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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 14 Jul 1955

Vol. 152 No. 7

Committee on Finance. - Vote 3—Department of the Taoiseach.

I move:—

That a sum not exceeding £18,250 be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1956, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Department of the Taoiseach (No. 16 of 1924; No. 40 of 1937; No. 38 of 1938; and No. 24 of 1947).

Last year, when introducing the Estimate for my Department, I promised to resume in the present year the practice of giving a brief survey of the general economic position of the country, against which the results of Government policy might be evaluated. The present parliamentary year is drawing to a close; the Estimates of the different Departments of State have been subjected to a detailed debate in the House; the present Government has just completed its first year of office: all these circumstances render an economic survey particularly appropriate at this stage.

It is possible this year to give a general survey without a surfeit of figures, as the current statistical survey published by the Central Statistics Office has been available for some time past; this fulfils a promise which I made last year that, if possible, the survey would be published some weeks before the present debate in order that Deputies might have available in a convenient form the statistical background necessary to evaluate the present state of the economy and the extent to which progress has or has not been achieved.

We are, perhaps, inclined to take somewhat for granted the extension of statistical activities and the advance in statistical techniques which have combined to render possible the publication of the Statistical Survey. Certainly, it is much easier to present an economic review when the essential data are not alone available but also conveniently available. There is more involved here than the convenience of the administrator. The prompt publication of important statistical material is essential to the well-informed discussion and criticism of public policy both inside and outside the House.

Economic policy cannot be created in a vacuum of public indifference and apathy and it is essential, therefore, that the basic economic statistics should be published promptly and regularly, so that those qualified to form and lead public opinion can do so on a firm foundation of fact. It was with the object of strengthening and extending the statistical arm of administration that, when last in office, we arranged for the formation of the Central Statistics Office as a separate unit attached to my Department. This innovation, which, I am glad to note, was continued by the previous Administration, has proved a success and I think I can say, without any exaggeration, that both the Departments of State and the general public have benefited.

The national income statistics, which are, perhaps, the most important set of statistics in the survey, form a natural and convenient starting place for an economic review. If it were necessary to define the economic policy of the Government in a single sentence, it might be expressed as a steady increase in real national income per head of population. If we wish to get down to fundamentals, we must to an extent disregard the changes in national income as measured in current prices and concentrate instead on the trend of real national income, that is, on the flow of goods and services accuring to the country each year. There is unfortunately no internationally agreed method of computing real national income and it is indeed possible to arrive at several somewhat conflicting results by adopting the different methods in vogue. If the national income at current prices is deflated by reference to the price index of personal consumption on goods and services, it will be seen that real national income in 1954 increased by some 2 per cent. over 1953. Real national income, with the significant exception of 1952, has been rising slowly but steadily since the end of the war. It now stands at about 24 per cent. above the pre-war level. An unofficial calculation of national income for the year 1926 indicates that real national income has risen by over 40 per cent. since that year.

Lest we be misled into a false degree of complacency by this record of progress, it is salutary to point out that it represents an annual rate of growth of some 1.3 per cent.; even if the war years are excluded the annual rate of growth only becomes 1.6 per cent. This rate of growth falls far short of the increases secured in other countries and can only be regarded as disappointing in view of the rapid strides made in productivity, inventions and innovations in the last few decades. This rate of growth falls far short of what is required to solve our interrelated problems of a stationary population, persistent emigration, structural unemployment and underemployment on the land.

It is none the less interesting and instructive to analyse further this rate of growth in order to discover what forms the increase in the standard of living has taken. The expression "standard of living"—or "level of living", to adopt the U.N. terminology—is a very wide concept, embracing most of the numerous facets of human life. No single index is comprehensive enough to measure it. It is true that per capita real national income is often used as an index, but this approach gives only an approximate and undifferentiated picture. What we are concerned to find out is the detail behind the index—the components which make up the increase. Not all of these components can be measured physically and even when they can, for example in the case of a reduction in working hours, we would have to find out what was done with the increased hours of leisure before being in a position to judge whether the improvement did in fact add to human welfare.

Subject to this reservation, it is instructive to take a quick glance at what might be called the economic indicators of progress in the last 30 odd years. Thus, under the heading of health we might note that in this period the expectation of life increased substantially; for males the increase was over six years and for females nearly nine years. The crude death rate decreased from 14 per 1,000 of the population in 1923 to some 12 in 1954, while in the same period infant mortality rates per 1,000 live births decreased from 66 to 38. The number of hospital beds, excluding mental hospitals, per 1,000 of the population increased in the last 20 years from less than six to about eight and a half. In accordance with the trend in other countries, the increase in the level of living has not been concentrated in food and nutrition. Our daily calorie intake in 1952 was 3,515, an increase of less than 4 per cent. on the pre-war average, while our daily protein intake actually showed a slight decline. It was in accordance with international trends that the percentage of gross national expenditure at market prices spent on food declined from 30.6 per cent. in 1926 to 25.5 per cent in 1954. This decline has been accompanied by a decline in the resources allocated to total personal consumption of goods and services—from 77.1 per cent. in 1938 to 74.8 per cent. in 1954, and by a small increase in savings which, as a percentage of gross national expenditure, increased from 8.1 per cent. in 1926 to 9.1 per cent. in 1953.

The improvement in the level of living has been particularly evident in the case of housing. Since the State was established, over 250,000 houses have been built or reconstructed. In 1926, the average number of persons per room was 1.19; this had fallen to 1.01 in 1946. The proportion of persons living more than two per room was 27.2 per cent. in 1926; the corresponding 1946 figure was 16.8. In view of the considerable progress made in the housing sector since 1946, we can be sure that the next full census of population will reveal further improvements. These figures, however, still fall far short of the standards reached in other countries.

The first year in which statistics are available of the average number of hours worked per week in all industries is 1937, in which year the number of hours worked per week was 43.9; the corresponding figure for the latest available year viz., 1953, was 45.0. The unemployment percentage was 15 per cent. for 1938—the first year for which the percentage was calculated; the percentage had fallen to 8.1 per cent. by 1954. While these figures are, as I mention later, subject to a number of reservations and qualifications, they support the general conclusion, that, compared with pre-war, unemployment in the non-agricultural sphere has been almost halved.

In some countries, an increase in the level of living takes the form of an increase in educational facilities. In view of the broadly based system of primary education which we inherited on the establishment of the State, it is hardly surprising that there has been little change under this heading in the last 30 years. We have, however, gone some way towards overtaking the vast arrears in school accommodation and over 1,000 new primary schools have been built since 1922, while an even greater number of major improvements have been carried out. Important advances were secured in the fields of technical, vocational and secondary education. Thus in the case of secondary education the attendance or enrolment expressed as a percentage of the children aged five to 14 years in primary schools increased from 4.9 per cent. in 1926 to 10.8 per cent. in 1953. The number of students enrolled in technical institutions per 100,000 of the population increased from 2,174 in 1926 to 3,052 in 1953.

In many under-developed countries, an increase in the level of living is often accompanied by an improvement in transport facilities; such an improvement is often a condition precedent to an increase in the level of living. In fact, however, the modern Ireland has inherited a road and rail system which in some respects is in excess of current requirements. Its extensiveness provides the country with flexible means of communication, but, as the House knows, the upkeep and modernisation of a railway system designed in the first instance for a much larger population has imposed serious technical, economic and, indeed, social problems on successive Governments. I am happy, however, to be able to report that the prospects for placing our railways on a more satisfactory technical and economic basis are brighter than ever before. And I need hardly remind the House that while a good road system is quite as indispensable as the railways for our domestic needs as well as for the development of the tourist industry it nevertheless imposes heavy burdens on the Exchequer that require careful consideration on all sides of the House.

We do not need to have regard to any statistics to be aware of the fact that our increased level of living has to an extent taken the form of an increase in the number of motor cars. Between 1938 and 1954 the number of motor cars per 100,000 of the population almost trebled, while there were even greater increases in the case of other mechanically propelled vehicles.

This outline, necessarily brief and incomplete, gives an indication of how we have enjoyed the fruits of the increase in real income since the State was established. The most significant fact is that this increase has not been accompained by an increase in population. It is a sobering thought that if we had been content not to advance beyond the 1926 level of living and if we could have eliminated the non-economic causes of emigration, we could support at present a population some 40 per cent. greater than our actual population. This statement is, of course, subject to many qualifications, but there is no gainsaying the fact that we have been content to divide amongst a stationary population the fruits of a limited annual increase in the flow of goods and services; emigration was the main method by which an acceptable rate of increase in real income per head has been achieved for those that remained.

It is only a myth that the Irish are vanishing; for over a generation the Irish population has remained stationary and, particularly in recent years, has been enjoying a progressively increasing standard of living; but it is salutory to reflect that the increase in total national income would have been spread over a bigger number of people had emigration not taken place. If those who emigrated had remained at home and if it had been possible to engage them in productive work that added real wealth to the national income then their standard of living as well as that of the community as a whole would have increased.

Instead of engaging in indiscriminate deploring of emigration, we should draw the obvious moral from what has taken place. We must attempt so to arrange our affairs as to make it possible for a growing number of the annual natural increase in population to be employed in productive work at home. For many years a large part of our population was under-employed, in the same way that a large part of our natural resources are still under-employed. By under-employment we mean that persons are engaged in work which does not make the addition to real wealth which their labour would contribute if it were productively and fruitfully employed.

Work in itself has no economic virtue unless it is productive in the sense of creating goods and services which will be of benefit to the workers themselves and to the rest of the community. Work which is economically unproductive may have a social and moral justification, but in the short run at least it is unlikely to increase real national income. It merely means that the existing real national income is distributed over a greater number of people. To make the efforts of labour more fruitful, capital is needed and that is why this country has so much to gain from productive investment. We must direct that investment of capital where it will provide the most useful return. Our agricultural industry is potentially the industry which can give the most spectacular return from new capital.

Later on I shall have some remarks to make about the prospective course of the balance of payments. But this I can say here: unwarranted deficits in balance of payments must always be avoided; but a clear distinction must be made between deficits which are not justified by the current productive efforts of our people and deficits which represent an addition of economically rewarding investment to the productive resources of the community. Improved methods of technical, vocational and agricultural education can also contribute enormously towards increasing the skill of our workers. It is the combination of skilled labour and capital that in the long run can add most to our real wealth.

Our gratification at the remarkable strides which Irish manufacturing industry has made should not prevent us from examining our achievements in that field with a most critical eye. We must recognise that in many instances the capacity of the Irish market to absorb more home-produced manufactured goods is probably limited and that there may not be great scope for further development unless export markets can be found. In certain cases thanks to the initiative and enterprise of enlightened businessmen, satisfactory export markets are being found. The exploitation of these markets is not going to be an easy task, however rewarding it may be. Where we depend on imported raw materials; where we must include in the cost of our finished product freight charges on these imported raw materials; where in addition we must include the cost of freight charges on the export of the finished commodity, we are obviously adding seriously to the cost at which these finished articles can be sold abroad in markets where they must compete with goods of the same character which can be produced more cheaply.

In saying this, I am not suggesting that there are insurmountable barriers to the development of our export trade in manufactured goods; I am pointing to the difficulties, pointing to the fact that we cannot afford any complacency, pointing to the obvious conclusion that in a highly competitive world the exploitation of new export markets for Irish manufactured goods is not going to be easy of accomplishment. Unless these export markets can be found and developed, the only hope there is of a substantial extension of Irish manufacturing industry will depend on the extent to which we can increase the demand of the home consumer. That can best be done by increasing the prosperity of Irish agriculture. Agriculture is the industry in which we have to a striking degree a comparative advantage. By increasing agricultural production and stimulating agricultural exports, we will be able so to enrich the Irish agricultural community as to enable it to purchase a growing volume of home-produced, manufactured articles. Our exporters are not going to be daunted by the problems of export markets but their efforts in those directions can be notably supplemented by extending the home market for their goods.

Whatever differences may exist regarding the means, there are practically no differences regarding the end of Government economic and social policy. We are all agreed on the necessity for increasing production as a firm basis for greater employment, the elimination of the economic causes of emigration, the improvement of our social services, etc. Of this many-sided problem there are two aspects in particular which I wish to stress— productivity and investment. It is not sufficient to increase production; productivity must at the same time be increased if we are to secure a market for our increased production both at home and abroad.

This theme of productivity is foremost in current international commentaries; the latest annual report of the O.E.E.C. pointed out that "... today, however, the problem of raising productivity has pre-eminence". If this can be said of the more advanced industrialised countries, it applies with all the greater force to us and we can be sure that our future as a viable economic unit, capable of sustaining an increasing population at an increasing level of living, will stand or fall according as we succeed in overtaking our arrears in this field. What I am saying is nothing new; the present and previous Ministers for Agriculture and Industry and Commerce have stressed it frequently in the past. In the agricultural sphere an important function of the proposed agricultural institute will be to co-ordinate and intensify agricultural research so as to provide a firm and solid basis for an extension in agricultural production.

As regards industry, the drive for increased productivity must come primarily from private enterprise and can only succeed if employee as well as employer is conscious of the urgency of the problem. The State can, however, help in a variety of ways. The agreement which we made with the United States Government in regard to the disposition of Grant Counterpart Funds provides for the expenditure of £350,000 on the provision of technical assistance to industry and agriculture. This fund will enable the Government to pay portion, normally one half, of the costs of technical assistance projects. Pending the execution of the necessary sub-agreement with the American authorities, provisions of £42,000 and £15,000 for technical assistance have been included this year in the Votes for the Department of Industry and Commerce and the Department of Agriculture. Technical assistance may take the form of visits to Ireland by foreign experts and visits of Irish industrialists abroad; the technical investigation of manufacturing possibilities in this country; the engaging of industrial consultants, etc.

The Institute for Industrial Research and Standards occupies a central position in the drive for increased productivity but the success which it can achieve will depend on the co-operation of industrialists, both in bringing specific problems to the institute's notice and in adopting the suggestions which the institute may make for their solution. In order that it may become more closely in touch with the problems of industry the institute proposes in the near future, to dispatch some of its scientists and engineers to individual factories so as to learn at first hand the difficulties confronting manufacturers.

It is also proposed to strengthen the institute's facilities by the erection of three research laboratories out of grant counterpart moneys specifically provided for that purpose; the relevant sub-agreement was signed recently. At the request of the Minister for Industry and Commerce and in conjunction with the Industrial Development Authority, the institute is examining the question of setting up in this country a national productivity centre which would work in liaison with the European productivity agency established by O.E.E.C. The establishment of such a centre would bring private enterprise more closely into contact with the stream of European thought on the subject.

The Irish Management Institute is also doing useful work in this field. Conscious of the importance of technical and other education, the Management Institute has established a joint committee representative of business, the universities and the vocational educational schools to examine the most desirable forms of education and training for management and the best methods for their provision. At the employee-level, the training schemes at present provided by vocational educational schools for a wide range of industries and trades have played an important part in the drive for increased productivity.

Productivity is an elusive concept difficult to isolate and measure. The only available indices in this country relate to the volume of output per wage earner in transportable goods industries. This index, to base 1936=100, stood at about 120 in 1950. After remaining relatively constant for the two following years, the provisional index increased to 133 in 1953 but fell back slightly to 132 in 1954. The rate of increase over pre-war compares favourably with that of other O.E.E.C. countries but our comparatively good showing is due, in part at least, to the fact that our increase was from a relatively low base.

Lest there be any misconception, I should point out that the index, while expressing output per wage earner, does not purport to represent solely the productivity of labour; the increase is attributable to the greater productivity of capital as well as of labour and it should not be forgotten that in the years 1946 to 1952 over £80,000,000 of additional fixed and working capital was injected into the transportable goods industries.

The question of productivity and efficiency raises the issue of tariffs—an issue in which it is only too easy to be misrepresented. There is a broad measure of agreement with the necessity for a regular review of tariffs to ensure that, if moderate tariffs are required for the development of new industries, such tariffs do not constitute a shelter-belt behind which high-cost firms perpetually remain high-cost firms. The latest O.E.E.C. report contains many references to this problem. While admitting the justification of modern tariffs to protect the development of new industries, the report recognises that it would be economically wasteful to promote forced industrialisation behind high tariff walls.

The report also draws attention to the tendency of tariff systems to spread and harden and to encourage positions of privilege and structural maladjustment. Despite all this, the report frankly recognises that in this field Governments may have a difficult choice to make. The process of tariff review is a slow one but it is important that a start should be made so that industrialists may be under no delusion regarding our determination to use the tariff weapon, not as a feather bed, but as a spring-board for efficient and productive industrialisation. I am sure that this is what efficient and progressive industrialists themselves would desire. A start has already been made and several tariffs have already been referred to the Industrial Development Authority for review.

Another aspect of industrial policy which commands support from all sides of the House is the proposal to encourage actively but within proper safeguards the investment of foreign capital in this country. There is a growing realisation that, in the 20 years which have elapsed since the Control of Manufactures Acts were enacted, conditions and circumstances have so changed as to warrant modifying the rather negative attitude towards foreign capital which is enshrined in the Acts and embarking instead on a more positive policy.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce has already given an indication of the steps taken and proposed to attract foreign capital. We are under no delusions that foreign capital will form a queue for admission into this country. The O.E.E.C. report on private United States investment in Europe and the overseas territories pointed out that "The basic fact is that no great quantities of American capital are just waiting for an invitation from European countries to come over here. If the United States investor is to cross the Atlantic he will have to be wooed aggressively." That comment is capable of general application in our circumstances.

What we are all striving for is a high level of investment in this country in which foreign investment would take up any domestic slack. The policy of wealth creation, the policy of raising incomes and standards, to which this Government are committed, requires a high level of capital formation, particularly of productive capital formation. Comparative figures issued by O.E.E.C. illustrate the extent to which our capital formation is deficient. The percentage of our total annual resources devoted to capital formation was 12 per cent. in 1952 compared with an average figure of 18 per cent. for all O.E.E.C. countries. Inadequate as our figure of 12 per cent. is, there are two aspects of it which are disturbing— the extent to which it was not financed by domestic savings and the degree to which it was dominated by State capital investment.

The House is already aware that the latter aspect is the subject of a comprehensive review, and it would be premature to attempt to forecast the conclusions. One thing is clear; if domestic capital formation is inadequate and if the State capital programme is running at a high level, then it would be preferable if the deficiency were made good by the sector. As the extent of the public sector's borrowing in post-war years may have had repercussions on the industrial capital market, the views of the Industrial Credit Company, Limited, have been sought regarding the facilities by which industry obtains capital for development and the improvement, if any, of such facilities which may be necessary or desirable.

Another factor which is revelant in this connection is the amendment of our statute law relating to companies, a question which must be deferred until we have received the report of the committee established in 1951 to review this matter.

Capital investment is one side of a medal the reverse of which is the central problem of economic development, namely, savings. The marked recovery of savings in the last three years has enabled the level of fixed capital formation to be maintained despite the sharp fall in external disinvestment. The existence of external assets enables us, as it has in the past, to maintain a level of capital formation in excess of that justified by our level of domestic savings, a process which of course cannot be continued indefinitely as our external assets are by no means inexhaustible. It does not require an excess of prudence to arrive at the conclusion that external disinvestment should be regarded as a marginal supplement to savings and that it should be in addition to and not in substitution for such savings.

In most countries the level of private savings is dominated by company savings—a recognition of the well-known fact that on average companies distribute to their shareholders no more than one-half—and often considerably less than one-half—of their taxed income—and the short explanation of our relatively poor showing as regards savings is the relatively small proportion of our national income which accrues to companies. If we look at the personal savings ratio alone—that is the ratio between personal savings and net personal incomes after tax—we find that in recent years our experience has not been discouraging though we still fall short of the very high levels reached in some European countries.

It is disappointing, however, to have to record that personal savings fell in 1954. In 1952 savings expressed as a percentage of national income amounted to 9 per cent. The percentage increased to 13 per cent. in 1953 but fell back to 10.7 per cent. in 1954. The fall was confined to personal savings as there was a slight increase in company savings. The personal savings ratio fell from 10.3 per cent. in 1953 to 8.6 per cent. in 1954. What happened last year was that the entire increment in national income was consumed and more besides; in fact we were able to maintain fixed capital formation only by running down stocks and work in progress, whereas we added to such stocks in 1953.

This process cannot be continued indefinitely and if we wish to maintain and improve our 1954 level of fixed capital formation, without increasing the existing moderate rate of foreign disinvestment, we will have to recover the savings ground lost last year. If we wish the end of increased investment—not indeed as an end in itself, but as a firm basis for increasing the level of production, employment and incomes—then we must will the means of increased savings. In his Budget speech the Minister for Finance expressed the hope that before the end of the year a more intensive and broadly based campaign would be inaugurated to speed the savings drive. I am sure that every Deputy will wish this campaign God speed.

So far I have not dwelt in any detail on the economic aspects of the immediate past as I thought it better to place such aspects against their long-term background.

The Budget which the Minister for Finance introduced this year has been generally accepted by all Parties in this House and by the country as a complete and comprehensive expression of financial and economic policy. If I am asked to say briefly what our economic policy is, I point to the Budget as a unified and coherent expression of the policy to which this Government is committed. This year's Budget was a clear and unambiguous indication of the Government's determination to finance the services of the State by sound, non-inflationary methods; and to create flexible conditions for the favourable implementation of economic policy. I have long held the view that the annual Budget should be more than a purely financial instrument; it should also be an instrument of economic policy.

The Budget which the Minister for Finance introduced satisfies the severest tests of financial rectitude and at the same time is based on broad and progressive principles. It conferred substantial increases in benefits on important sectors of the community without demanding corresponding increases in taxation. Without any increased rate of taxation per head the Budget increased the benefits per head that each member of the community derived from the proceeds of taxation.

The relatively favourable outcome of external trade in 1954, evidenced by a reduction of £3.8 million in the import excess of that year, has not been maintained so far in the current year. In the first five months of 1955, though exports and re-exports were £4.4 million greater than in the corresponding period of 1954, imports increased by £11.9 million and the import excess accordingly increased by £7.5 million. A detailed analysis of external trade is available for the first quarter of this year; it shows that compared with the first quarter of 1954 the volume of exports increased by 8½ per cent. but the volume of imports increased by about 12 per cent. The increase in the volume of imports is hardly surprising as it follows a reduction in 1954 which was particularly evident in the latter part of the year and may have, in part, reflected a reaction to rising import prices.

It is not surprising to find, from the national income statistics, that the volume of stocks and work in progress was reduced by some £5,000,000 at the end of 1954 and it may be that the increase in the volume of imports in the current year was the result of industrial restocking. The analysis of imports for the March quarter of this year shows that materials for industry and agriculture formed 64.8 per cent. of the total, as compared with 61.8 per cent. in the first quarter of 1954 and since the output of manufacturing industries increased by 2½ per cent. in the March quarter of 1955 (compared with the March quarter of 1954) it is reasonable to infer that the increase in imports is in part associated with increased industrial production and is not entirely being dissipated in the boosting of consumption.

A disturbing factor in the external trading sector is the increase in import prices. These started to rise in the second half of 1954 in a delayed reaction to a general world-wide increase in commodity prices. Unfortunately, our export prices were weakening at the same time, with the result that the terms of trade—that is the ratio between our export and our import prices—moved against us; to base 1938=100, the terms of trade dropped from 111 in 1953 to 108 in 1954. Export prices had fortunately recovered in the opening months of this year and the terms of trade have benefited accordingly. World commodity prices have, in general, weakened slightly and it would be in accordance with normal experience if our import prices fell after the usual time lag. As regards exports, an outstanding feature of the increase to date is the extent to which it is accounted for by an increase in exports of live cattle. There has been a parallel and regrettable decrease in processed cattle exports but there are grounds for believing that this may have been a seasonal factor and not indicative of the outcome for the year as a whole.

Last year, when introducing the Estimate for my Department, I said, in reference to the balance of payments deficit,—"while I am not to be taken as assuming the mantle of a prophet in this hazardous field, may I venture the opinion that we are not likely to be faced with any crisis before the end of the year?" I do not believe that we need fear any crisis before the end of the present year. But the developments of the past few months require us to keep the situation under very careful consideration. The experience of our own country, and indeed of other countries, in recent years, is a vivid reminder that not the least disturbing feature of a serious deficit can be the economic dislocation and social disruption caused by the monetary and fiscal methods often adopted to correct it.

Experience abroad has shown that even when stringent credit restriction and import controls reduce deficits in the balance of payments they tend to bring other evils in their train. They tend to operate indiscriminately against the business enterprise that deserves to be encouraged and against those activities that warrant restriction. They may stifle the efforts of the very enterprise whose efforts are a condition precedent to the restoration of equilibrium in a country's external payments. This indeed is one field in which prevention is better than cure; and that is why careful vigilance of the course of the balance of payments is preferable to drastic, crude and unpredictable measures for restoring equilibrium after things have gone wrong.

The rise in import prices has had repercussions in another sector. The consumer price index cannot fail to be affected by such an increase, particularly when it is reinforced by a strong tendency for domestic agricultural prices to increase; in the first quarter of this year the agricultural price index increased by nearly 6 per cent. It is hardly surprising therefore to find that the consumer price index has shown a slight upward tendency. Between May and August, 1954, the index rose by two points from 124 to 126; it remained at this figure in November, 1954, and February, 1955, but rose by a further point, to 127, in May last. Of the increase of three points since May, 1954, nearly two and a half points are attributable to increases in food prices. It is significant that over two points of this increase in food prices had taken place by August, 1954—when we had been in office for just two months—and presumably reflected trends which had been in force for some time previously. It is equally significant that the index of food prices has been held virtually stable since August, 1954. This is no accident; it is the result of deliberate Government policy which took the form of a subsidy on butter—estimated to cost £2.2 million this year—and the stabilisation of tea prices. The combined effects of these reliefs is to reduce the consumer price index by 1.08 points. The present index is 127.49 points and if these reliefs were not operative the index would be increased to 128.57; as the index is rounded off to the nearest point, it would be published as 129-compared with the actual index of 127.

There has been no marked change in recent years in the percentage contribution of the various sectors to national income. In the agricultural sphere it was highly encouraging to find that although the weather was very unfavourable the volume of gross agricultural output increased by some 3½ per cent. last year. The volume index for that year was some 10 per cent. greater than pre-war and was the highest ever recorded. The volume figures have increased in each of the last four years and we are now reaping the fruits of increased agricultural investment by way of drainage and reclamation, fertilisers and limestone, machinery, veterinary services, etc. Experience in agriculture in the last few decades has been one of minor fluctuations around a constant norm. The slight but consistent upward trend in recent years affords some basis for the hope that we are about to bid good-bye to this norm forever. While problems still arise in some particular sectors the outlook for agriculture as a whole is certainly more promising than for a long time past, provided always that we can keep our prices competitive and thus sell at home and abroad the added output which technical progress and intensive investment promise to make available.

For some years past the industrial sector has accounted for a little less than one-quarter of the national income. On the average, in West European countries the corresponding percentage is over 40 per cent. so that it will be seen that we have still some distance to go before we reach the West European level of industrialisation. In our case the last stages will undoubtedly be the hardest as we have already skimmed the cream from the milk. The volume of net industrial output increased by about 2½ per cent. last year, an increase which is inadequate to meet our problems. In the immediate post-war years, when we were overcoming the arrears of the war period, the annual increases were of the order of some 10 per cent.; the average annual rate of increase in the last four years was by comparison a mere 2 per cent.

For more up to date figures we have to rely on the quarterly sample of transportable goods industries. These showed that the relatively disappointing out-turn for 1954 was due to a tapering off of the increase towards the end of the year. The volume figure for the last quarter showed a marginal decline of some 0.1 per cent. on the corresponding 1953 figure, due in part to a fall in the sugar industry as a result of bad weather conditions. That the check was but a temporary one was borne out by the fact that the index for the March quarter of this year showed an increase of 2½ per cent. over March, 1954, and was in fact the highest ever recorded for a March quarter.

The quarterly sample of transportable goods industries also throws some light on the current trend in employment and earnings in manufacturing industries. In the last quarter of 1954 the total employment in these industries exceeded 150,000 for the first time. The corresponding figure for the March quarter, 1955, showed an increase of 3,000 over March, 1954. Weekly earnings in manufacturing industries are now two and a half times the 1938 level. They have remained relatively stable, apart from the usual seasonal fluctuations, in the last three years with a slight upward tendency which has had the effect of leaving the index for the March quarter of this year some 3 per cent. higher than 12 months previously.

It will be clear from what I have said that the sample quarterly inquiry of transportable goods industries is one of the most important carried out by the Central Statistics Office. Without it we would be in the dark regarding the up to date movement of production, employment and earnings in manufacturing industries. In this field it is essential that our statistics should not alone be reliable but that they should be up to date. I am glad to say that most industrialists cooperate in completing the returns in good time, but this co-operation is set at naught by the persistent refusal of a small though important sector to furnish the returns in good time. The results of the inquiry should be available within four weeks and in any event not later than six weeks after the end of the quarter to which they relate, but because of the non-co-operation of a small number of concerns the results are usually not ready until some 11-12 weeks after the quarter in question.

The returns required by the Central Statistics Office are not complicated or difficult. Furthermore, in some countries the inquiry is made monthly instead of quarterly, as in this country. I would earnestly appeal, therefore, to that small handful of industrialists who are largely responsible for the delay to complete the returns as promptly as their fellow industrialists. They can rely on the co-operation of the Central Statistics Office in disposing of any difficulties which may stand in the way of earlier returns.

No reference to the industrial sector would be complete without a reference to the unemployment problem. In view of the highly seasonal nature of unemployment in this country, it is customary, when analysing the trend of unemployment, to compare the numbers on the live register on any given date with the corresponding number 12 months previously. On this basis the present level of unemployment shows a fall of some 5,000 to 6,000. At the end of June this year the live register figure was 47,605 compared with 53,577 at end June, 1954, and 63,589 at end June, 1953 though it is only fair to add that the 1953 figure is very much affected by certain transitional effects of the Social Welfare Act, 1952. The live register figures are an imperfect guide to the unemployment problem. Even in the summer months, when they exclude most of the rural under-employment, the numbers registered included many who by reason of age, infirmity, etc., are more unemployable than unemployed.

An analysis of the register on these lines would isolate the hard core of the unemployment problem—the numbers genuinely seeking and capable of work. In the absence of such an analysis the best single guide to unemployment is possibly the unemployment percentage, that is, the number of currently insured persons on the live register divided by the estimated currently insured population, excluding, in both cases, persons whose principal occupations are agriculture, fishing or private domestic service. The percentage was 7.3 (the lowest recorded) in 1951, rose to 9.1 in 1952 and 9.6 in 1953, but declined to 8.1 in 1954. For the first five months of 1955 the percentage was 8.16 compared with 9.2 for the corresponding period in 1954. An unemployment percentage of 3 per cent. has been held to be consistent with full employment and the difference between our current figure of 8 per cent. and 3 per cent. is one measure of our unemployment problem.

It would be a delusion to regard it as the only measure. To do so would be to ignore two salient factors—rural under-employment and emigration. We have unfortunately no current reliable index of emigration but we have little grounds for believing it is no longer a problem. It is perhaps significant that in 1954 the long-term tendency towards a reduction in the number of males engaged in agriculture was arrested—an indication perhaps that in the emigration experience of that year there was a shift in emphasis between rural and urban areas.

In recent years growing doubts have been cast on the previously held view that emigration was a bad thing in itself. The Commission on Emigration and Other Population Problems drow attention to the fact that emigration does not in all cases spring from a single cause and is not in all cases to be deplored. Even allowing for this, it cannot be denied that emigration is often an involuntary reaction to lack of employment facilities at home. To this extent it constitutes a problem and a challenge for Government. The reports of the Commission on Emigration and Other Population Problems which were received last year are at present being examined by the Departments concerned, and when this examination is completed we will, I hope, be in better position to assess the problem and the means of dealing with it.

It does not require much thought to arrive at the conclusion that there is no single simple solution. The problem must be tackled on a number of fronts. While the general prescription is clear enough, it is on details and methods of procedure that disagreement arises. What we require above all is faith in the future, a faith which must primarily be based on what has been called the fourth dimension of economics—confidence, buoyancy, incentive and initiative. It will be the Government's object to restore and foster this fourth dimension.

Mr. Lemass

Having heard the Taoiseach's speech, I rise with considerable enthusiasm to move: "That the Estimate be referred back for reconsideration." This is the last debate in the present session of the Dáil. The Government has decided to adjourn the Dáil for a period of more than three months to escape the questions and the criticisms of Deputies for that period. I can understand the Taoiseach's motive in endeavouring to send back to the country the Deputies of his own Party, stuffed with statistics which most of them will find it very difficult to digest; but the Taoiseach, no doubt, hopes that the effort to digest them will keep them occupied until the Dáil is due to reassemble at the end of October. I hope now that I will be able to purge these Deputies of some unnecessary or irrelevant data and to give them a few hard facts to chew over.

I think it will be good for the Deputies opposite to get the script of the Taoiseach's lecture and to study it very carefully during the recess. They will get a lot of information. No doubt many of the statistics which the Taoiseach quoted are available in more convenient form in the Statistical Survey, or other publications; nevertheless, there is no Deputy opposite who will not benefit by a study of these statistics. But no matter how carefully or how frequently he studies the Taoiseach's lecture, he will not find in it any indication of the Government's intentions regarding the practical problems that are worrying the people of this country now and that are likely to become more worrying before the House reassembles in October: the upward movement of prices; the particular proposals which are now under consideration by the Government in relation to specific prices which have often been the subject of political controversy in the past; the unrest that is developing amongst the wage earners of the country and the many movements which are in progress directed towards securing higher wage rates and the possibility of these movements producing industrial unrest during the coming quarter; the continuing high level of emigration and of unemployment; the many practical problems which are facing those engaged in agriculture and in industry who are concerned, from day to day, not with the theory of expanding production but with the real difficulties of doing so.

I would have expected that the Taoiseach would have chosen this occasion, the final debate in the longest session of the year, to deal with these practical issues. I can understand that his position is somewhat difficult. He is the head of a Government, not all the members of which are in agreement as to the principles upon which practical policy should be based; and that position forces him to occupy the time of the Dáil with generalities, compels him to avoid hard statements of intention in relation to practical issues because no intention can be determined until it is no longer possible to avoid the issues.

We have during the course of the past year, like every member of the public interested in national affairs, studied the speeches made by Ministers throughout the country as well as here in the Dáil in an effort to find out if there was any consistent policy inspiring the Government's actions. We have found no trace of any such policy. We have tried to deduce from the attitude of Ministers at Question Time, or when various matters were under debate here, what their policy might be in various eventualities and we have received many conflicting indications, all of which lead us to the opinion that the Government has indeed no policy in the normal sense of that term; that it is exclusively interested in the political aspects of its activities and not interested at all in their effect upon the real welfare of the country.

That concern of the Government, an excessive concern with the maintenance of their political front regardless of the consequences upon the welfare of the country, is particularly noticeable in relation to the definite matters of current interest to which I have referred.

Prices: we have discussed here in the Dáil on many occasions during the past year the issue of prices in relation to the campaign that was conducted by the Parties comprising the present Government prior to the election of last year. I am not going back now over the long record of promises made by the spokesmen of these Parties on that occasion, promises long since repudiated and apparently forgotten. I do not want Deputies to think that the record of their promises will not be produced again and again. It certainly will. They will not be allowed to forget them as easily as they would like to forget them. But, on this occasion, I am trying to extract from the Taoiseach, if I can, what the real policy of the Government is in relation to the present trend in prices. Forget, for the time being, these promises!

What about the local elections?

Mr. Lemass

Forget what the supporters of the Coalition Parties may expect from the Government in relation to prices! Has the Government any policy at all in relation to the present price situation? The trend of prices is upward. Is the Taoiseach satisfied that it is better to allow prices to take their course, or does he think he should do anything about them? There was, perhaps, no subject of public interest upon which members of the present Government, when in opposition, were more eloquent. We want something more than eloquence from them now. In so far as the Government has any function at all to influence and control the trend of prices responsibility is now on the members of the present Government. Do they think themselves that they have any function or responsibility to attempt to influence the trend of prices?

Why did you put them up?

Mr. Lemass

The fact that the price trend is upward will, I presume, not be denied. The attitude which the Government has taken about prices so far indicates that their only concern is the possible reaction of a rise in prices on their political fortunes. They have always thrown an atmosphere of political controversy about the issue of prices whenever it was raised. An example of that was the decision of the Government to withhold from publication the mid-May price index number until the day after the voting in the local elections.

That is absolutely incorrect. We never did anything of the sort and I want to nail that before the Deputy tells any further lies.

Mr. Lemass

I will not ask the present occupant of the Chair to deal with this unruly interruption.

There is no truth whatever in that allegation and the Deputy knows there is no truth in it.

Mr. Lemass

The monthly publication of the Statistical Office dealing with economic indicators came out with a blank space where the price index number should have been and when the official concerned was asked for an explanation the answer given was that the index number would be released as soon as Merrion Street sanctioned it.

As soon as who sanctioned it?

Mr. Lemass

Merrion Street—that is you.

I can say that so far as I am responsible that price index figure was dealt with in exactly the same way as on any other occasion.

Mr. Lemass

Will the Taoiseach explain why the White Paper was published in June with a blank space where the consumer price index figure should have been?

It was done exactly the same as it has been done during all my period in office and I interfered in no way whatever. Will the Deputy stop talking lies before it goes any further?

Why did the Deputy not put down a parliamentary question on the matter?

Mr. Lemass

That is some indication of the truth of my assertion that so far as prices are concerned the Government's only concern is the probable effect of a rise in prices on their political fortunes. They do not care a rap about a rise in prices so far as the people are concerned.

What did you do?

Mr. Lemass

I will not ask the Chair to deal with this disorderly Deputy, but if he persists in his interruptions I will have to ask to have him silenced. I am tired of having reasoned speeches interrupted by the same Deputy. The Taoiseach spoke for over an hour without a single interruption and if that example of good manners does not have effect we will have to ask to have the Deputy dealt with.

He did not blackguard anybody as you did.

A Deputy

He is no blackguard.

I have to ask Deputy O'Leary to refrain from further interruption.

Mr. Lemass

Everybody who is concerned with the future development of the Irish economy and with its capacity to give a higher standard of living to an increasing number of people must be troubled at the prospect of a continued rise in prices which is bound to undermine our competitive capacity in other markets and to cause a demand for higher wages which must, in time, cause prices to rise still further. Does the Government intend to do anything about it? Does the Government think they can do anything about it? For three years the theme of every speech on this subject of prices by every member of the present Government was that the level of prices was definitely within the control of the Government; that the Government of the day was entirely responsible for every upward movement and that a proper system of price control could so regulate the price of commodities that the cost of living would not increase.

There is not a Deputy opposite who did not make a speech at some time or other expressing that point of view. Does the Government now believe that? Do they think it possible for them, through any administrative action, or through the Prices Advisory Body or any other such machinery, to prevent prices rising? Do they intend to operate any such machinery?

We know they have made a contribution to the cost of living. They increased the subsidy on butter and offset the cost of that subsidy to the Exchequer by cutting down the price guaranteed for wheat and reducing the scope of the flour subsidy. We now have the Taoiseach admitting that two and a half of the three points increase in the consumers' price index since he became Taoiseach is due to an increase in food prices.

He says he has stabilised the price of tea. That is the term he uses for the instructions issued to Tea Importers, Ltd., not to increase the price of tea and to carry the resultant loss on bank overdraft. In the current issue of The Economist any Deputy can see that the current prices quoted for Indian common teas are precisely the same as they were this time 12 months ago. The Government's gamble on tea has not come off apparently and if the price trend disclosed by present price quotations persists during the remainder of the year the Government has got to make a decision about tea prices before November next.

They announced that the present arrangement under which the losses incurred on the sale of tea would be carried on bank overdraft would operate until November. What are they going to do in November? Are they then going to allow the price of tea to rise or are they going to subsidise it? If they value my opinion in the matter it is that they have now talked themselves into a position in which they can do nothing else but subsidise it no matter what increase in taxation will be required to pay that subsidy.

At the present time, according to newspaper reports, the publicans' association is pressing the Prices Advisory Body, which is the Government's front in this matter, for permission to increase the price of beer and spirits. The manufacturers of cigarettes and tobacco are pressing for authority to increase the price of cigarettes and tobacco.

Will the Government tell us what their attitude is to these applications? If the Prices Advisory Body reports back to the Government that, having examined the costs of production or distribution, they think that higher prices are justified, will they be sanctioned? Has the Government any policy? There are three courses they can take, and three only. When they get such a report back from the Prices Advisory Body they can sanction higher prices, or they can refuse to sanction them regardless of the consequences upon trade or employment, or they can provide subsidies. Has the Government considered this matter at all? Surely one would expect that this Government that was so excessively concerned with every minor fluctuation in prices 12 months ago would at least have given consideration to their own policy now.

Is there a policy, and if so what is it? We have had the Minister for Finance in the Budget statement, which the Taoiseach now describes as the only statement of Government policy that is available, telling the Dáil and warning the country that an upward trend in prices is to be expected. To what extent does the Government intend to allow the upward movement in prices to manifest itself? Do they intend to impose any check? Do they intend to try to offset it by an extension of the policy of subsidies?

Deputies who sit behind the Government may be content to wait and see, but I am sure that an increasing number of those members of the public, who were led by the vigorous declarations of present Ministers of their opposition to any increase in prices and by their belief in their capacity to bring them down, to give them political support are growing highly impatient about the delay on the part of the Government in making its intentions known. How long does the Taoiseach think it is possible to keep silent on this issue, to avoid giving to the Dáil and to the country an indication of what the Government thinks it can do or intends to attempt?

The Taoiseach has said that everything depends on getting an increase in production and productivity. Nobody will disagree with that, but there is a responsibility on the Government in office to prepare plans designed to facilitate and encourage and help forward an increase in production and productivity. Has the Government any such plans? Their attitude appears to be that they are content to sit back and hope everything will work out to produce some improvement for which they can claim the credit.

So far as agriculture is concerned— that is our basic industry—we have to note that while there was, according to the Statistical Survey, a 3½ per cent. increase in the volume of agricultural output between 1953 and 1954 that was entirely due to an increase in the sales of live stock off farms and to some increase in the production of live-stock products; but it covers a decrease of 10 per cent. in the output of crops. So far as agriculture is concerned I am prepared to concede that a large part if not all of the blame, just as a large part if not all of the credit, for any alteration in the position that occurred in 1954 lies with the Fianna Fáil Government. The pattern of agricultural production was determined in the first half of the year when there was a Fianna Fáil Government in office.

Ministers who speak about an upward movement in the number of people employed on the land and try to secure that any credit due for that improvement in the position will accrue to the present Government always choose to ignore the fact that the calculation of the number of people employed on the land takes place in the month of June. The area sown to crops was fixed before June. The arrangements that made possible the considerable export and the very high price of cattle in the latter half of last year were all made before June, while the Fianna Fáil Government was in office. So far as responsibility or credit for the position in 1954 is concerned we are prepared to accept it; but will the Government note the present trend? Another enumeration of live stock on farms was carried out in January, and that enumeration showed that the number of cattle, pigs and poultry had all gone down as compared with last year. Is there any Deputy who thinks that the area sown to crops this year is likely to be higher than last year? What is the trend of agricultural production? In any case what does the Government intend to do about it? Is there a policy? Can that policy be stated not in vague clichés such as we have had from the Taoiseach but in concrete terms that the man working on the land will be able to understand?

The same is true regarding industry. It is true that in 1954 as a whole industrial production was, as the Taoiseach stated, 2 per cent. over 1953, but as the Central Bank pointed out in its report the trend was again in the wrong direction. The Central Bank said:

"In the first quarter of 1954, production in transportable goods industries was some 5 per cent. higher than a year earlier, but the increase during the year was appreciably smaller than in 1953, the provisional index for the last quarter of 1954 having actually fallen below both the index for the previous quarter and that for the last quarter of 1953."

I have perhaps given special care to the speeches made by my successor as Minister for Industry and Commerce in an effort to detect from them if I could any evidence of a clear policy, any indication of an intention to direct the development of industry on a line that was likely to produce any substantial results. We have had from him as we had to-day from the Taoiseach references to the desirability of attracting foreign capital. We have had the announcement of an intention to send a mission to America in an effort to find American capital. The Taoiseach, I think, shares my lack of faith in the possibility of these efforts being very successful.

I stated here in the debate on the Department of Industry and Commerce —and I repeat it—that general statements of that kind are harmful unless followed immediately by a definite indication of the precise steps that the Government intends to take. In so far as those who are engaged in industry are concerned, those who may to-day or to-morrow contemplate expanding their investment in industry or starting a new one, are concerned, all they know is that there is a vague intention on the part of the Government to bring in foreign capital. Nobody knows precisely under what conditions it will be allowed in, the sectors in which it may be employed, the possible effect it may have upon the profit prospects of existing or new industries.

If there is any appreciation in the minds of the Government of the dangers of vagueness in matters of that kind we will get from them a specific indication of what they intend to do. We must face the fact that 95 per cent. of future industrial progress here will be financed by Irish capital and you must not, therefore, warn Irish capital out of that field by vague talk of bringing in foreign capital. I have no objection to the offering of inducements to investors outside Ireland to interest themselves in Irish industrial progress under conditions which make possible the maintenance of the protection which it is necessary to give to smaller Irish firms against the possibility of great foreign combines being allowed in here to establish branch factories to compete with them in markets they are already supplying.

I am not averse to the idea of reviewing the Control of Manufactures Act. I agree that circumstances have changed very considerably since that Act was devised. It was necessary then, if we were to get any industrial progress, to give an assurance to those who entered Irish industry that they would be protected not merely against imports from abroad but against the possibility of the establishment here of branches of powerful foreign organisations to compete with them. That was what the Act was designed to do and it is still necessary for that purpose but many of the provisions of that Act could perhaps be modified now.

I think the Minister for Industry and Commerce was unwise to have made any announcement of that kind until he had the terms of the Act ready to bring to the Dáil. I expressed the same view when I pointed out as premature his announcement on the establishment of the oil refinery. I know a great deal about the negotiations which led up to that announcement; in fact, in so far as I have been able to ascertain by parliamentary questions, there have been no changes since I ceased to be Minister for Industry and Commerce but, as I have told the present Minister for Industry and Commerce, I considered myself under obligation to make no reference to that possibility until every detail of the agreement which has to be negotiated with these powerful oil distributing organisations had been fixed.

Many of the concerns which had shown an interest in the possibility of establishing an oil refinery here have taken the Minister's announcement as nothing more than a warning off. I have spoken with their representatives. They were in fact given to understand by the Industrial Development Authority that that public announcement by the Minister had no other purpose than to tell them that the gate to the field had been closed and that only those major oil companies were going to be allowed in. Well, I am not averse to the idea of using these major distributors as instruments for securing the establishment here of an oil refinery; I can see many practical advantages but I have had long experience in dealing with them.

I know they adopted the most ruthless tactics to kill the pre-war refinery project and while it is undoubtedly true that their whole outlook and policy have changed in relation to refineries in Europe, I know also that they will drive a hard bargain if they can. Accordingly, I think the Minister destroyed his own bargaining position when he warned all the other competitors out of the field and left himself in the political situation that it will be a serious reverse for him if he does not conclude an agreement, which now will be framed on a basis that the companies will probably dictate.

There are other projects which must now be gathering dust in the office of the Minister for Industry and Commerce and about which we would like to know something. There was the major project for the establishment of the nitrogenous fertiliser industry. That project had reached the stage where it had been established as far as expert investigation could establish it as practicable based on Irish resources. A provisional plan had been prepared which involved the location of a factory somewhere in the middle of the country near the Shannon, adjacent to the Suck Valley bog, which is the only major bog in the country not at present developed or earmarked for development for fuel production. There were other reasons also for the selection of that site. The Fianna Fáil Government early in 1954 had voted the money necessary for the completion of the plans for the factory—they had asked Ceimicí Teoranta to prepare the plans—plans which could be given over to an operating company to proceed with them, assuming a separate company was to undertake the task rather than Ceimicí Teoranta.

Nothing has been done since. There are vague rumours going around relating to prospective developments in Waterford and elsewhere. I do not know what the foundation for them is. There is of course an alternative to the project of which we had approved— it involved the production of ammonium nitrate which would introduce to our farmers a type of nitrate fertiliser with which they were not familiar even though it could be produced here cheaper than it could be imported. If there is a Government decision in favour of development of the older type of nitrogenous fertiliser—ammonium sulphate—let us get on with it even though half of the raw materials must be imported.

Possibly there will be scope for further development in the chemical field but I am suspicious of the attitude of the Government in that regard. All those projects were alive in 1947, and in 1948 the first Coalition Government put a stop mark on them all. Ceimicí Teoranta were instructed to stop all activities and investigations in regard to these projects. The present Coalition may have learned something by the mistakes they made during their first period in office but, nevertheless, the 18 months' delay in arriving at a final decision upon that nitrogenous fetiliser project appears unnecessary and unjustified.

I was seriously perturbed about the explanation given by the Government for its decision to suspend operations on the grass meal project in County Mayo. The statement that the project was uneconomic was made, although no evidence was produced that that was so and I do not believe it. The statement was made that we embarked upon that project against expert advice and, to a limited extent, that is true. There was a number of old officials in some of the Government Departments who were against the idea, but the newer men, the experts of the Sugar Company who had experience of that kind of work— people who had new ideas and new techniques—were all for it. But one explanation of the Government was that the development of this bog in Mayo might interfere with existing private enterprise undertakings in other parts of the country. No project of a major kind in the West of Ireland was undertaken during the past 20 years except against the advice of some experts. Had we listened to the advice of experts there would be no sugar factory in Tuam.

A very doubtful project was the sugar factory in Tuam.

Mr. Lemass

We have either got to decide now that we are going to take risks in order to achieve western development or we have got to abandon it altogether. If no new industrial project is to be started in the West that might possibly interfere with some private enterprise undertaking in the East then western development is at its end. I brought before the Dáil a Bill which was designed to secure for those who were prepared to undertake industrial activity in the West the possibility of State aid, not because we wanted to favour one individual against another but because we realised that without such aid, even though it might be regarded as being detrimental to private interests elsewhere, nothing would happen west of the Shannon otherwise than in exceptional circumstances. I think the Government's decision in regard to Glenamoy is very significant—significant because of the various explanations offered by the Government for that decision.

Mr. Egan

It was significant too that the Deputy's Party lost a seat in North Mayo.

Mr. Lemass

Deputies opposite are concerned only with politics; they do not mind what happens to their constituents or to anybody else as long as they do not lose votes.

Why did you not give Wexford a beet factory?

Mr. Lemass

If we had listened to Deputy O'Leary's advice——

Deputy Ryan would not put it there. He let it go to Tuam where they do not grow beet.

Mr. Lemass

It was the policy of the Fianna Fáil Government, of which I was a member and of which Deputy Dr. Ryan was a member, to push by every possible means in our power the centre of gravity of economic activity westward, if we could. We believed that, if we could succeed in doing that, not merely would the West benefit, not merely would this appalling drain of emigration of the young people from the West be checked but that the whole country would be stronger, that the East as well as the West would benefit from that policy. I still believe that and if I ever become Minister for Industry and Commerce again it is that policy that I will try to implement.

You went away from that policy.

Mr. Lemass

Unemployment is, from many points of view, a test of policy. I have said here before, when I spoke in this House as Minister, that I was always prepared to accept as the test of the efficacy of the policies and programmes that we implemented their effect in increasing the number of jobs in the country. We did increase the number of jobs considerably but nevertheless, as the Taoiseach has pointed out in his statistical survey, we have not gone nearly far enough to give this country the one essential condition which it must have for continuing progress, that is, a steadily rising population.

Whatever difficulty the Taoiseach may have about the statistics, emigration is continuing at the rate of 25,000 a year. That is what the statistical survey says and those of us who have any experience of conditions in the country believe it will, if anything, be greater this year. That absorbs the whole of our natural increase in population. Without emigration, our population would increase naturally by about 25,000 a year and we have got to be thinking in terms of an expansion of economic activities on a scale which will enable us, not merely to get rid of the existing 8 per cent. of unemployment but to retain the greater part, if not the whole, of that natural population increase.

At no time during the year did any member of the Government show the slightest concern about this unemployment position. They quoted, it is true, the live register statistics to suggest that there had been an improvement, but not one of them could attempt to point to a single measure taken by them which contributed to that improvement. The Taoiseach now tells us that the live register is an unreliable guide to the dimensions of our unemployment problem but when I said that two or three years ago I did not get the concurrence of the present Taoiseach in the accuracy of the statement.

It did not suit, that time.

Mr. Lemass

Let us be clear as to what has happened. Again turn to this statistical survey that the Taoiseach quoted. It is clear from that—in fact they say so in so many words—that the decline in unemployment was most marked in the early months of 1954.

Will the Deputy give the page?

Mr. Lemass

Page 31 of the Irish Statistical Survey, 1954. So that, even in regard to that matter, the trend is not encouraging. It is true that the heavy continuing volume of emigration is making its contribution to the solution of the problem. It is true that statements made by the Taoiseach and his Parliamentary Secretary suggest that they are not unappreciative of the measure of that contribution but, in so far as Deputies expect from the Government some indication of an intention or a plan or a programme or a policy for dealing with it, we have had none.

I do not know if all the members of the Government accept the view, which the Taoiseach appeared to express, that the economic problems of this country are due almost entirely to a level of investment activity in the private sector which is altogether inadequate by any standard. I hold that view strongly. I hold that no plans that we can make in relation to industry or agriculture, for afforestation, bog development or power development or anything else, will be effective unless we can devise ways and means by which the level of investment activity by private persons is increased.

Again, I want Deputies opposite to note that we are moving in the wrong direction. The amount of new capital expenditure in 1954 was less by £9,000,000 than what it was in 1953. The percentage of national resources which went to investment in 1954 was 12 per cent. as against 15 per cent. in 1953, as against 17 per cent. for Western European countries as a whole. That decline in new investment in this country took place between 1953 and 1954 although in England, during the same period, there was a 5 per cent. increase, although there was in all these Western European countries, on an average, an increase of slightly over 5 per cent. It is that we are going in the wrong direction and all the platitudes of the Taoiseach, all the vague statements of desirable ends which we get from him, do not compensate us for the lack of practical measures designed to bring that about.

Members of the present Government may criticise the steps taken by their predecessors to expand the level of investment here. It may be that we could have sought the same ends by other roads but at least we knew where we were trying to go and we tried, to the best of our ability, to get there. We were not trying to do what the present Government are doing, that is, concealing inactivity and ineffectiveness behind a shower of irrelevant statistics. This final debate of the summer session of 1955 is the opportunity which the Government should avail of to deal with these matters and to make clear their intentions and their attitude towards them. Is it reasonable to ask this Dáil to adjourn for three months, leaving the members—like the public—in ignorance of what the Government intend to do, if anything, about these matters——

Did your Party not agree to it?

Mr. Lemass

I will agree that Deputy O'Leary is the wisest member on the Coalition Benches.

Who would you put up as champion on your side, leaving yourself out?

Mr. Lemass

If it came to a choice between Deputy O'Leary and Deputy McGilligan I think I would give it in favour of Deputy O'Leary.

That is the best compliment we have got for a long time.

Mr. Lemass

I must criticise the failure of the Taoiseach to deal with the issues I have mentioned on this occasion. I hope he will realise he has an obligation to the House to deal with them before the Dáil goes on this long holiday which the Government have planned.

When Deputy Lemass started his speech this evening he told us he was not going to refer to the promises which had been made by the inter-Party Government before they came into office. That was a change: it had that much merit. I think it was the first time in which he spoke in a general debate in this House in the last 12 months that he did not refer to what he called the "promises" of the new Government.

Mr. Lemass

I can have it done yet. I have a load of them.

We are not finished yet.

The Parliamentary Secretary, without interruption.

His tone was quite different to-day from his tone at the corner of York Street on the Friday before the general election. On that occasion, he could not understand what we were at: we were making no promises. He could not make out Labour or Fine Gael policy. He did not know where he was. That is sufficient about the promises and his 12 months' campaign about them.

I should like, though, to refer to the actual promises made by the Government—the 12-point programme. Does Deputy Lemass suggest that, in the past 12 months, the Government have not made every reasonable effort to carry out the 12-point programme? First of all, let us take the question of prices: I will come back to it again in some more detail owing to the line taken about it by Deputy Lemass. The Government said: Recognising that the main issue in the general election was the question of prices, the Parties forming the Government are determined to reduce the cost of living in relation to the people's incomes and particularly to effect a reduction in the price of foodstuffs. They reduced the price of one essential foodstuff and they kept the price of another foodstuff level. They are two very important foodstuffs.

Deputy Lemass came back to the subject of tea after a silence of about four or five months since his scheme was torpedoed in, I think, February last. To-day he came back to it for the first time. We will see what the events show in relation to tea but one thing is certain and that is that the action taken by the Government at a time when they should, strictly speaking, have increased the price of tea by 3/- a lb. was an earnest of their interest in the cost of living and in the efforts of the people to make ends meet. We all know what would have happened to the price of tea if Fianna Fáil had been the Government of this country——

How would you know?

We had three years' history of it.

What about 1952 and the cost of living then? You raised it in 1952.

What about the £10,000,000?

I might deal with it. It takes only a moment. With regard to the £10,000,000, you brought in £9,250,000 Supplementary Estimates. That is the literal truth about it.

That gets away from increasing the cost of living deliberately.

The second main point was to reduce taxes. Have we not started out on the road to reducing taxes? Is it not obvious from the fact that the Minister for Finance produced nearly £7,000,000 of extra benefits and extra expenditure of one sort or another without any additional taxation? Is it not obvious from that that this Government are in earnest?

The Leader of the Opposition pleaded that in 1952 his Government were faced with £15,000,000 additional expenditure—so, of course, he proceeded to cover that £15,000,000 plus an additional £10,000,000. In fact, if the Government then in office in 1952 tackled the problem the way this inter-Party Government did in January and February of this year, when a special committee was set up and worked intensively for many weeks on the Estimates, the Government of that day could certainly have reduced the £15,000,000 by many millions.

Notice taken that 20 Deputies were not present; House counted and 20 Deputies being present.

I was saying that the Minister for Finance has shown by his first Budget that the present Government have every intention of reducing taxes.

"To expand agricultural production". Is there any doubt whatever about the policy of the present Government in that connection? I do not think anybody could suggest that any step which could be taken in relation to agricultural production has been omitted in the past 12 months. I move to report progress.

Progress reported; the Committee to sit again.
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