, also, that there is no market in Germany for any of our agricultural goods, or the produce thereof. I had hoped from time to time that this Government or any Government of this country who were aiming at expanding our export markets would have some chance of success in fields other than the British market but Deputy Cowan tells us that we have only the British market. I am not in any way decrying the British market: I hope it will be expanded. At the same time, I hope the Minister will not get cold feet about seeking other markets inAmerica and Germany, and elsewhere, as a result of Deputy Cowan's oration here to-night. I would advise the Minister to forget what Deputy Cowan said and to seek new markets for anything we may have for export wherever he thinks suitable.

There is one point on which I definitely agree with Deputy Cowan, and that is that agriculture is our basic industry and that anything else must take second or third place to it. The Minister may not be directly responsible for agriculture but I look to him as the best and most fruitful source in the Government in relation to the provision of employment, whether the employment be of an agricultural or of an industrial nature. Therefore, even if industries are established in western and other areas, there is no room for complacency in view of the parlous condition of our basic industry, agriculture.

Between June, 1952, and June, 1953, we lost 22,000 workers from the land. That does not speak well for the development of exports whether they be to Germany, Britain, America or elsewhere because, in the main, I believe that our exports will develop from our agricultural industry. We must have a greater concentration and a greater loosening of the purse strings and a change of outlook on and attitude towards agriculture if we are to put that industry into a healthier position. A total of 441,000 farm workers were employed on the land in June, 1952, and that figure was reduced to 419,000 by June, 1953. This House cannot look complacently upon that decrease of 22,000 land workers in a period of 12 months because, when all is said and done, these workers are the most important people we have in this country. During the emergency, they were frequently lauded in this House and we were constantly reminded of their value to the State as the producers of the food for our people. We were told that these men stood between us and starvation. All their good work has now been forgotten in these times of peace and they are regarded merely as agricultural labourers. Some people call them by a less laudable name— spalpeens or something of the kind—but, to my mind, they are agricultural workers and producers of food and the loss of 22,000 of these means that they have gone off the land because there is nobody to employ them. Their conditions of employment were regulated by the Agricultural Wages Board, and whether that is a completely successful institution or not, I am not going to say, but their conditions having been regulated by this House to the extent of providing a weekly half-holiday for them, it is a matter not for the scoring of political points but of grave concern for this Parliament that, in 12 months, we have lost 22,000 workers from what is, and must continue to be our main industry. While it may not be directly the function of the Minister in his capacity as Minister for Industry and Commerce, I hope that he will take that message into his consultations with the Government and that some steps will be taken to improve a situation in which the lifeblood of the nation is being drained away as indicated by that loss.

This Department being so large and cumbersome, there is much to criticise, but criticism has been made of most of its activities and there is very little left to be said. The nation's success or failure depends solely on this Department and on the Minister who controls it. The Minister is an able man, but I would prefer to see him in charge of another Department, a Department of which the nation has very high hopes, the Department of Agriculture. So long as we have this Minister in charge of Industry and Commerce and trying to make a success of his Department, he is going to overwhelm the Minister for Agriculture. That is happening, with the result that the flight from the land over the past few years has been intensified and agriculture is falling into decay, and in a few short years we will be back to the ranch and the dog because the small man is being squeezed out. I give the countryman's point of view, not as a critic of high standing, but as one who lives in the country and sees what is going on.

Industrial development to a certain extent has done good, but the indiscriminate industrial development whichwe have all seen over quite a number of years has done an enormous amount of harm. This crazy competition between political Parties to see who will put up the most factories is one of the causes of the failure of our nation, because too many slipshod factories have been put up and have fallen down after a year or two. They are nearly always in the hands of aliens, of foreigners or semi-foreigners, who use them for the purpose of getting cheap and easy money. Many of them have got away with it, and it is time we had a review of our whole industrial position. We have had 30 years now and that is long enough to decide whether we can make a success of our industrial arm. In this respect, we have almost failed.

Outside of those industries which have been developed as by-products of agriculture, our industries are practically nothing more than assembly stations, which are of very little use to the country. I see them employing almost completely female labour at cheap wages and drawing people five, six and seven miles from the country to the larger towns, while people are emigrating from the over-populated towns. There should be direction and control in industry, and agriculture which is so important, as the key to our whole livelihood, should be controlled and directed so that if industries are started in urban centres, they will be started for the urban population.

I do not believe in people coming in from country areas, where there should be plenty of work at reasonably good wages, and, instead of these girls flocking in on bicycles nine miles to work in these factories, where they earn 50/- and £3 and in some cases £1 a week—scarcely enough to keep them in lipstick, rouge and the little things they need—there should be direction to ensure that if industries are started in big towns they will be started for the population there. The Minister should have some powers to ensure that people will not be drawn into them from the country areas.

I live in the centre of Ireland, andif we allow things to go on as they are going, we will have nothing but a few big towns, a monster city or two and a decayed countryside. I see houses empty to-day where there were 40 and 50 families 30 years ago. A few strong farmers have bought up the land, and any land left has been taken over by the Land Commission for division, but as the occupiers of small-holdings find it uneconomic to carry on, they are selling and getting out. That is a bad situation, and one which calls for a proper review of our industrial policy.

The Minister's Department should be divided up because he has too much in hands. He has Aer Lingus, C.I.E., and a hundred and one other responsibilities which he cannot control and direct, and I would prefer to see one Minister concentrating on industrial development on a proper, balanced basis. If we had such a Minister doing that work, he would be doing a big national service. During our fight for independence, one of the things we wanted was an industrial arm, but we never believed that that arm should be as strong as our agricultural arm, or that it should injure our agricultural arm. At present, it is doing great injury to it, in that it is strangling it. The way in which we are allowing a certain type of people to get control of it is having the effect of strangling agriculture. The costs we have to pay for machinery, together with lack of machinery and lack of credit, are strangling us. If I had proper machinery and capital at my disposal on my own holding, I could increase my output of everything by 100 per cent, and I am not a bit afraid or ashamed to say that; but, like everybody else in agriculture, I am strangled and crippled. If we look for credit, we cannot get it. We may get £50 or £100, but if we look for £500, we are not wanted in any bank or the Credit Corporation, with the result that we are left with half-developed farms.

If agriculture were allowed to develop and if industrial development were on an ordered basis and within reason, we would get somewhere. I do not believe in this mad craze of industrial development, with the Minister running all over the country openinglittle factories here and there, with all the publicity and propaganda that activity gets. The people are sick of it, because they see these factories started with a blare of trumpets and, in a few short years, they see men being let go and cheap female labour being brought in. Many of these girls employed in these factories would be far better off working in the country as domestic servants, getting the same money but with better living conditions and better training.

Instead of girls in the country staying where they should stay, we are bringing them into big centres to provide this cheap labour, with the result that when they are there for a couple of years, the devil will not get them back. They will not go back to the country to marry a farmer's son or an agricultural labourer, and, if they fail in the little country town, they go to Britain. What is the use of talking about industrial development when we see the countryside being stripped bare? We hear a lot of talk about starting industries in the West. I do not believe that many industries will be started in these areas and in my opinion you will have the same condition of affairs in the future as has always existed there. Why not give agriculture the same chance as manufacturing industries are getting? Look at the credit facilities placed at the disposal of the people who come in here from across the Border and foreign countries to start industries. We have seen millions poured into these industries in the last 30 years. Many of these millions have been simply washed down the drain with the result that our people are becoming sick and tired of all the talk about industrial development. The removal of the food subsidies was a blow from which the people will not recover for many years. It crippled many families, left them in hunger and misery and destroyed their hopes for the future.

C.I.E. has also been a costly failure over a number of years and I suggest that the time has now arrived when control over it should be tightened. We hear now that not alone millions, but tens of millions, are required toput it on its feet. I earnestly hope that when these tens of millions are pumped into it, it will get on its feet and that getting on its feet will not mean that it will trample on the feet of everybody else and strangle private enterprise. There is no use trying to run it in the slipshod way in which it has been operated in the past. Unless it is put on a proper foundation and unless the Minister and the trade unions come together to devise some proper system, it will continue to be a colossal failure. There is no use in paying two or three men £8 or £10 per week each merely for driving a lorry or sitting in it. When one of these lorries is sent out to take in a load of beet and you ask one of the crew to take a shovel in his hands when the lorry is being loaded, he is almost overcome by the shock. I say that is a criminal disgrace in a country such as this. Both the trade unions and the Minister will have to get together to hammer out some regulations whereby C.I.E. can be put on a self-supporting or a paying basis.

I would ask the Minister to concentrate on establishing industries which will be of a permanent character and which will stand the test of time. I do not believe in the setting-up of mere assembling plants. They are nothing more than Jewish "contraptions" started for the purpose of giving some foreigners an opportunity of acquiring easy money. It would be far better scrap these Jewish establishments in the City of Dublin. Dublin is becoming a colossus that is eating up the whole substance of the country and we are not making the slightest effort to curb that tendency. There should be real direction in this matter and people who are anxious to start industries should be told that there is plenty of room for these industries outside Dublin. They should be told to go to places like Mullingar, a big town in the centre of Ireland which has not benefited from the industrial development programme as it should. Mullingar was a garrison town in the British days and a very big amount of money was constantly in circulation there. Since the British garrison left in 1921, hardly anybody has made the slightest effort to see that Mullingarwas compensated for the loss involved in the fact that it is no longer a military depot. It is now a skeleton of a town when one would expect it to be the hub of industry in this country. I would appeal to the Minister to see that some industry is established there.

We must pay more attention to our towns and villages if we want to keep the people in the country. In the present condition of affairs, the country is completely off its balance and our nation has become as lopsided as it could be. While the war situation lasted, there was some excuse for that condition of affairs but the war situation no longer exists. The war situation provided the Minister with many reliefs. He was able to cover up many of our failures and much of the mishandling of money that took place. We are now facing a position in which we may have to meet keen competition from many other nations. Germany and Japan are on their feet again and are keen to secure world markets for their products. Where shall we stand if these people are able to produce better and cheaper articles and flood this country with them? What is going to happen our industries after all we have spent on them for the past 30 years? I doubt if we shall be able to stand the first blizzard that comes.

We are facing a dangerous situation. If we are not able to stand up to world competition, these people are not going to stop at our borders. They will if necessary flood this country with commodities sold at prices less than the cost of production. The Germans, as we know, are a great people with a great industrial tradition, people of an inventive turn of mind who can produce commodities at the lowest cost. There is no use in thinking that we can stand up to such competition. If our industries are not able to stand up to that blizzard, flop they go, with the result that many thousands more will be added to the unemployment list and emigration on a greater scale than was ever known before will ensue.

I believe that we should concentrate on building up the one industry in which we have excelled for thousands of years, namely, agriculture, and thatwe should help the rugged men on the soil. That is an industry that will stand the test of time. It has stood up to blizzard after blizzard for generations and has survived them. It is there for the picking-up and backing-up. I would much prefer to see the money that is being spent on fanciful schemes of industrial development that may well prove unproductive, devoted to the development of that industry which is our mainstay. Give us then a balanced economy and let the decentralisation of industry take place immediately.

I have heard some reasonable speeches during this debate. I heard one from Deputy Major de Valera, a balanced speech which I am sorry he did not make five or ten years ago. I also heard the speech of Deputy Cowan. As my friend Deputy Hickey said, it was horrifying to hear him tell us that there is nothing left to us but the British market and to get into it as quickly and as quietly as we could. There is the great patriot who travelled the world recently, telling us there is no hope for us anywhere. I say that we are at the cross roads at the present time. For the past 20 or 25 years we have been flinging money about indiscriminately in efforts at industrial developments. That money was taken out of Irish agriculture. Agriculture has had to bear the brunt of it and the cost of it, with the result that we have cleared men and women off the land and that we have left the farmer impoverished. We have built up a national debt of £100,000,000 on high falutin' nonsense, in a race between a few big Parties here to see who was best able to capture a few votes. That same race continues to-day. I am one of the old school who does not want a race of that kind to continue. I want to see an Ireland of which we can all be proud, an Ireland in which we can forget the past and look to the future with confidence. Let us be sane and sensible in our approach to these matters and even though we may have to consider them from a political standpoint on occasions, let our actions be above board.

There is one matter in regard to which I have to express strong criticism—Iam not criticising the Minister because I do not think he is responsible—and that is the importation of timber from Soviet Russia.

That was a national disgrace and those who imported it should bow their heads in shame: I do not care what sect they belong to. That timber was produced not only by the sweat but by the blood of their victims and their slaves. I ask the Minister to speak in condemnation of bringing in any of that timber in future. For hundreds of years we suffered persecution and got the sympathy of the world. Other people are suffering persecution to-day and we want to give them our sympathy. The right way to do that is to let those who are carrying on in this criminal way fend for themselves and get themselves out of the mess in which they are by not buying their timber. I do not believe the Minister is responsible. I believe there is more or less a free trade in regard to it. But I ask him to give a direction in regard to the matter and I hope that direction will be taken heed of. It is time we did something about it.

I could speak for weeks on this Estimate but I am not going to criticise the Minister because he is an able man with tons of ability and experience and a national record. But I am satisfied that he is too strong and too powerful for the Minister for Agriculture. In trying to make a success of his Department he is absolutely strangling agriculture. I ask the Taoiseach to exchange the two men and put the Minister for Industry and Commerce in charge of agriculture. I believe that if that happened and the Minister put the same effort into agriculture as he is putting into industry we would have a better balanced country. But as long as he goes on as he is going there is no hope for the country. We will have the national debt piling up, emigration and flight from the land and Dublin being built up.

I ask the Minister, in any industrial development in the future, to see that the industries are native to the soil and to cut out the assembly stations,because they are nothing more than that. They are a blister and a blight and they employ only cheap female labour. If we build up industries on a solid foundation which would be a real adjunct to agriculture we can be confident that we are on the right road. I ask the Minister to call a halt as the people are sick and tired of the position at present. They are tired of false promises and of the drift from the country year after year. At election times they are given promises which are afterwards broken. They hear of industries which are about to be started, but when the election is over there is not a word about them. I ask the Minister to give no more promises of that kind but to face the people with a real sense of duty and tell them that we cannot do it. I was at a by-election in Mayo a few years ago and in Ballina I heard the Minister state that he was going to give them a factory of which they could be proud: He said: "Not alone will I give it, but I am digging the foundations."

I did not say that, anyway.

All the people clapped and cheered and shouted "Hurrah" for the Minister. The foundations are still there but there is no factory. He slipped that across the people. I do not care whether you win or lose the election, but it is mean and unfair to the people. The people are of a simple and innocent type. They want the truth and they would think as much about you if you told them the truth, if you said you were not able to give a factory. Cut out this cheap stuff and face the country in a real manly way. We should contest our elections in a clean way and tell the people the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth.

I was very interested in the speech of Deputy Giles because I have a distinct recollection of a speech he made on the Vote for Industry and Commerce two years ago. He complained then that the establishment of industries in this country was taking labour away from agriculture.

Did I not say that to-day?

No. The reason the Deputy gave two years ago was that they were being paid more in industry than the farmer could pay them for work on the land.

That is in real industry.

It does not matter.

Deputy Briscoe should be allowed to speak.

He said then that the reason the people were leaving the land was that they were getting paid better in factories than they could possibly be paid on the land. This evening he was complaining that they were leaving the land to go to work in industry as cheap labour.

Surely common sense ought to tell the Deputy that if they are being paid worse wages and have worse conditions in factories than on the land they would not leave the land. On that previous occasion the Deputy also talked about the need for industrial development in this country. To-night he said we would be better off if we had no industries and relied entirely on agricultural operations, as was done hundreds of years ago, or thousands of years ago. The Deputy must understand that since then there has been a certain development and a better standard of living for people. The standard of living of the vast majority of the people in this country must be better than it was hundreds of years ago, or may I say, 30 years ago. The Deputy knows that himself. He knows from his own personal observation and experience that the vast majority of the people in the country to-day are much better off from the point of view of their standard of living than they were 30 years ago, when he was one of those heroic persons who were struggling to free this country from the foreign domination which was keeping the standard of living here at the lowest level. I saythe vast majority of the people are better off, and the Deputy knows it, not only in his own neighbourhood but in every part of the country.

I do not know whether what has been done over a comparatively few years is really appreciated. We were told by the Minister for Industry and Commerce that we had now reached or almost reached self-sufficiency in the production of cement. Not only is it a national benefit to the country that we no longer have to export goods in order to get the cash to pay for the cement which was previously imported but we are employing labour in the production of our own cement. We are able to be independent of outside conditions in continuing the building programme required for the better housing of the people and we can utilise that cement for the improvement of our roads, for the building of our factories and, at an economic saving in the balance of trade, for the welfare and improvement of the country as a whole.

When Deputy Giles talks about settling people in industry in the centre of the country, does he not agree that the Bog of Allen is not a desirable place to settle people, that the Bog of Allen is very useful at the moment in connection with our turf development? Does he not agree that since the Turf Board was set up and the Minister made it his business to find ways and means for the production of native fuel from our own turf resources, turf production has reached a position to-day that was undreamed of?

At a very heavy cost.

I do not know what the Deputy means by cost. Apparently Deputy Giles is one of those Deputies who believes it is better to import coal from England than to produce our own fuel.

I do not believe it.

If we are to produce our own fuel, pay our own people the labour costs involved and create the necessary machinery to do that, andthereby save exporting large sums of money to bring in coal previously used, surely to goodness that is a greater saving than anything that could be imagined? When you weigh that against whatever capital expenditure is involved in the development of the turf industry it is a cheaper thing for the nation to invest its own capital in developing the production of native fuel.

I heard a Deputy from the opposite side on many occasions kick up a row because we were not repatriating our capital sufficiently quickly to employ it in native industries. Now, when a limited amount of capital is repatriated and employed in the development of a native industry, there is an objection also.

There is no objection.

The Deputy cannot have it both ways.

We believe in native industry.

Deputy Briscoe should not be interrupted.

I do not understand what is wrong. It is quite obvious to a great number of thinking people, people with common sense and expert economists, that unless we aim at a balanced economy we cannot have a standard of living that is desirable and we can never achieve independence. To get a balanced economy we have to make a start somewhere and a very considerable start has been made and very considerable success has been achieved. A great number of our people are engaged in good industrial employment and it is not all centred in the City of Dublin.

I mentioned cement. We are to-day self-sufficient in regard to the production of cement. We have a sufficient quantity of cement produced in our country now to make us independent of whatever happens in the world. We can use the resources for our own purpose. We are employing our own money in that industry and paying the wages to our own people. We are also saving millions of pounds perannum which were previously spent on imported cement. That money is put back into circulation. Deputies know that if money is being put into circulation in a certain place it keeps giving employment.

The 10 per cent. bonus.

I will come to that and I will deal with the farmers' products, too. The more money we save from going abroad for commodities, essential or otherwise, which we can produce here the safer it is and our people will be better off.

Let us cast our minds back some 20 odd years and make a comparison. Our electricity undertaking has developed far beyond the original idea that was behind the establishment of what was then called the Shannon Scheme. Our electricity undertaking to-day is not dependent solely on water. We are producing electricity to-day from native fuel. We are also producing electricity by other means. It gives benefits and amenities not previously heard of or expected, not only to those engaged in industrial pursuits in the municipal areas but to the people in rural Ireland. Does Deputy Giles and the Deputy sitting in the front bench not agree that the large amount of money spent on the development of the E.S.B.'s operations brings amenities to the farming community which they are happy to have?

Oh, it is not a white elephant.

If the Deputy wants to argue that point I can do so. I deliberately stated that the operations of the electricity undertaking to-day are not confined to the Shannon Scheme. They have now developed to the stage at which native fuel is used. Electricity is now being brought to rural users and it will make production on the part of the rural community easier. The time will arrive when we will become more conscious of electricity, more conscious of how it is to be utilised and we will have all our people benefiting from electricity in their own homes in whatever way theywish to use it. The housewife on the farm to-day can have electricity, an electric iron, an ice box and lights all round the place.

It is a costly installation.

She will cease to be a woman concerned only with burdens. Previously, she had to do all her chores through physical effort. The Department of Industry and Commerce deserves some genuine credit for what has been achieved. When people talk about spending money it would be no harm for them to ask: "Who are reaping the benefits from what has been achieved?" Do the Deputies opposite wish these things to be destroyed? Do they want those things closed down? Do they want the cement factory closed down and the country reduced to importing the cement again? Do they want the Turf Board operations to cease and the country resort again almost entirely to the import of non-native fuel?

South African coal.

Let me tell the Deputy with the brain that works in reverse that I have nothing to be ashamed of in connection with anything I have done in regard to my activities here or outside. If the Deputy or his colleagues could have found that there was anything wrong in my business outside this House, I would soon be told about it. I am not an insurance agent.

We will deal with the Estimate.

If the Deputy is going to be allowed to make dirty personal remarks which he would not make outside this House it is about time he was told where to get off.

Imported fuel.

Deputy Rooney will please restrain himself and allow Deputy Briscoe to proceed. I am just warning him in case there are any further interruptions of that kind.

The Deputy shouldbring in a rubber comforter or a bottle of milk.

Now let us get back to the Estimate.

I am prepared to argue the matter on a proper basis and I am not going to be stopped from doing so by people who are qualified for a place of residence other than here.

The Deputy is not being stopped by anybody.

I want to come back to the Estimate. Do the Deputies who talk about the agricultural side of the activities of this country realise that the Government and the Minister for Industry and Commerce recognise the basic industry of this country is agriculture and that those who are engaged in agriculture should get the best out of agriculture and that the rest of the nation should get the best out of it as a result? That is why we have tanneries to-day.

That is why we have boot factories to-day. We are trying to develop the sale of cattle, of sheep and of pigs, but mainly of cattle, not on the hoof as was the normal procedure up to comparatively recently. We are now trying to use the raw material to give additional employment at home. We want to see as many food processing factories in the country as possible. We want to see the meat leaving the country in a processed form and not the cattle leaving the country on the hoof. We want to see the slaughtering of the cattle done here and additional employment given by using up the by-products. All these by-products, including the hides, can be used and can provide additional industries. By that method there can be additional savings as regards imports.

In the case of the agricultural industry we have a more valuable asset than any that I have mentioned so far. We have, for instance, hides, an internationally required commodity and leather which is an internationally required commodity. Some day, I hope, we shall reach the stage when we will not only be self-sufficient as regards our home requirements but we will have a surplus ofprocessed leather for export, thereby adding to our external trade and bringing us in additional benefits in the shape of earnings.

Do Deputies on the other side want all that stopped? Do they want a reversal of the wheel and a going back to what the position was here some years ago? I remember that, when we first started to manufacture boots and shoes for our own people at home and when we gave protection to the clothing and woollen industry we had all kinds of outcries against that policy.

Now it has become an accepted matter. When the Deputies opposite were over here during the three years of the Coalition Government one of the grievances which they loudly aired was, as they said, that mismanagement on the part of the Minister for Industry and Commerce had almost shut down the boot and shoe industry because of the fact that a great number of boots and shoes were allowed in on an extended quota. Suddenly, those who had opposed the idea of native industries became the standard bearers and defenders of them. Now that those same Deputies are on the opposite side again they have gone back to their opposition to the development of native industries.

With regard to clothing, there is one matter which I would ask the Minister to consider. I am informed that the protection given to persons engaged in the manufacture of clothing, mainly ladies' clothing and ladies' garments, is being defeated by cross-channel houses with branches here, in this way that they are bringing in cut-out materials, just sewing them together and so escaping, in some way, what is the intention of the Government and, if you like, of the Dáil.

I am glad that Deputy Mac Fheórais is aware of it.

There is evidence of it.

I should like the Minister to consider that position, and see how he can shut that door as quicklyas possible, because there has been, in the last six or eight months, a considerable falling off in the employment given in this industry, due, I am told, to the fact that I have mentioned.

We have new industries going up from day to day. The Minister has announced that some 60 new industries have already been started in the last few years, and that there are some hundreds under consideration. We read in the newspapers to-day of the formal opening yesterday of another new industry in the cotton line. Nobody had ever heard, say 25 years ago, of anything here in the shape of a cotton industry, but now we have substantial and successful concerns operating in the country. I remember that when we here first started making nylon stocking there was great opposition to the idea of a native-produced nylon stocking.

It was argued that it could not be as fashionable, or as good, as the imported article, that it would not have the right colour or shade. I understand that the position to-day is this, that people in countries abroad, from which we had previously imported nylon stockings, are now very glad to get the Irish produced nylon stocking. They certainly regard it as equal to, if not better than, what they can get in their own countries.

Surely to goodness, we should be proud of the fact that, with no tradition in the case of some industries, we should have so quickly achieved perfection in all these lines of production. We should be proud of the fact, too, that our people are now getting articles, the manufacture of which is controlled at home. There can be no misrepresentation by manufacturers or distributors as regards the quality of the goods because of the fact that there is definite and immediate control at home. If people bring in goods from abroad the position is quite different, because of the difficulty of telling outside manufacturers what to do and how to do it, but when you have control of what is produced at home, then our people can get value for their money. That is what is happening now.

I said earlier that I could give a listof items which are now produced here but which previously had to be imported. I talked about cement, the turf industry, the tanneries, the food processing factories, boot and shoe manufacture, clothing manufacture and the cotton industries. We are self-sufficient in the case of many of these industries. In the case of the sweet and chocolate industry, we have reached a big stage of development, and, as I have said, we are hoping that there will be further development.

A Deputy on the front bench opposite asked me what about the 10 per cent. I do not know what he means by 10 per cent. Does he mean that certain industries and limited companies have been able to pay dividends of 10 per cent. to the persons who invested their capital so that these factories could be started? Is that what the Deputy means?

Plus a substantial bonus.

The Deputy first asked me about the 10 per cent. Now he is talking about a bonus. When I spoke on this on a previous occasion I thought that I had made myself clear, and that people would understand what 10 per cent. on invested capital means. It does not necessarily mean that those who have their money invested in an industry are getting a 10 per cent. profit on the retail price of each article that is sold. That may not be clear to the Deputy, whose name I cannot recall at the moment.

That is a great gag lately—to forget a Deputy's name.

I was confusing the Deputy with the former Deputy Linehan. I often meet Deputy O'Sullivan outside. We get on quite well and we do not fight each other. Let me put the point to the Deputy in this way. Assume that I have £10,000 available to start a new industry. Assume that I invest that money in the industry and that over a number of years I get a 10 per cent. profit on my investment. Does the Deputythink that my total turnover is £10,000? Does he not realise that industries in this country turn over their capital many times in the year, and that if this industry turns over its capital, in the shape of turnover, 12 times in the year, there is only the equivalent of 1 per cent. marginal profit on the goods sold? If there is a turnover 12 times in the year, that person at the end ought to be able to get 10 or 12 per cent. I invite the Deputy to take any particular industry he likes that publishes its accounts, particularly those that are accused of being monopolies, and to examine the position for himself. I suggest that he should take Dunlops—a very important industry in Cork, and find out for himself what does that firm sell in the shape of a number of items—how many bicycle tyres, how many motor tyres, how many hot water bottles, how many sleeping blankets. I suggest to him that he should add them all up, get the total turnover and relate it to the amount of money that is distributed by way of a 6 or 7 per cent. dividend, and then find out for himself if the 10 per cent. dividend he talks about were withheld from the investors, how much could be taken off the retail price of each commodity sold by the firm. We will find it will be negligible, if anything at all.

It reminds me of the occasion when a campaign was being waged against me that I was the cause of oranges being dear. There was such a campaign that I had to go to the Department of Industry and Commerce, Prices Control Section, and explain my profit in the transaction. My profit was 2d. per case of 66 lb. of oranges, and the officer said: "If I take that off I cannot reduce the price. Why do you not have more profit so that I can do something about it?"

When this campaign was going on oranges were being sold at 7d. or 8d. a lb. I am not interested in the business now and they are being sold at 1/6 a lb.

It does not seem to be very relevant.

It is relevant to this extent. I am trying to explain that if I were to import 100,000 cases of oranges in a season and got 2d. a case profit, I would have what some people would call a substantial sum of money —100,000 times 2d., about £800. I have just explained, however, if my 2d. were not there the people would not pay any less for their oranges. Apparently, nobody is to be given the benefit of his own ingenuity in organising a business, in getting it going, in risking whatever capital he may have in it or risking the capital of others who join with him. Apparently, he is to do the work for nothing. Deputy O'Sullivan, I am sure, will recognise that when a farmer produces a beast on his farm and raises it up to a two-year-old, if he can get £70 for the beast he is quite happy and doing well. Nobody knows what profit he has made on it.

Deputy Giles spoke about the farmers having to carry the load of taxation on their backs and said they were all in debt. I am told the farmers were never in as good a position as they are in to-day, that the vast bulk of deposits in our banks are held by farmers. Farmers are quite content and satisfied with the agricultural and industrial policy, and the higher prices remain the better they like it. The city people are complaining that certain agricultural commodities are on the high side. Would the farmers like that we should fix a margin, not only of the level of prices that they should charge for their produce but that we should also limit their profits? When it comes to taxation, most industrialists and most people earning a living which produces for them a fixed income will tell you that the incidence of taxation rests more heavily on people other than the agricultural community. They are not bearing on their shoulders an unreasonable burden of the costs that arise from the borrowing of money for the purposes of industrialisation.

I hope the new recruit is taking this in.

I am not suggesting that anything should be done. I amjust answering in accordance with facts an unfair and untrue allegation which was made. Nobody suggests that the burden of taxation weighs more heavily on the agricultural community than it does on the industrial and fixed income classes. Everybody knows that the farming community pays income tax on the basis of the valuation of their farms not on their earnings. Deputy Giles need not tell me that the farmers have not been earning substantial profits over the last few years and nobody is more happy about it than I am.

They are getting big prices and paying big prices. They were as well off getting low prices and paying low prices.

I do not believe that Deputy Giles, if he examines what he has stated, will agree with himself.

I certainly would.

Not at all. The farmer must also take into consideration the staff he employs. If he wants things so cheap that he can buy cheap, he will have to pay cheap wages; if he can buy dear and sell dear, and if his costs can accordingly be higher, he can pay better wages to his workers and attract them more to the land, and at the same time get a better margin of profit for himself and a better standard of living for his own workers.

It appears to me the Minister is getting praise and blame for a great many things for which he is not responsible.

I am not blaming the Minister. I am only praising him.

This is not his responsibility.

I am trying to answer what was suggested by Deputy Giles when he was speaking and I do not wish to infringe the Rules of Order. I am also trying to answer a question by interjection on the part of Deputy O'Sullivan. Deputy O'Sullivan thinks that there will be industrial development at the proper scale if the right ofprofit-making is taken away from those who voluntarily enter into industrial undertakings. He believes they should not be allowed to get 10 per cent. on their investments. I suggest by the same argument the Minister for Industry and Commerce should see that not only manufacturers but distributors also should not be allowed to make more than a certain limited percentage. If we believe in private enterprise we have to see that there is sufficient incentive, and in time competition will regulate prices. If there is an unreasonable extortion from the public by people who may have a monopoly there is always a control there and such irregularities can always be dealt with and inquired into.

There was a question in the Dáil the other day about a very important industry, the glass bottle industry. The suggestion was that because export prices were at a lower level than those charged for the home consumer, there was something wrong. The Minister, I think, pointed out that if there was not this export at the lower level of prices there would be a smaller production at the glass bottle works with a consequent increase even over the present price. Of course, people not engaged in industry will not understand that because they do not want to understand it.

And unemployment as well.

I have asked those attacking industrial development to say frankly if they want all those people who have now been put into what one can call, over the last 20 years, new employment, to be put out of employment with, as Deputy Giles said, no alternative open to them other than going into agriculture. It is a free country. People can enter into any vocation they like themselves. The responsibility of the Minister for Industry and Commerce is to see that as many avenues as possible are open, so that people who have bents in different ways, who desire employment in different ways, can find that employment themselves and not be forced intoone single form of occupation at the lowest possible level of wage-earning possibilities and uncertainties in employment.

If Deputies reason with themselves, they will have to recognise that, first of all, a balanced economy is essential, that as far as possible the main industry should supply the raw materials for new industries, that other industries which we can develop and items in which we can become self-sufficient all tend to enrich the country rather than impoverish it, that the continuation of the export of capital to import the things we must make means only that we impoverish ourselves with an adverse trade balance, and finally that we will have to reckon with taking as little as we can because we have not the means to get more; and by employing the money internally to produce these things we thereby retain that money in the country for continuity of that process. If it is money that is built up in excess of the requirements of a particular line, it can be employed in other directions. Surely that is the right line of approach and the right line to take?

In development of industry, the Minister has more than just industrialists under his care. I think this Dáil ought by now to have recognised —and I am sure the Labour Deputies at least will admit that is so—that the Fianna Fáil Government and the present Minister were the first to recognise that the ordinary worker, the working man, engaged in industry was entitled to his share of the benefits that would accrue to the country as a result of his labour in that industry. That is why we had legislation passed in this House to ensure conditions of employment, minimum wages and working hours, and so forth. There is now on the stocks a new Bill in this connection, the Factories Bill, which also will have results of benefit in many respects to the employee in industries.

If we are to improve the position of our industrial worker, we must also see that he will be satisfied that when he enters an industry the industry has some hopes of continuity. No working man wants to get into a particularline of business and when that closes down go searching everywhere for another line of business. The only way there can be normal life assured to any industry is by ensuring that there can be profits made.

Now we come to the bonus certificates that Deputy O'Sullivan talked about. Reasonable, sensible industrialists do not pay out all the profits they make. They plough back their profits into their business, they add buildings, they buy new machinery, they carry larger stocks and they employ more people. They get a certain return for the additional money in the business, which they could have taken out. Because that money is ploughed back and left in the undertaking on the capital side, obviously they get what is called a bonus share. In other words, if the business could have paid out 12½ per cent. profit but only paid out 5 and denied the investor the balance of what would be his dividend, and if after a number of years that dividend rose up to be equal in amount to the original amount invested by the investor, surely he is entitled then to a receipt for his money in the shape of a bonus share, the scrip which gives him ownership of his share in that business? Is he not then entitled to his dividend on that invested money, just as much as he is entitled to it on his original investment? For example, he has £2,000 invested then in a company in which he previously had only £1,000 invested. We are told that the dividend given to him and the bonus share issued to him constitutes a crime against society. Who shouts about it? Not the people who understand it. Everybody engaged in industry, whether it is the worker or the investor, wants to see stability in industry—they want to see security not only for themselves but for their workers.

We have now in this country developed considerably in the shape of stability in industry, from the point of view particularly of employment. We now have a vast number of our undertakings concerned with provision for their employees in their old age. There was a time when a man worked as long as he could and then had tomake way for a younger person who could do more work than he could in his older years. To-day, the working man has not got the fear of old age that working men had 25 or 30 years ago.

I have only one point to ask the Minister about and I hope he will deal with it—whether here in the House or in his Department is immaterial. Something should be done to close whatever leak there is in the protection, particularly of those engaged in the ladies' side of the tailoring business.

I do not know whether it is worth while arguing any further. Deputy de Valera spoke on the profit side of business, the initiative that is necessary to get industry going. I do not know whether it is suggested that every industry should be nationalised or whether those which cannot be nationalised should be put out of existence because someone is going to make a profit. We cannot all get into the farming business, as there would not be enough farms to go around. We cannot get into each other's business, as there are only certain limited fields of activity.

Now that there has been a new development, through this new Act passed recently to direct industries into what are called the undeveloped areas, I hope the Act will show results and that new employment will be given there.

I hope the Minister will see his way soon to stop the import into this country of what are called souvenirs, which are sold mainly to visitors. I hope we will have souvenir manufacturing industries in different parts of the country. Someone may say the visitors will not get cheap souvenirs made in Czechoslavakia or Japan, but they will have to pay a little more. I believe they will have to pay a little more in the beginning, but I believe they will get a genuine Irish article of greater value—both intrinsic value and sentimental value. I hope the Minister will consider the point, small and all as it may seem, that there is the possibility of developing the production of souvenirs in different parts of the western seaboard, or in Donegal, for all I know.

There is the possibility of trade abroad. I heard Deputy Cowan talking about whiskey, in reference to some points made by Deputy McQuillan. I have a little knowledge and experience of drinking whiskey. I hope the Chair will not call me to order for making that reference to myself. I have taken whiskey at home and I have taken it abroad, and particularly in America. If we want to get trade in America, our whiskey will have to be one that meets the requirements of the palate of the American. I know that here at home I find it difficult to smoke American tobacco, but if I am in the United States for any period of time I find it equally difficult to smoke the Virginian type of tobacco that we smoke here. I have come to the conclusion that something atmospheric controls our taste. I believe we could manufacture brands here to suit the requirements of the American trade. That is particularly so in relation to the non-Irish in America whom we want to drink our whiskey, for instance, just as we want the American or the Canadian public generally to buy the goods that we produce for export. I do not know whether the new efforts to organise trade abroad will have the results we desire, but it is encouraging to know that the export of Irish homespuns and Irish tweed is developing on a large scale to America. I recently saw an American here in an Irish homespun suit and a raglan overcoat, made in America.

And a Sinn Féin tie.

He had a tie with his own trade mark on it.

That was a Sinn Féin tie.

It was not. I was astonished at the magnificence of that particular suit and at the manner in which Irish tweed had been turned out by whatever process they have in America. This man is starting a trade here and he told me that if we could not give sufficient material, properlyshrunk, he might take it from occupied Ireland if the payment could be made in dollars to this part of the country. That is a trade we can develop. It will be a slow process. Until such time as we become self-sufficient in relation to home consumption and until such time as we have established a certain experience and tradition in the production of goods and reached a quality equal to, if not better than, anything previously imported we will not be able to seek alternative markets.

Consider the manufacture of cement: it is possible that in the not too distant future we may find ourselves with a surplus for export. It should be possible to find alternative markets for that export. I do not know how our prices will compare with the other exporting countries, but it will ultimately be possible for us to keep numbers of our people employed in this particular industry. That is true of many other commodities.

The Minister does not want praise. He does not want compliments. All he wants is an endorsement of the policy which he has fathered so successfully. He wants the people generally to endorse that policy. So long as we have people objecting and finding fault and raising doubts so long will we retard the development of industry here.

Deputy D.J. O'Sullivan drags in the 10 per cent. bonus shares and forgets that when the inter-Party Government came into office the public expected half the industrialists in the City of Dublin—I do not know about Cork—to be put into Mountjoy for excess profiteering. The public waited during the three years of the inter-Party Administration and not a single industrialist found himself in residence in Mountjoy for being a profiteer. But the people were promised that and they related that promise to the attacks made by the Government on the cost of living and so forth. They believed that once the profiteers were destroyed everything would be all right; certain industries would disappear because they were only there to keep certain individuals well-off.

Has not the time come now when we should recognise that the developmentof our industrial arm is not only essential, imperative and desirable but is actually taking place? Nothing can stem its growth. But we must make further progress and, in order that that progress may be made quickly, industrial development must have the support of the people and that policy must be endorsed publicly. Let us get on with the job that has been so well commenced and handled in the years that have gone and that is now going ahead at the same speed at which progress was being made in 1948 when Fianna Fáil left office.

I am glad the Minister is taking steps to ensure that the railways will ultimately pay their way and that they will not be coming here every year to the taxpayer for a subsidy. I am glad to know that there is hope that this annual subsidy will be reduced and eventually wiped out and that this concern will continue to provide employment on a large scale for our people.

Deputies who talk as Deputy Giles did here this evening should, I think, first of all make a speech to themselves in their own homes, and read that speech the next morning as if they were reading the Official Report; if they do that, I believe they will make many changes and we will not have all the things that are said here in the heat of the moment.

Deputy D.J. O'Sullivan will probably show me where I am all wrong in relation to the right of an investor in an industrial undertaking to make a reasonable margin of profit and one that will provide for reserves to cover contingencies. We do not want to have industry working on the basis of such a limited margin of profit that some unforeseen circumstance will cause that industry to close down and never reopen. Every industry must be encouraged to make reasonable provision to cover bad periods and assure a continuity so that it can in time improve its production in relation to quality, output and cost because that is the only way in which we will eventually bring prices down. I appeal to the House to endorse the Minister's policy.

In company with Deputy Larkin, I found the introductoryspeech made by the Minister this year somewhat drab. There was nothing in it of very great interest. It was too complacent in its tone. There was one statement which recalled the intense heat that was generated in the political scene a few years ago; the Minister bluntly stated that the imports of the inter-Party Government in its last year of office were intended for stockpiling and were necessitated by the disimprovement in the international situation. When one recalls the many loud charges made, one must be thankful that in such a short time such an influential member of the Government as the Tánaiste would make reference in the Dáil recanting these unfair and extreme charges.

Reviewing the contributions that have been made to this debate, one is struck by the prominence given to our premier industry, agriculture, by Deputies who are particularly interested in industry and who represent city constituencies. It is regrettable that these Deputies did not see the light some years ago. In their contributions to this debate they pay that well deserved tribute to agriculture. It is a pity that in recent years, when so many extreme charges were made in connection with the economic aspects of the country, recognition was not given to the possibilities in agriculture and the contribution that agriculture can make to the development of industry.

Is it not a pity that such a rake-off was made on every single section of our people in the course of the past few years as took from them as much money as possible for the State coffers and left so much less in their pockets to spend as they wished? If they had had that extra spending power possibly many Irish industries would be in a better position to-day. It appears from authoritative sources that we must look to the home market for the disposal of our products to a greater extent as years go by. It is admitted by all sides of the House that for future prosperity it is essential to increase exports. If the contribution which agriculture had to make and was capable of making had been recognisedearlier, we would be in a much better position to-day.

Our Ambassador in London states that the outlook has its hopeful aspects, one of which is the upward trend in the volume of Irish agricultural production, but that world prospects are uncertain and, in view of current changes in import and trading policies, it is not unlikely that the competitive strength of Irish exports may be called upon to face new and rigorous tests in the years immediately ahead. That is a statement which should receive proper consideration. I would impress upon the Minister and the Government that it is vitally important that the raw materials of agriculture should be made available at the lowest possible cost.

The Deputy seems to be discussing agricultural policy, for which this Minister has no responsibility.

I am referring to the export returns, which indicate the preponderance of exports of agricultural goods, live stock and processed foodstuffs.

The question could be raised more relevantly on the Estimate for Agriculture than on the Estimate for Industry and Commerce.

A Deputy on the Government side, Deputy Vision de Valera, expressed the view, for which I give him full credit, that in order to bring about improvement in industrial development we must get right back to the basis; fundamentally we must regard the problem as one of developing our Irish agriculture and agricultural economy. I would like to point out to that Deputy and to others the great contribution being made by agriculture at the moment which can be enhanced if the difficulties relating to the supply of raw materials at reasonable cost could be overcome.

In the course of the past year the proportion of our total exports represented by cattle exports was 24.8 percent. and by foodstuffs of animal origin, 27.8 per cent. These are formidable figures.

Again I would point out to the Deputy that the Minister in charge of this Estimate is not responsible for agricultural exports.

I am afraid I was following the line adopted by previous Deputies, more than one of whom spoke down to the agricultural community, telling them what they should do to improve exports.

The Chair does not object to a reference to agriculture but a debate on the whole question of agriculture will not be allowed on this Estimate.

In deference to your ruling, I will refrain from going into further detail. The constituency I represent is proud of having made a great contribution to exports in recent times in the manufacture of chocolate crumb. This provides industrial employment under good conditions. It amounted to the considerable figure of £5,000,000 last year.

We should bring home to the Minister that we regard the lack of price control as the greatest neglect in the last two years. The failure of the Minister to maintain effective price control has had very serious repercussions on the cost of living and renders it impossible for ordinary people to secure satisfaction out of the money they earn in wages or the prices they obtain for their produce.

Would the Deputy indicate the particular items the price of which he wants controlled?

There was the dreadful impact of the removal of subsidies on the purchasing power of the ordinary people, in particular, the poorer sections.

That is not what I asked the Deputy. I asked him the particular items the price of which he wants controlled.

I do not know if Deputy MacCarthy has intervened inthe debate but I am sure his constituents of Cork City, whether they are employed or unemployed—and there is a tremendous number of them unemployed—could indicate to him their resentment of the profits that this Government are giving to the cigarette manufacturers, for instance.

I will answer for my constituents.

Deputy O'Sullivan is in possession.

The Deputy posed a question. I would cite the increase given in the price of cigarettes to the manufacturers as just one item that comes to mind but there are many others. Deputy Briscoe, in company with Deputy Vivion de Valera, who made an ultra-Tory speech, made a case for certain profits for industrialists. These people are afforded certain monopolies and protection.

There is no doubt that over many years it has been necessary to give certain monopolies and protection to Irish industries to get on their feet but even the Tánaiste of late has expressed some note of doubt in his speeches in that respect. Even at this late hour he is inclined to demand of those people that they give better satisfaction.

I do not accept Deputy Briscoe's statement that everybody who pays a 10 per cent. bonus are all just living on the verge of bankruptcy and they are not all free of the charge of excess profits. There is one gentleman who comes to my mind who is happy in the amount of protection afforded in this country. He declared bankrupt in Britain, came to this country and his lovely home there was sold to discharge his debts, and within five years I heard him say he was in a position to go back and buy back his home, "but," he said, "they salted me. I had to pay much more than I got for it when it was first disposed of." I maintain there are men like him who are obtaining undue profits in this country and the people who are paying for it are the ordinary persons in the street, the man who has to go into the shop to buy the necessaries of life. It is possible there are other industriesin this country which are seriously affected by the charges that are made. We have this instance of the bottles that has been raised in this House. Deputy Briscoe came in again in defence of selling to the foreigner at lower prices than you charge the native industries.

These people are pulling the poor mouth. The Minister has indicated that this thing was investigated, but we have no evidence that the people in the trade, the people who were mulcted, were aware of that investigation or got an opportunity of giving evidence. I know from a member of a deputation of mineral water manufacturers who came to this company, that they were very rudely received and were told that 90 per cent. of the cost of the charge made to Irish distributors was attributable to labour and overhead expenses. It was then pointed out to that gentleman that at that rate they must be selling to the foreigners at at least 20 per cent. of a loss. He had no comeback on that, of course. It is inexcusable that Irish beer bottlers should have to compete with a Dutch firm bringing in their liquors into this country in Irish bottles, and this Dutch company getting that unfair advantage of an Irish bottle manufacturer selling to them at a cost so much lower. That, again, must be met by little companies throughout the country and, in the intense competition which exists in that line of business, where can these people make that money other than by keeping down wages or reducing staff? They cannot increase the price to the public. We think that is unfair and it is merely one of the matters that should be investigated thoroughly.

There are other matters which indeed need mention. Deputy de Valera, when he was contributing to this debate, referred to one of the subsidiary industries that would look to agriculture in the future to absorb what it would produce. That was in relation to fertilisers. I want to express a hope that any protection that may be afforded them and which they may very well deserve will not be reflected in undue charges to the consumers, who in turn have to markettheir goods in competitive markets abroad or else charge the Irish consumers the extra cost which they have to pay for these goods.

The question of the price of motor-cars in this country needs very close investigation. Surely the people who require small cars in the remote parts of this country or even in the towns and cities, and require them not as luxuries but in order to carry out their normal avocations, perhaps as rural clergymen, doctors or farmers requiring a conveyance to bring milk to the creamery—surely some benefit should be obtained for the public in that respect.

I would draw the Minister's attention to the exorbitant increase in insurance premiums this year in relation to the increases that arose out of the trifling increases in workmen's compensation.

Would the Minister have any responsibility for the increases in the insurance premiums?

The Minister told me he made representations to the companies this year.

The Minister or the Tánaiste?

I said the Minister for Social Welfare.

At any rate you replied to my question. That was one of the several impediments to increased production in the country, the fact that these overheads are unduly increased.

I see that the question of food prices is being avoided.

The Deputy will make his own speech in his own way.

I am prepared to meet the Deputy anywhere, any time, on that subject, and if there is an increase in the cost of living it is attributable to one source and one source only. The Deputy knows that.

What is it?

To the abolition of the food subsidies and in the way it was done, having regard to the programme which the Government was elected to implement and which Deputy Dr. ffrench-O'Carroll included in his election address when he was returned for the City of Dublin.

It is customary to refer to tourism on this Estimate. Other Deputies have referred to it, and I will not labour the point, but there is a feeling down the country that no central committee, no matter how well informed and no matter how well intentioned, is entitled to override the local committees and those responsible for organising in the country. The Dublin committee would be better advised if they had accepted some of the advice in regard to the time of the year in which An Tóstal was organised.

I think, in reference to the development of the tourist industry, we should make better use of films to bring home to the people outside the shores of this country the scenery that exists here and the facilities that are available. We have paid lip service to the need for the establishment of a tourist industry but it is not any consideration for congratulation that in one of the premier resorts of this country four of the better hotels have closed completely for the winter months and completely dispersed their staffs. How they will be ready to meet the tourist season when it comes along I do not know. I think some credit should be given to worthy hoteliers who employ staffs all the year around and engage in little subsidiary industries in order to keep them employed. I think it is a matter for grave concern that a very important resort would be without a single hotel open for many months of the year.

As to the time of An Tóstal, I am informed by many Americans who travel that it was an impossible time for them last year. They could only travel when their schools were in recess and it is a point to be borne in mind by those responsible for the timing of these events.

In relation to expenditure it comes as something of a shock to people inthe country to know that in addition to the £2,500,000 C.I.E. are to get this year, the Minister mentioned—he just dropped it in as something not of very great importance but I understand we are to get details at a later stage—that C.I.E. are to get £10,500,000 more and that we are going to fund the debt now.

That is not so at all.

Many Deputies on the Government side, and even one of the senior Deputies on the Government side, expressed some concern as to the expenditure of that amount of money.

Who said that they were getting it?

The Deputy who said that was Deputy Vivion de Valera.

I know he said that, but who said that they were getting it?

The term used by Deputy de Valera was "funding the debt", that it would appear as if we proposed to fund the debt. In relation to C.I.E., in common with other Deputies, I would pay tribute to those responsible for the dieselisation of certain lines in the country and the improvements in that respect. I would be glad to support Deputy Keyes. Quite off the schedule we had two stops on the run of the diesel train from Cork the other night, yet we arrived on time, so it may be possible to meet the very fair representation made by Deputy Keyes to afford facilities to Limerick travellers. The popularity of the system would also be considerably enhanced if we had a stop at Mallow. These trains are capable of very quick acceleration, and there is very little time involved in stopping. In that respect I noted with some interest the report in an evening paper that some garage facilities are to be provided for motorists who leave their cars at the terminus here at Kingsbridge. I would make a case to the Minister for giving similar facilities at Cork and otherstations. I think that would induce still more motorists to abandon the long drive to Dublin with all its dislocation and avail of the excellent service of the diesel trains.

It would mean that they would have to go back.

It appears that it would be completely futile to be forced by various obstructions put in your way to park your car for days on end in the open when so much accommodation could readily be made available.

Is not the matter being improved now? Is not something being done about it?

I merely suggest still further improvements.

I am sure the Deputy should be very pleased with the facilities and these may help to facilitate Corkmen on their way home from Dublin. It is regrettable that even in the very short time that many of these changes have been made the more recent timetable would be so grossly out of date, and even taxi drivers here in Dublin cannot inform their fares as to which stations the various trains are leaving from. We were told that some Press announcements were made, but if they were, they were not very noticeable.

A number of Deputies have said that we cannot congratulate ourselves on the increased numbers in industrial employment while so many leave the land. During the year I have heard Deputies here in Dublin complain in relation to the difficulties of rehousing, etc., the influx of so many country people who fall as a rule on the corporation. Well, in relation to employment trends, I would say as representing a country constituency that it is a fact in relation to the South of Ireland that we are not affected by that surplus labour that exists in other parts of the country in rural areas. We have unemployment in our towns and we have the terrible flight from the landcontinually. We do not like to see so much attraction to people to leave employment on the land to go into the town, and there to be disillusioned and to chuck up and disappear over across the sea to England. That is happening all the time; and in addition to the 25,000 that we know leave the land and those who come to the cities I think it was inadvisable for the Department of Defence to induce men to leave agriculture.

I know that this is not within the competence of the Minister for Industry and Commerce, and it may not be quite in order, but I would say in relation to the production drive that it is not a fair thing to come in and induce men who are fully competent, trained and skilled in their particular avocation of agriculture, to leave it by those inducements of so much free time, of what they might be at in their spare time, off at five o'clock, and all the rest of it. Those are fully-trained men, competent to handle modern machinery. Earlier on, Deputy Briscoe seemed to lay blame on the farming community, that it was their fault if they were not paying sufficient to maintain those people at home.

Surely that cannot be debated on this Estimate.

I agree but I feel that it is necessary to reply to the allegation.

The question of agricultural wages cannot be debated on the Estimate for the Department of Industry and Commerce.

The point was made by Deputy Briscoe that the conditions must not be at all good when such occurs, but I would point out to him that it is not for the actual money that they leave. It is the bright lights and other attractions; and it is vital to the country's economy industrially and agriculturally that we would give prominence to the remote areas in the contribution that may be made by the people in increasing the production of things that may be initiated to providevery valuable exports and to give good employment to our people at home.

In relation to the provision of industries it has been rightly stated by several Deputies that those industries which provide goods necessary for our premier industry or the processing of agricultural goods would be the best industries to establish in this country. With that in view I had occasion to be very displeased in the course of the past twelve months with this Government—not with this Minister but with the Minister for Agriculture—in our failure to secure an excellent industry in my home place in the way of the dressed meat trade. I want to say that it was regrettable that the insistence of a Department official in applying every regulation he could possibly dig up to discourage the firm concerned was not at all good.

The only regulations they enforce are those requiring proper conditions for the killing and handling of meat.

Quite, I appreciate that; but the regulation which the officer enforced in this case was the requirement of a minimum capacity, and it was felt by the firm concerned that though they could come up to that after some period the supply of live stock in the country would not warrant the outlay of such an amount of money on such a large scale at the commencement—that perhaps after they had learnt to walk then they could do some more.

There are no such regulations.

What about the regulations requiring local money?

Yes. All the requirements relating to local money were forthcoming.

Is not that all the more reason why the Department should take every reasonable step to see that the money was not lost?

There are no regulations regarding the size of a factory. The regulations apply only to the conditions in which meat is prepared forsale. It is quite obvious that even a small concern could damage the reputation of the whole country.

Quite. I understand the need for the regulations. It was the interpretation of them that gave some concern.

If it is a small concern is there not the danger of the money being lost?

The point was this, that they wished to engage in a particular aspect of the industry and to go into the other ones later when the operatives would be better trained in that particular work; but at any rate, as a result of a conference which took place, those people left in absolute disgust. I would say that they are one of the biggest firms in Europe engaged in that trade and they have a market organised in seven countries. It was a distinct loss to the constituency I represent.

There was one other outlet for employment and full production that it would be possible for us to engage in in my constituency, in Mallow. The Minister may recall the unsuccessful effort made to establish an earthenware industry. The soil has been tested and found excellent. The statistics available in our geological office are not very informative. A private enthusiast made some utensils from this clay and he has a report from British Ceramics which is borne out by our own office that the clay is very good indeed. The next step was actually the firing. The idea of going into the making of utensils was abandoned when this company gave up the project but we continued with a view to filling the need of the country in relation to tiles required under the land project. We were aware of the great number of tiles which had to be imported from the Continent and from Northern Ireland. Further, we ascertained that the higher land project officers were very interested inasmuch as the only concern then in operation was situated on the East coast. A supply came in from the North and, later on, there were developments in Clare. We in the South consideredthat, from the point of view of reducing transport costs, it would be advisable to establish a kiln in the South and, with this very fine and approved deposit available at Mallow, we thought we could go ahead. I should be very glad to hear the Minister say, when he is replying to this debate, that an assured market exists for these tiles so that that industry can be provided for the locality in question. It will provide much needed employment and, at the same time, it will supply the domestic market. It seems ridiculous to be importing such a considerable quantity of these tiles when we can produce them ourselves. I realise that, generally, the unprecedented expansion in the use of clay tiles in this country was somewhat unexpected but now that it is established and that it is expected that there will be a market for years to come for these tiles it would be well if the Minister could assuage the doubts of the promoters of this idea so that they will be encouraged to resume where they left off some months ago.

Get the market figures.

It is vital that whatever advances are made by the Department of Industry and Commerce will not be made at the expense of our premier industry, agriculture. That feeling is now shared by many more people than formerly, in view of the increasing contribution which agriculture is making to industry in relation to the processing of its products. The majority of our people being engaged in agriculture, it is important that that industry should be prosperous. If that condition can be brought about, then our Irish industrialists will find an excellent market for their products here in their own country.

When the Minister was introducing this Estimate he gave us to understand that the trade recession, through which this country has been going for the past few years, had passed. One must admit that there is a little improvement in conditions as compared with heretofore, but I do not think that anybody canbe complacent about the situation such as we find it to-day. Let us pause for a moment and consider the vast number of unemployed we still have in the country. These figures are not the true figures of the people who, one way or another, have been put out of employment since the Fianna Fáil Government returned to office. No matter what may be said to the contrary, we all know that vast numbers of our people are leaving this country, and are leaving from centres from which we do not want to see them go. They are leaving, particularly, from the West of Ireland and from the country districts. People who have been put out of employment in the local industries come up to Dublin to look for work and from then onwards it is the route across the Irish Sea. I cannot understand how a responsible Minister such as the present Minister for Industry and Commerce, who is also the Tánaiste and second-in-command in the Government, can make the statement that conditions are improving here when, in fact, everybody knows that things are very much as they have been during the past couple of years.

Let us take the building trade as an example. Not only in Dublin City but in every part of the country, there is a recession in the building trade. That recession in the building trade not only affects the workers engaged in the actual building work: it affects the workers in many other industries that are associated with the building trade. It affects, for instance, furniture factories. It is well known that our furniture factories are not receiving demands for materials sufficient to enable them to work full time on full production. Generally speaking, industry in this country is not flourishing and it is not flourishing because, no matter what anyone may say, the purchasing power of our people has been considerably reduced. Therein lies the secret of the trade recession and the sufferings that have been inflicted on our people over the past couple of years.

Industry has been given many opportunities in this country that other sectionsof the community did not get. Our industries have been built up under a protective tariff and under a system of quotas. One can quite realise that these steps may be necessary to help an industry at the beginning but I suggest that what has happened over the years here in the industrial sphere is that these industries which were set up under a protective tariff and under a system of quotas have declared, when the time came when one would expect that they would be able to stand on their own feet, that unless the protective tariffs and the quota system are maintained they cannot continue and will have to close down—and with their closing down the people whom they employed would be thrown out of work. That has not happened in all industries but it has happened in a good many cases in this country. I want to stress that that procedure does not make for good and sound economics. We are bringing people from the land into the towns to set up industries. It is sound to set up industries—always provided that these industries are able to exist by the sale of their goods in, as far as possible, an open market in this country. However, the point is that when we start these industries we throw the burden of these industries on the Irish people as a result of protective tariffs and quotas.

That is one of the reasons why things are so dear to the consuming public in this country. These industries are being started, and when the time comes when it is reasonable to tell the industrialists that they have had a good opportunity of starting their industry and that now they should be able to stand on their own feet and that the quota and tariff protection which they formerly enjoyed cannot be continued, what do a lot of them say, and what do a lot of them do? Even though some of them have made a considerable amount of money over a short period, they say: "If we do not get the protection of these tariffs and quotas, we will close down," and the position simply is that a vicious circle is being created. In the case of some industries—not all—which are working under these tariffs and quotas, theIrish people are paying for them and that, in large measure, is responsible for the fact that we are able to maintain in Ireland, in that part of the country over which we have jurisdiction, only in or about the same population as we had when we first got freedom. That makes us think that there is something wrong with the economic fabric.

We have brought into industry, so far as I can get the figures, probably 100,000 more people in the past 20 years than were in industry up to then, but, as against that, we have taken the same number of people off the land. I do not want to refer too much to agriculture, but the agricultural industry is paying for itself and the point I want to make is that our industries are not always paying for themselves on a free and open market. They are working behind a protective wall and that situation, which is growing, is a situation which we shall have to face sooner or later. If we are to keep our own people at home and employ them here, as they are entitled to be employed, we will have to give up pampering industry and will have to put industry in a position in which it is able to pay for itself.

The industrialists are certainly making profits, but there is another side of the story I want to argue on their behalf. I have not got a great lot of sympathy with the industrialists, except those who are working on an open market and competing with industry in other countries, such as the two industries the Minister knows of in Wexford. These industries are working successfully without any protection, tariff or assistance from the State and they are justifying their existence. Some industries, as I say, are making big profits and they maintain that these profits-this is the argument I have listened to from Deputies on every side-have to be ploughed back into the industry again. That may be, but I do not think it is necessary that they should be enabled to make the enormous profits they are making in some cases.

I am not an expert on industry, but I know that in most other countriesindustry is allowed a substantial rebate in respect of the depreciation of machinery. It stands to reason that there have to be renewals of machinery from time to time, but in this country many of them have complained that they do not get the benefits that other countries get and that much of their profits—I am speaking now of the decent industries that are paying their way—is taken from them in taxation and that they are not allowed this remission. That is a short-sighted policy. If an industry is paying its way, it is a very foolish thing to tax it at the source and not give it an opportunity of establishing itself by replacing machinery and putting itself on a better footing to produce an article for the consuming public more economically and to expand its employment.

The fact that we have set up a body —C.T.T. I think it is called—to look for export markets seems to me to indicate that what has really happened here is that some industries which were able to pay their way well by producing goods for domestic consumption have found that there is a falling off in the demand for domestic goods. That is one of the reasons why this organisation has been set up to seek export markets. So far as I know from reading the Minister's statement, this body is functioning at the moment looking for markets in the dollar world and I should like the Minister to give us an indication as to what he believes the prospects are for markets in that area and what the principal exports to it are likely to be. Whiskey was mentioned by Deputy McQuillan but, so far as I know, our principal exports to the dollar area consist of bloodstock, wool and dressed meat products.

Donegal tweeds.

Yes, thanks to Deputy Dillon when he was in the previous Government.

No thanks to him —they are doing better now than ever before.

Yes, but he started it.

That is news even to me.

Had he not to peddle them round the world to sell them?

It was he started them in America. Deputies can laugh if they like, but that is what happened. I should like the Minister to give us an indication of what the prospects are for the dressed meat trade, because it seems to me from what I hear, the market has not come up to the expectations held in regard to it in earlier days. The Minister has made a good many trips from time to time with a view to expanding Irish industry, and I am not personally criticising him in that regard. If I thought that by travelling to different parts of the world the Minister could expand our industry, there would not be very much harm in it.

He seems to have been interested in trade with Germany and I think he has made a couple of trips to Germany seeking markets there. I know we import quite a number of goods from Germany. We import motor-cars and farm machinery and we seem to be very fond latterly of getting the Germans to build our ships. I should like the Minister to give us some idea of the return we will get in the matter of exports to Germany and the Continent of Europe as a whole. I am speaking now of the countries west of the Iron Curtain. I shall have something to say about east of the Iron Curtain presently. I do not know if I am in order in raising this, but there has been a certain amount of complaint in my part of the country about some of the farm machinery which has come in from certain parts of Europe and I should also like to know why—I asked the Minister a parliamentary question about this—when Irish Shipping, Limited, require ships—modern ships in the neighbourhood of 1,200 tons—we ordered these ships from German yards.

Irish Shipping, Limited, has not bought any ships from Germany.

I asked the Minister aquestion recently about a ship that was delivered here from a German shipyard.

Not to Irish Shipping.

To an Irish company.

To a private company.

Would the Minister have any responsibility for that?

I imagine the Minister would have responsibility.

If a private company purchases a ship how would the Minister have any responsibility for that transaction?

The Government would be responsible in some way. If I cannot place the onus on the Minister, I must ask where can one place it? The Government would be responsible for issuing credit for the purchase of the ship, whether for a private or a public company. The point I want to stress is that an Irish company recently ordered in Germany a ship of a capacity of 1,200 tons or thereabouts. Why could we not have that ship built in our own shipyards? Are our own people so fully employed that we have to go abroad to have our ships built? We have quite a good shipyard in the City of Dublin and a number of smaller yards capable of building smaller vessels in other parts of the country. Why should it be necessary to have ships built abroad when it is possible to have them built in our own shipyards? I know it would have been possible to build this ship here because I addressed that question to the Minister and he said it was. I think it is quite unnecessary to have ships built abroad so long as we can build them at home.

I grant that so far as bigger ships are concerned, say from 5,000 to 10,000 tons capacity, it may be necessary to procure them from foreign shipyards, but, so far as small ships of the coast-trading type or even some ocean going ships are concerned, I feel that we should build these ships in our own shipyards and employ our own people.If we have not got the wherewithal to build such ships, I suggest that the Minister should consult his experts and use his influence to expand these shipyards. In his opening speech the Minister referred to the fact that it was the intention greatly to expand Irish shipping. I think it is very necessary that we should expand our shipping but let us build our ships in our own yards and go to other people only when, all things being equal, we cannot build them at home.

The Minister dealt pretty extensively with the subject of mineral exploration. So far as I could gather from his speech the total sum available for mineral exploration here is £85,000 per annum. That appears to have been earmarked for the mines in Avoca. I do not know what the position in Avoca exactly is but the Minister painted a very rosy picture of it during the byelection in Wicklow. I was one of the audience listening to his speech when he promised great things for Avoca. It seems to me that exploration—I do not know if that is the correct term—has been going on in Avoca for a considerable period and the House would now like to hear from the Minister what the potentialities in Avoca are. Is Avoca going to be able to pay its way—in other words, what deposits have been proven there? I think I am right in saying that this exploration work has been going on for a considerable period and that there must be other mineral deposits in this country. There must be other mines which have proved deposits of a certain amount of minerals and metals and which are entitled to some little assistance as well. Why should we put all our eggs in one basket? After all, we are very short of raw materials in Ireland and I do not think I can congratulate the Minister on the advances we are making in the mineral arena.

We import £200,000 worth of salt per annum. So far as I know no deposits of salt have been found in this country. I should like to hear from the Minister if such deposits are being sought. I understand from a private source that there is a possibility that deposits exist along the borders of the State inCavan and Monaghan. After all, there are salt deposits in practically the same latitude in Britain and is it not conceivable that they might be found here? Would it not be worth while spending some of this £85,000 in prospecting to see if you could find salt here? If it were found, we could start an industry for the products of which we would have a domestic market of £200,000 per annum available. I am sure we could mine it as cheaply as any other country. Of the salt we import, some quantity only comes from Great Britain and the rest we obtain from countries behind the Iron Curtain. If we found salt deposits here, we could develop them and provide useful employment for a large number of people.

Coming to C.I.E., I was not one of the Deputies who actually criticised the introduction of the oil-burning diesel units but I did raise the question that if an emergency were to arise or if a world conflagration were suddenly to develop—which God forbid; I hope we shall never see that again-we might have considerable difficulty in procuring oil. I also pointed out that a considerable quantity of the oil we use comes from dollar areas and that there might be some difficulty in purchasing it. Of course the situation at the moment in regard to the dollar area is easing somewhat and, so far as the Near East is concerned, it is still outside Soviet control although fairly close to areas which are under Soviet control. I should like to suggest to the Minister again that he should tell C.I.E. that if they intend to use diesel units on any extensive scale they should lay in considerable quantities of diesel oil in storage. I should like to know from the Minister if any steps in that direction have been taken.

There are advantages and disadvantages associated with the use of diesel units. It appears that down in my part of the country, on the main line to Wexford, over which tourist traffic is pretty extensive, these diesel units have one disadvantage in that they are not able to carry as many passengers as an ordinary train. Many of us were under the impression that if a diesel unit became overloaded, itwas just a question of adding another carriage, but the difficulty with the diesel unit appears to be that if they have not got sufficient room to carry all the passengers offering, you cannot add another carriage because their horse power, having regard to the gradients which they have to meet, is sufficient only to pull that particular unit and, therefore, if you wish to carry more passengers you have to add a complete new unit. That seems to be the only disadvantage in a diesel unit. I certainly think they have helped in turning people back to the railways. They are a cleaner and a speedier way of travel than the ordinary steam train.

With regard to the financial circumstancesof C.I.E., as I read the Minister's statement, the undertaking is still being run at a loss of £1,500,000 per year. The taxpayer has to meet that loss. We have no real proof from the Minister's statement that it will be possible to wipe out that loss. He merely stated that those who were in consultation with C.I.E. experts consider that they will be able to abolish this running loss by the purchase of new rolling stock and machinery. I move to report progress.

Progress reported; the Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 11 p.m. until 2.30 p.m. on Wednesday, 4th November, 1953.
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