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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 9 May 1956

Vol. 157 No. 2

Committee on Finance. - Resolution No. 10—General (Resumed).

I have been referring to the Minister's reference in his Budget statement to the question of the balance of payments. I was pointing out that this new benefit of a remission of tax on machinery and plant should be reconsidered by him with a view to making it retrospective to the extent that it would apply to machinery purchased since 1948. I wonder whether the Minister would be prepared to consider that. After all, the people who in 1948 and since went into industry and bought machinery to improve production methods should be entitled to consideration. They have been pressing for this relief over a number of years.

The Minister made reference to employment and unemployment and I notice that he has not broken down the figures. There is a local figure given for those employed and unemployed without any segregation whatever. I happen to be aware that in the City of Dublin some 4,000 and 5,000 men were temporarily employed in the construction of houses under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Acts. I may say that since this crisis arose with regard to the financing of the Small Dwellings Acts houses, which has not yet been solved, there are only 15 per cent. of the workers normally engaged in that work employed at the moment. The 4,000 who had previously been employed have emigrated to Britain. If those people had not been able to emigrate, our unemployment figures would have been up by at least that number. I am reliably informed that if this matter is not settled immediately, and by that I mean within the next few weeks, a further 5,000 of these workers will become unemployed. That applies not only to those engaged in the building of houses under the Small Dwellings Acts but to those engaged directly or indirectly on housing. These people, too, will be affected. A further 5,000 will become unemployed and they also will have to emigrate.

The housing of our people is an essential part of our social life. Notwithstanding all that the Minister has stated about the saturation point having been reached in a certain number of small health areas, nobody can suggest that in the City of Dublin we have reached anything near the point where we could begin to slow down. The City of Dublin is ever on the increase as a result of the inflow from rural areas and there is a natural growth of population. Consequently, even if the 15,000 houses or dwellings estimated still to be required are provided in the next four to six years, there will be a normal requirement every year afterwards.

I do not know whether the Minister is aware that in the building industry there is a very serious crisis and something will have to be done to alleviate that situation. In conjunction with the question of these people engaged in this industry I have to refer to the position that confronts the local authority with which I am associated, the Corporation of Dublin. There seems to be in the mind of the Minister for Local Government, if not also in the mind of the Minister for Finance, a great deal of confusion. In May, 1955, the Dublin Corporation——

Is the Deputy not going into Local Government administration now?

No. I am going into the question of capital moneys—moneys for housing. I want to show that the Minister's estimate is wrong.

The Deputy appears to be more interested in matters of detail.

I can include Cork City, so that it will not be purely localised.

That is not the point. Details of administration may not be discussed.

The Minister refers to borrowings in the past and in the future by local authorities such as those of Dublin City and Cork City. They are specifically mentioned.

I know, but as far as I can see, the Deputy is going into the details and not into the price of money so far as it affects building——

I want to demonstrate to the House that sufficient money is not provided in the Minister's Estimate to meet the needs of housing.

That should be said on the appropriate Estimate motion.

In his statement the Minister has given us a review: capital Budget, financing of capital outlay——

If the Deputy's contention were right, one could refer to road-making, to arterial drainage and to anything else. Surely this is a detail of administration which could be raised very comprehensively on the appropriate Vote?

In this Budget the Minister for Finance is making provision to secure capital for capital purposes. I referred before to the new venture of getting capital——

Surely one may not go into the details of what that capital is to be used for? Surely one may not go into the minutiae of what that capital is to be used for? If one were permitted to do so, one could discuss all the Estimates on this Financial Resolution. I am not restricting the Deputy to loans or the price of money but I cannot allow him to go into minutiae.

I want to quote from page 20 of the Minister's Budget statement. Here is the last paragraph:—

"In this context the Government have been careful to preserve an equitable balance between social and economic considerations. In regard to housing, in particular, while the needs of local authorities outside Dublin and Cork are tapering off, having already been largely satisfied, it is recognised that a grave problem still exists in our two principal cities."

The Deputy is too general.

The paragraph continues, on page 21:—

"The most sympathetic consideration has, therefore, been given to the capital needs of Dublin and Cork Corporations for housing, both for slum clearance and for house purchase loans."

The securing of capital for the construction of houses is relevant to the Budget, as well as the cost, and so forth, but the minutiae that the Deputy was dealing with were certainly outside it.

I want to prove to the House, in respect of this statement and the particulars given by the Minister, that he has not made adequate provision for what he states in his own Budget statement.

I am ruling that the Deputy may not go into the details of the various Votes.

Just let me quote this from page 21 of the Minister's Budget statement:—

"It was in pursuance of this that the Lord Mayor of Dublin was recently informed by the Taoiseach that approval will be granted for aggregate borrowing of £4,000,000 by Dublin Corporation in the current financial year..."

I want to say that that is a capital requirement which is inadequate. If I satisfy the Chair by saying it is inadequate, surely the Minister will have a right to say to me that I made a statement but that I gave no evidence in support of it? If one wants to make a statement in this House it is only reasonable—if I want to challenge the Minister on something in his Budget statement—that the Minister is entitled, as is the House, to some evidence as to how I can support the statement.

I am ruling that the Deputy may not go into the minutiae of the housing position in Dublin on this Financial Resolution.

I shall try and deal with it in this way. The quotation which I was reading continues:—

"...the Government undertook to come to the aid of the corporation should they not be able to raise independently £3,000,000 of capital in addition to the £1,000,000 already promised from the Local Loans Fund."

What I want to say there, and I hope I am not disobeying the ruling of the Chair——

I am not saying the Deputy is anxious to disobey my ruling. I am endeavouring to keep him within the bounds of relevancy.

Am I in order in saying this? This £1,000,000 that has been promised and referred to in the Budget statement is to cover the cost of houses already built and will not provide for any new houses after the end of this month. Is it in order to say that?

The Deputy has said it, anyway.

If that is in order, I can show, by developing it further, that provision is not being made in line with what the Minister has stated on pages 20 and 21. He recognises this critical situation and the immediate need for solving the housing problem and he is making no provision for it at all. In the same way, the £3,000,000 to which the Minister refers and which was promised in the Taoiseach's letter is for contracts. The contract itself has been given and the houses are in course of construction. There is not the provision of 1d. for any new housing schemes notwithstanding the Minister's pious expression on page 20 of the recognition that a grave problem still exists. That is what I want to point out.

This Budget statement is like what one would read at a debating society —a statement of facts but not comprehensive in recognising other implications. I want to make an appeal to the Minister to reconsider the amount of capital moneys he estimates he will require. His estimate of £37,000,000 may not be sufficiently adequate. I will come to the question of how we are going to get it. We estimate we will get £3,000,000 from these levies. I am not so sure whether it will be more or less but we can assume we will get something from this. Something has already come in. I will deal at greater length with this housing problem on the Vote for the Department of Local Government, in connection with which I am still in possession. I want to put on record that this kill-joy Budget has in no way made provision to continue the programme of housing as promised by the Coalition Government in 1948 and reiterated when they took over office in 1954. The housing drive must go on. I venture to suggest that the housing drive will be slowed down and that if local authorities still in need of housing can reach even half the production envisaged by them to meet their needs they will be very lucky. As far as small dwellings are concerned, that is still in the melting-pot and there is no sign of very much relief.

The Minister gives us an estimate of the money he will require. With regard to the E.S.B., I do not think the figure is being broken down. I take it that there will be a further requirement of £10,000,000. I take it there will be another £5,000,000 in respect of C.I.E., so that £15,000,000 will have to be taken off the £37,000,000 leaving £22,000,000 and, of that £22,000,000, what is the estimated requirement in regard to houses? How is the balance of the money to be used? The main thing, however, is this. I have been accused again and again by the Minister for Local Government of having sabotaged the Dublin Corporation loan. I am not being accused of having sabotaged the National Savings Loan.

That is just the matter I referred to in my ruling. The Deputy is trying to drag in whatever difficulties there have been in the Department of Local Government and Dublin Corporation.

There is no difficulty in the Dublin Corporation.

If there has not been difficulty, there has been a lot of talk about it here.

There is abuse of a member——

That is a point of view. I cannot allow that matter to be discussed.

It is admitted by the Minister in his Budget statement that the availability of capital for investment purposes in this kind of loan is gradually falling and has, in fact, to a great extent dried up. Where are we to get this money? How are we to raise it? We know we will get £3,000,000 here and I think £500,000 from the Road Fund. That leaves us to get £33,500,000 somewhere else. Is the Minister going to issue loans at the current rate of interest? If the rate of interest rises, is he going to pay existing rates and issue stock at much less than the face value? What price is this money going to cost, if it is available at all, and to what extent? The Minister might have told us something about that.

The Minister speaks of saving. He implied that the new taxation which he has imposed will bring about savings and turn the money into the banks, post offices and so forth and that then the Government will get its money. Let us examine the matter. There is an increase in the price of cigarettes and tobacco. Every Minister for Finance, when he considers increasing that tax, has to take into account the effect it will have on the individuals in the community with regard to the restraint they will impose on themselves from smoking as much as before. The individual has to see how much he will spend per week on his cigarettes or tobacco and 5d. on a packet of cigarettes is a fairly hefty sum. Taken in conjunction with other situations which are being discussed in connection with cigarette smoking, it is possible that the increase the Minister expects as a result of this tax may not be achieved.

It will not make Tom, Dick or Harry smoke less or go off smoking simply for the purpose of putting his 2/10 into the Post Office or on deposit in the bank. He may smoke one packet of cigarettes per week less, but I cannot see him by virtue of this tax becoming a reformed character who will say: "The poor Minister for Finance has put this extra 5d. on my cigarettes, so that I will not smoke any more. I will save that money for him so as to enable him to embark on his capital expenditure schemes."

On the question of petrol, with the increase in the cost of motor cars, it is quite clear that the number of new cars to be bought will be less than previously. We seem to have lost touch with the sequence of events. During the war years, it was not possible to get all the cars that normally would have been needed, and, by the time the emergency was over, there was such a deficit in the supply of new cars that for some years the output increased very severely, until last year we had almost reached saturation point and normal business in the sale of cars was resumed.

I believe that the 14 per cent. estimate of the Minister in regard to new registrations of motor cars will not be reached. It will not be anything like that. The No. 1 grade petrol which seems to be the normal grade used for private cars will cost 4/3 a gallon and the other grades 4/-. In the circumstances in which we are living and with the cost of living going up, instead of going down as was promised, people will have to consider whether they will have to do with a gallon or two less petrol per week. Again, the estimate of the Minister on the turn out to him of the tax on petrol may not be what he envisages. I cannot see people using more petrol just because it has become dearer.

We will forget about the matches. It may seem petty to talk about whether a box of matches should be 1½d. or 2d. All I can say in that connection is that it might have been more prudent to have left the matches alone. In regard to table waters, does the Minister think that, by putting ½d. on the bottle of lemonade or orangeade, or whatever it is children drink, he is going to encourage the children to go to the Post Office and buy penny stamps for the benefit of the Minister's capital schemes? The former Tánaiste, Deputy Lemass, suggested yesterday that Deputy O'Leary might become the understudy to the Minister for Finance.

The Deputy will be the next Minister for Finance when Fianna Fáil get back.

Last year, when the subsidy on flour and confectionery was taken away, I pointed out that that was imposing an increased charge on the child's bun. I was accused of being interested solely in matters of luxuries. I suppose the people who drink sweetened table waters are the people who should give up this luxury.

Then, there is the matter of betting. Does the Minister think that the fellow who has a flutter of a 1/- or 5/- on a horse, because the tax is now 10 per cent. instead of 7½ per cent., if he collects, will say: "I am going to stop betting. The Minister has made it too dear, so, instead of having my flutter, I will put it in the Post Office thrift account."?

Next there is the question of the entertainments duty and the restoration of the tax on the dance halls. I think it was Deputy S. Collins who took the line that it is the dance hall proprietors who are the persons solely concerned with this tax. May I point out that it is the youth of to-day who are really being taxed? The young man who is keeping company with a young lady and wants to take her to a dance in the City of Dublin—if I may use Dublin as an illustration—will probably pay an extra 2/- on his evening for entertainment duty. They will probably smoke 20 cigarettes between them during the whole evening from nine until three. That will cost another 5d., if he confines himself to one packet. Then if he wants to buy her lemonade, it will cost an extra penny for each bottle.

Why not buy her an ice cream instead?

You will be taxing that next year.

His evening's entertainment, if he goes by bus or bicycle, is up by about 2/6; but if he happens to own a Prefect——

If he is in love, he will not mind.

The Coalition Deputies must be in love. They do not mind.

But if he goes in a small car, his petrol is going to cost at least another 6d. because he will probably use a gallon going to and coming from the dance. If he does that only once a week, we can see what the extra cost will be.

Let him take her to a theatre instead.

I do not know whether Deputy O'Sullivan is married or not——

——but I am sure if he was courting at any time, it was sometimes enjoyable to take the bride-to-be to a dance. I cannot imagine any people marrying who are non-dancers. But this youth if he only takes this outing once a week will have something like 4/- to 5/- tax imposed for the purpose of stopping him doing this, in order that he will save that dance money, plus the other costs, and he will say: "Instead of taking you out to-night, my dear girl, because of my loyalty and duty to the Minister, I am putting the 10/- in the Post Office." That is why I call this a killjoy Budget, because you are taking away the only thing that makes life a little attractive to people who have a humdrum existence. When you talk of the standard of living, the standard of living must include some enjoyment, whatever the form is that the person enjoys.

With regard to the Post Office, the Minister has included in his statement an anticipated additional £500,000 that the Post Office will have to get by some increased charges. We do not know what they are. We do not know what effect they will have on the Post Office. It was pointed out in the Dáil on a couple of occasions by Ministers for Posts and Telegraphs that, by putting up the price of telegrams, you were bringing about a reduction in the use of telegrams and an increase in the use of telephones. To those who have telephones, the service is an essential, and the telephone service is dear enough. I hope there is not going to be an added charge on it. The Minister has stated that the 3d. postage rate will not be increased, but what other items are to be increased in the Post Office? I feel the Minister might have waited until the Dáil had passed these additional Post Office charges before he included them as additional revenue in his Budget.

How much did he include?

£500,000. The Deputy will find it in the last line on page 25 of the Budget statement, which reads:—

"Towards rectifying the existing deficit, therefore, the responsible Minister intends to raise certain charges, the increased revenue from which has been allowed for in the White Paper figures."

The Deputy should not take it out of its context. Would he relate the deficit to the Post Office deficit?

We want no lectures.

In the way the Deputy takes it out of its context, it could relate to the Budget deficit.

I will read the beginning of it on page 25 under the heading "Post Office Revenue":—

"The estimate of non-tax revenue shows an increase of £1,145,000 over last year's receipt. This increase is due partly to the natural growth in the return from State assets according as our capital programme advances but mainly to an expansion of Post Office revenue."

The Minister has already taken it in before the Dáil has sanctioned it.

That is not very convincing.

Does the Deputy not think it is there?

Leave it alone now.

He is not receiving that with enthusiasm.

Will the Deputy agree that if the Minister is entitled to a surplus, if any, made by the Post Office, he is also liable for a deficiency, if it occurs? Would the Deputy agree with that proposition? He would; very well. Further down on page 25, he will see the following:—

"In fact, the commercial accounts of the Post Office for last year are expected to show a deficit of roughly £500,000. It has always been a fundamental principle that the Department of Posts and Telegraphs should run its service on commercial lines; in other words, that it should not operate at a loss. Indeed, it would not be inappropriate that the Department should make some contribution by way of profit to general Exchequer revenue, though I am afraid I cannot hope for that this year."

Is that not a simple proposition? The Minister wants to save a loss by this £500,000. I feel the Minister has painted the best picture he could of the situation. Perhaps the Minister would now make it clear that I am not wrong in stating that he has indicated that there will be £500,000 extra to be found by the Post Office this coming year by whatever increases they are bringing about in order to remove this deficit? Is that not what the Minister said?

I am not quite clear what the Deputy means. I did not hear his earlier remarks.

All right. The Minister then went on to discuss causes of increased expenditure.

I may help the Deputy to this extent. The warrants in respect of the Post Office charges to which I referred are in the Library to-day.

They were not, yesterday.

No; they could not be until this morning. They were, this morning.

We know what they are about then.

They could not be placed in the Library until I announced them last night.

Does it specify in the warrant the articles on which there will be an increase?

Television sets.

I hope the Deputy has not already got one, so that he will be made to pay his part. The Minister talked about causes of increased expenditure and pointed out that there was an increase last year of £2,500,000, due to his having honoured promptly and fully the obligation under the established conciliation and arbitration machinery. Is that machinery still in existence? Are we sure that, as a result of this Budget, there will not be an application for some adjustment, due to the further increase in certain items included in the cost-of-living index? Might it not be that we will be faced with another demand? Are we sure that, as a result of this new form of taxation, employers in the industrial and agricultural fields will not be faced with increased demands from their workers in order to meet, in the case of a person who smokes one packet of cigarettes a day, the extra 5d. a day for seven days of the week? I do not say that such a person would have any claims on the grounds of the petrol increase, but he would have on the grounds of the increase in tobacco and cigarettes.

In regard to social insurance benefits, do I understand the Minister correctly when I read from his words on the top of page 30 that the State will pay one-third of the cost of whatever increased payment there will be into that fund and that the other two-thirds will be borne partly by the worker and partly by the employer? I was not here when the Minister for Social Welfare announced it, but I understand that there is another 5d. a week on the worker and 5d. a week from the employer on the stamp, so that the benefits will be increased. All these little things will be noted by the wage earner who needs every penny of his wages to meet domestic requirements, and I can see that we will soon have a new evaluation of the standard of living of the worker in relation to the money he receives and what he gets for it.

I must come back for a moment to the general list of taxes. I sum them up as a series of taxes on the young people. There is the old person who smokes an ounce of tobacco, about whom so many tears were shed when Deputy MacEntee put a very slight impost on tobacco. This Budget, as Deputy Lemass pointed out yesterday, is £13,000,000 higher than the Budget of two years ago. In comparison with the 1952 Budget, to which Deputy Seán Collins had the audacity to refer to to-day as "the cruel, harsh Budget", this is a kind Budget, a Budget in which extra taxation is imposed by a kid glove method, so that the victims do not feel the pain. They are told that a favour is being done, that they should be taking off their hats and cheering in the streets of Dublin, as the back benchers on the other side of the House cheered yesterday at the announcement of each new tax. Is that the Minister's approach? I think he will find that there will be rising indignation. The promise that he makes to cut down employment in the Government service, when Deputy Lemass points out that there is provision in the Estimates for an additional 300 civil servants in the coming year, is tantamount to saying: "Live horse and you will get grass."

I suppose the Government is a single-Party Government now, since they fight elections with one candidate. The Party over there which used to be a Coalition Party, that became an inter-Party, is now, in my opinion, the muddle Party, not the middle Party. The muddle Party now has come to the conclusion that it has no responsibility for its previous criticism of its predecessors, no responsibility whatever for its undertakings to the public when it was seeking election. As Deputy Lemass said yesterday, the subsidy was put on butter as the first instalment towards the implementation of the Government's promise to reduce the cost of living and to reduce the cost of Government. This is the second instalment. I hope—Deputy Lemass said he prayed—that the country will not suffer a third instalment. I hope the Government will have the wisdom to go to the country and seek a mandate from the people before they attempt any third instalment.

This Budget, in my view, is a well-designed and a practical Budget. The Minister, in his statement, showed that he clearly appreciates the economic situation as it is to-day. In the new taxes, he has done very well in providing the money to meet the extra charges which arise. Let us remember that these extra charges include £2,500,000 pay increase for public servants, including civil servants, Board of Works employees, Guards, Army, Post Office servants and other public officials. The Budget is designed also to secure revenue which will enable repayment of the Marshall Aid loan to be made. It is intended also to meet the cost of health services under the Health Act. It is designed to increase the amount of rates abatement in respect of agricultural holdings and to give increased grants to colleges and universities.

I have not heard Opposition speakers criticising the purposes for which the extra revenue is required and I should like to say that this Budget, and the manner in which it has been designed, has certainly avoided the danger of the unemployment that can easily result from a clumsy Budget such as that of 1952 which caused 20,000 people to lose their jobs. I doubt if this Budget will cause 20 people to lose their jobs. I think it was most important for the Minister to select a means of securing extra revenue which would not upset the economy or increase unemployment.

In addition to that, the new taxes will not cause hardship to the housewife. Those taxes will not go into the household as a burden on essential commodities normally required for domestic purposes. The new taxes on petrol and tobacco are certainly severe, but at least they are directed towards non-essential commodities in the main. They are not food taxes. With the economic situation as critical as it is within the State, it is obvious that the Fianna Fáil Party would immediately have directed their attention towards a reduction in the spending power of our people by removing the subsidies on various classes of food which enable the food to be purchased cheaply by the housewives. Let us remember that in the 1952 Budget the Fianna Fáil Party taxed hungry children by putting up the cost of bread, butter, tea and sugar.

Deputy Briscoe to-day talked about the increased cost of lemonade to children. There is a very big difference between taxing food for children with healthy appetites and taxing tobacco, petrol and gambling. These new taxes were decided upon to pay the increased cost of public services which resulted from the ordinary machinery of conciliation and arbitration. The taxes here are obviously designed in a small way to improve our position in so far as our balance of payments is concerned but we must rely mainly on increasing our exports if we are to improve the balance of payments situation.

We are capable of doing that. This Budget is mainly intended to meet current expenditure from the revenue that will be obtained from taxation in the normal way. In this country we have noticed for a number of years that the inflated purchasing power of the community is bringing financial difficulties upon the nation. We took over a situation in 1948 where deflation operated to such an extent that it was hardship. There was hardship in the homes of our people and it was necessary to reverse the policy of Fianna Fáil who had kept down the standard of living and who had kept down the power of our people to meet the cost of essential commodities associated with normal living. Since the war years, there has been an inflationary tendency and it is keeping pace in this country with the tendencies which have manifested themselves in other countries.

Inflation, in fact, has not come to us to such an extent as it has to Great Britain and France, where the economy is different. We have noticed in the last 12 months that industrial production here has gone up by 2½ per cent. That is very heartening. It is a pity, therefore, that though we had the best ever harvest last year, the volume of our agricultural production did not show at least a similar increase. We must devise a policy whereby agricultural production will be brought up very quickly in order to improve our position in so far as our balance of payments is concerned because, though the volume of industrial production has gone up, the real value there is the amount of employment provided rather than the value of the exports from industry.

Our real potential is in the possibility of increasing agricultural exports. We have noticed in recent years that in the matter of our agricultural economy we are being priced out of world markets. That has happened apparently because modern methods have not been adopted quickly enough by our agricultural community. Large quantities of machinery have been brought in here since 1948 and the benefit of that is that, although only one-third of the man-power works on the land now, the output is almost the same as it was at that time. With modern machinery, we ought to be able to get that extra output which would make all the difference in our trading position.

I was glad to hear from the Minister that at last he has received a report from the Industrial Taxation Committee which he can consider as a possibility of giving to the industrial community certain advantages which would enable the volume of goods produced here to be increased. At the moment we are importing large quantities of goods which, in the long run, we may be able to produce ourselves. Owing to various circumstance there are many commodities being imported here which could be produced in the country were it possible to get the manufacturers established here. With a restricted home market it is possible the manufacturers might also need to be able to export and here again the question of being priced out of world markets arises. Many of these larger combines which are producing the goods imported into this country to-day find it more economical to operate if they are in outside countries from which they can export the manufactured goods to this country. However, with the purchasing power of our people so strong, it is obviously necessary, if we are to harness and regular that purchasing power, that we must try to encourage the establishment of industries here which will put an end to the importation of many goods of a semi-essential nature. Many classes of goods are being imported which cost a lot to this country which we cannot produce ourselves but, in the case of goods which we could produce, we must try, with the aid of this industrial taxation report, to set about the establishment of suitable industries.

It is obvious that the very strong purchasing power of our people is making difficulties for us, so far as controlling the balance of payments and the adverse trade balance is concerned. These difficulties arise from the large variety of purchases being made by our people. I was interested to see by the Minister's speech that he proposes, at last, to give a 20 per cent. allowance towards wear and tear of plant and machinery used in industry. I think this will be a very valuable encouragement to manufacturers to modernise their factories. In the absence of this relief for many years past, many manufacturers have been using old machinery which is out of date and not capable of keeping step with the volume of production that can be achieved by similar factories in other countries with more modern machinery.

I feel that our manufacturers appreciate that and that they will immediately set about taking advantage of the concession to put more modern plant and machinery into their factories. This will immediately bring up the volume of industrial production. Last year, it showed an increase of 2½ per cent. and we can expect a very substantial increase from the larger industries when they get an opportunity of installing modern machinery. In addition to the persistent inclination of our people to import various classes of non-essential goods with the balance of cash which they have on hands over and above that which is necessary to meet the cost of the necessaries of life, people are inclined to import certain classes of goods which in fact are being manufactured here. Many are inclined to believe that these foreign manufactured goods are somehow of better quality than goods manufactured at home. In that respect, I feel it will be necessary for us to have a positive policy, and in that connection I would mention the import duties which the Minister considered it desirable to impose some time ago. I believe that is a step in the right direction and, when it is carefully used, that system of increasing import duties may be a valuable deterrent to people who desire to export their money for the purpose of purchasing foreign goods.

These foreign goods, added to the essential goods, make the high standard of living which our people have at the present time, but we must appreciate the fact that our present high standard of living is, to a great extent, based on the large volume of goods which we are purchasing from outside this country. It is not a sound basis; it would be better if our high standard of living at present were based to a greater extent on home-produced goods and raw materials. We have noticed in the figures in connection with the balance of payments with various countries that world prices have gone up because of increases in the cost of machinery and raw materials. These things of course are bound to have their effect here in the normal way by increasing the retail price of the finished article if it came in here in the form of a raw material.

It is significant to see in the Minister's statement that our national income in the past 12 months has gone up by about £12,000,000. It means that the earnings of our people have gone up by an average of £1,000,000 per month, but, although that has happened, the savings of our people have not gone up. They have gone down, because more people are persisting in spending their money, instead of saving it, and they are spending it mainly on various classes of goods not produced here, many of these goods being consumer goods. In any case, these goods do improve the standard of living of the people who purchase them. They bring a certain amount of luxury, comfort and pleasure, but, in the long run, if we have the national income going up and national savings going down, we cannot expect that trend to continue indefinitely.

Another point I want to make in this connection is in regard to the criticism which the Opposition levelled at the Government for the fact that we have sent a number of our Ministers to various places for the purpose of studying modern methods which, in the long run, would bring great advantage to this country. We sent the Minister for Industry and Commerce some months ago to America, and it is obvious that the purpose of his visit was to encourage the establishment here of dollar industries. Those dollar industries would immediately assist us in repaying the Marshall Aid loan. If we can have established here a sufficiently large number of dollar industries, we will have very little difficulty in repaying the principal and interest of the Marshall Aid loan which has already brought us considerable advantage.

I do not intend to say any more on this matter, but I feel that the Budget, apart from being realistic, is a clever Budget, and it shows that the Minister appreciates the position as it exists at present. He was very careful in his Budget not to take any steps which would either confuse or upset our internal economy, or cause a considerable amount of unemployment. These matters are very important, and I was glad to learn from the Minister's statement that, in fact, there are more people earning a week's wages to-day than ever before, and that, particularly with the growth of industry which has taken place over the years, we have nearly 2,000 extra people earning wages in Irish industry. That is a good trend, and I feel that this Budget, as it has been introduced, although it is going to cause hardship among certain types of petrol users, particularly industrial and commercial users of petrol, shows that the Minister made a proper selection when selecting the items to tax.

I am glad he did not decide to increase the cost of food or to take away the subsidies on food, which are there at present to help the weaker sections of the community. The Budget also shows that the Minister appreciates the difficulties which inflation is causing to people on fixed pensions—people who retired many years ago on pensions which were good at that time, but, owing to inflationary tendencies which have taken place in this country since the war, are now very much reduced in value. The Minister has shown that he appreciates the difficulties which these people must face, owing to the change in money values, and his decision to give increases to those pensioners was very welcome, and it was a very fair thing to do. I am sure that most of us know that these people have to live on comparatively small pensions these days and would like to see a situation in this country which would ensure that the purchasing power of their money would be constantly under review, just in the same way as the incomes of able-bodied wage earners are increased, according to the way the cost of essential goods is going.

I was also very glad to see that the Minister gave income-tax concessions to persons who are on fixed incomes from investments. They were in the same position as those pensioners who retired many years ago and whose purchasing power had fallen. Similarly, people dependent on fixed revenue from investments were finding it increasingly difficult to meet present day costs out of the income from these investments, which was their only source of revenue over a large number of years and on which they are solely dependent.

Cuireann sé íontas orm go mbeadh bualadh bas san Teach mar gheall ar na cánacha nua a leagadh san Cháinfhaisnéis. Is móide an t-íontas é nuair a thagann sé ón taobh sin den Teach a thug buile do Fhianna Fáil mar gheall ar na cánacha chéana nuair a bhí Fianna Fáil i réim. Ar ndóigh, níor stop siad fós. Tá daoine nár stop fós ach ag chur síos ar an gCáinfhaisnéis a thugadh isteach san mbliain 1952. Agus fiú amháin inniu, nuair nach mbíonn rudaí ag imeacht fábharach, is iondúil go leagann siad an milleán ar Cháinfhaisnéis na bliana 1952. Bhí Teachta Dála ar an taobh thall agus thagair sé dó. Ar ndóigh, is sean nós é an mhilleán do chur ar an bhfear thall agus é a sheachaint ar mhaithe leat féin. Is mór an t-íontas, nuair a bhionn siad ag cur síos ar Cháinfhaisnéis na bliana 1952, nach meabhraíonn siad dúinn agus don tír go bhfuil i réim an Cháinfhaisnéis a cheapadh san mbliain sin agus go bhfuil na cánacha nua á leagadh síos anois ar mhullach na gcánacha sin agus gur mó na cánacha atá leagtha síos inniu ná na cánacha a ceapadh 4 blian ó shoin.

It is a truism that taxes are not popular pieces of legislation, no matter what the purpose of the tax may be; and it certainly sounded very strange in our ears that there should have been any clapping when the Minister announced his taxes yesterday. But the wonder was all the greater because it came from that side of the House which used, with such electoral effect, the taxes imposed in the 1952 Budget.

I think it is well to recall that the spokesmen of the Coalition Government stated that they would not in any way be associated with the 1952 Budget and gave the country to understand that, when they came into office, they would redress the wrongs and revoke the taxes imposed by the 1952 Budget and restore the status quo as set out in their pamphlet showing a comparison of the prices between 1951 and 1954.

We should all remember, and perhaps there is a duty on them more than on this side of the House to remind us, that these taxes are still there. The taxes imposed by the 1952 Budget are still there, and they should tell the country that, not alone have they not reduced the price of the 20 cigarettes to its former ?, but that, in fact, by their measures, they have now so provided that the 20 cigarettes for ? will now cost 2/10. I would suggest to the spokesmen of the Coalition that there are now very few kudos to be got by blaming the 1952 Budget any longer, because the retort is very obvious.

The Government and the Parties opposite came in on the promise and on the undertaking that they would review that Budget, and review it with effect, and that by no means would they increase the burdens which it had imposed on the people. Therefore, the comparison to be made is a comparison between ? and 2/10. We paid our penalty for the part of that increase which we imposed, the ? to 2/4. We dissolved the Dáil and went to the country and we "took the rap" on the chin for what we had done.

I was very interested listening to the Minister for Social Welfare saying here to-day that he would be prepared to go before his Wexford constituents and to recommend this Budget to them and be quite confident that there would be no loss of support and that his action, in supporting it, would be endorsed by the people of Wexford. Now that may be so in the County Wexford and the people of Wexford may realise that taxation is necessary to provide the wherewithal to give social benefits to the poorer classes. But it is strange that the Minister for Social Welfare and the Minister for Health, who is now present, did not give the people of Laois-Offaly an opportunity of pronouncing on this Budget. After all, casual vacancies in the membership of Dáil Éireann have lasted much longer than the two vacancies filled last week and I think it would have been a very suitable occasion to give even the limited part of the electorate comprised in the constituency of Laois-Offaly an opportunity of saying what they thought and what their opinion would be of an increase of 6d. on the gallon of petrol and 5d. on the packet of 20 cigarettes.

Now the apologists for these taxes have offered various reasons as to why they are justifiable and they all seem to think that these are the two sources which can be counted on, in any event, to produce any worthwhile revenue and which will cause the least possible hurt. I cannot see the support for that viewpoint. Let us take the question of the gallon of petrol. It is all very well here in Dáil Éireann, making a case across the floor of the House, to point to the owner of the Rolls-Royce who uses his transport for going to Punchestown or to some other place of amusement. It is all very well to point to the person who has a motor car that he taxes for only two quarters in the year and that he is not compelled to use to provide himself with any part of his livelihood. I think we can now, out of the mouths of the politicians, who a few years ago told us that petrol and cigarettes were really taking on more and more the character of essentials, conclude that that argument is a little stronger to-day than it was even three years ago and that petrol has now come into the daily lives of our people in a much more universal and essential way than it did even three years ago.

I can speak for my own constituency and point to the people living in areas remote from their turf supply. There are parts of my constituency in which the people provided themselves with a livelihood for a number of generations by cutting turf and selling it across Galway Bay in County Clare and on the Aran Islands. That process continued for generations. Now mountain bogs are not, of course, as deep as the Bog of Allen and the wastage of the turbary is much more rapid than it is in the Central Plain. Where you had a population with very little other means of livelihood this source of livelihood was exploited to the full by the hardworking and poor population.

The result is that the turbary has visibly receded more and more, year by year, from the seashore, and now in some of the most thickly populated parts of my constituency the turbary is located about 20 miles away. These people have to use petrol-consuming vehicles, not alone for the purpose of hauling the turf home or selling it on the market, but the men who go to cut and save the turf have also to use petrol-consuming transport in order to get to the bogs. That is a daily journey and that means a daily travelling of about 40 miles for a very large number of the people in my constituency. An increase of 6d. per gallon will represent a very considerable impost there.

That is, perhaps, one very particularised use of petrol but it is one of considerable importance in my constituency and I think it is sufficiently important to warrant being mentioned specifically in my remarks on this Budget. Taking the incidence of this tax generally, is it not obvious that the number of people who use motor cars in their daily work has been growing apace? There are the commercial travellers. There are the van users. There are the lorry operators. These have become a very essential part of the national economy and this tax will bear very heavily on certain of these sections. If the commercial traveller is shielded against this impost by the probability that his employer will allow him to offset his expenditure in this way by increased commission or salary, is it not obvious that that compensation will find its way into the price of the goods which his employer sells? I think that argument can be applied right through the whole gamut in so far as the use of petrol in the distribution of essential goods is concerned.

With regard to cigarettes, again I do not want to make any bones from my own particular point of view about the matter, either in a personal or in a Party way, but I think it only fair that the public should be reminded of the assurance given to us a few years ago that cigarettes and the pint of stout were no longer luxuries or semi-luxuries but were, in fact, an essential in the budget of the average citizen. If that is so it is very strange that an increase of 5d. in the price of the standard packet of cigarettes should have been applauded from the Fine Gael Benches when it was announced yesterday by the Minister for Finance. It was noticeable, of course, that the Labour Deputies did not join in the applause but whether the silence on the Labour Benches and the vigorous applause on the Fine Gael Benches mark an under-surface contest in regard to these taxes, one can only guess.

It is obvious however that, whatever innings the Labour Party may have had in the first Coalition, there seems now to be a change and that Fine Gael is now asserting the truth of the statements which Fianna Fáil tried to have accepted generally in this country— that services could only be provided at the expense of the community as a whole. We tried to meet that case in 1947 when we asked the people to accept small increases in what we described as non-essentials—drink, amusements and tobacco—and told them we wanted the money from these things to stabilise the prices of essential things such as bread, butter, tea and sugar. Our advice however was scouted. It does seem that the Coalition Government thinks that what they are now doing is not in any way impinging on the public's ordinary enjoyment of life and in that belief they feel justified in imposing the taxes on dancing. We did not remove the dance tax simply because we felt the people were being deprived of an essential part of their entertainment and enjoyment of life. The main reason why Fianna Fáil removed the dance tax was that, in the remoter areas, the cost of collection was prohibitive.

I should like to contrast the present situation with the attitude adopted by the Coalition Parties when Fianna Fáil imposed taxes on cinema seats. Why the Government should suggest that taxes on cinema seats were unjustifiable and that a tax on dancing is justifiable is difficult to appreciate. After all, the young people who go to these dances—and in a great many districts they are the only amusement available to the people because there are not cinemas in every part of the country—are performers. They exercise themselves and get some physical exercise in dancing. It seems to me that a tax on admission to Croke Park could just as well be justified as this tax on dancing. This tax on dancing is going to affect a large section of the young population all over the country.

There is also the tax on oil. I have noticed that in recent years there has been a big increase in the use of paraffin oil for the purposes of space-heating and cooking. The costs of transport —and they are going to be higher as the result of the tax on petrol—and increases in wages have made turf an expensive commodity even in places where bogs are plentiful. Very largely because of that fact, Valor cookers—to name only one particular brand—and heaters have become a household word in certain parts of the country. In many parts of my constituency, and particularly in the Aran Islands, one finds these cookers in great demand because of the difficulty of getting turf.

The coming of the motor lorry has reduced available supplies of turf which used to be brought by horse and cart and transported by boat across Galway Bay to the islands. Turf is now in short supply. The price has gone up to such an extent that the people find they must economise in its use and so they have gone over to these oil cookers and heaters.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 5 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Tuesday, May 15th, 1956.
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