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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 30 Oct 1956

Vol. 160 No. 3

Committee on Finance. - Greyhound Industry Bill, 1955—Committee Stage (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following amendment to Section 39:—
23c.—Every person aggrieved by the refusal of the board under Section 38 of this Act to grant him a licence to act as an auctioneer shall have a right of appeal to the Circuit Court from the decision of the board. —(Deputy MacEntee.)

I should like to ask the Minister if he intends accepting the amendment.

I explained the other night that I would meet the Deputy in respect of amendments Nos. 23a and 23b, but not in respect of 23c.

It is analogous to one before the House before the Dáil broke up last July and in respect of which the Minister suggested that such matters were not strictly subjects for either the District Court or the Circuit Court. He suggested that an ad hoc tribunal should be appointed to be presided over by a lawyer of at least ten years' standing, together with three independent members. Am I to understand in connection with this amendment——

Perhaps I should clarify this. I can meet the Deputy part of the way here. I think we can adopt a procedure here where, if an auctioneer is refused a permit, he would be given seven days' notice during which period he would be entitled to make representations. In the event of the refusal being maintained he would get a right of appeal to an ad hoc tribunal similar to that provided for in a previous section dealing, I think, with bookmakers. If the Deputy withdraws the amendment on that understanding I undertake to introduce an amendment along those lines on Report Stage.

While we agree that circumstances such as disputes in greyhound racing are not, as the Minister has said, matters for a District Court or a Circuit Court, nevertheless this amendment deals with a man's livelihood and as such we feel that a court of competent jurisdiction should decide the issues involved. We feel further that if a man gets an auctioneer's licence as an M.I.A.A., de facto he should be a person of the highest integrity, having been accepted by that professional body.

Therefore, we feel that it is not only to an ad hoc tribunal that the aggrieved party should have the right of appeal; we feel he should have the right of appeal to a judicial body—that he should have the right of bringing his case to the Circuit Court. After all, it could happen, and possibly might happen, that an auctioneer or a firm of auctioneers or various auctioneers who have been in the industry and who have conducted sales of greyhounds, could be turned down for some reason or another. We feel that an ad hoc tribunal might not strictly give the same hearing and the same rights as the Circuit Court judge would. We further feel it is only common justice to allow such a man the right of appeal to such a judicial body.

In his introductory remarks on the Second Stage of the Bill, the Minister stressed that he had gone out of his way to see that no particular party was aggrieved by this legislation. Surely there is no difference, except in the interest of the applicant, between an ad hoc tribunal as such and the Circuit Court? After all, if a bookmaker requires a licence—take the ordinary one in respect of suitability of premises—he may go to the District Court and there prove that he is a suitable person. The Guards have the right to object. The applicant may also have to prove that there are not too many offices already licensed in the area by proving that there has been a proportionate increase in the population and such other relevant matters.

In this case we should allow the matter to be presented in public by letting the Circuit Court try the issue. The board can have the right to go along and put before the Circuit Court judge their reasons for turning down the applicant. The judge can hear both sides, decide the issue and everybody will be satisfied. The Minister has met us to a certain extent. This ad hoc tribunal was suggested by him six months ago when he mentioned its proposed composition as being of a lawyer of ten years' standing, together with three independent members.

Would the Minister state what objection he could possibly have to letting the Circuit Court judge decide the issue? Deputy MacEntee feels— he dealt with the matter on the last occasion the Bill was before the House —that there is no cogent reason why the matter could not be dealt with in the manner suggested in the amendment. The Minister has not explained, in respect of the suggested ad hoc tribunal, whether the aggrieved person would have the right to be represented before that body by senior counsel and junior counsel. There seems to be very little difference between the amendment and the Minister's suggestion.

I do not think the matter is a suitable one with which to burden the Circuit Court. I have explained to the Deputy the distance I am prepared to go with him. In dealing with Section 29, a similar problem arose and a similar solution to that which I now propose was accepted by the Opposition as being in every respect reasonable. I do not for a moment challenge the Deputy for holding his point of view. I have no doubt he will not challenge my right to hold mine. I am prepared to try and meet the amendment on the lines suggested. I am not prepared to agree that this matter should be left to the Circuit Court. If the Deputy is authorised by Deputy MacEntee to withdraw the amendment I will undertake to introduce, on Report Stage, an amendment along the lines I have suggested. If that is not acceptable to the Deputy then, without hard feelings, we must only join issue.

What we were trying to ascertain was the reason the Minister would not permit a Circuit Court judge to adjudicate on the matter.

I would not think the subject matter suitable for a Circuit Court judge at all. It is a question of suitability as an auctioneer. We want to ensure that no capricious or unreasonable refusal will be allowed to stand. Parallel with the procedure agreed in respect of Section 29, we offer to provide an ad hoc tribunal of one person, with a practising assistant, to adjudicate in relation to any difference between an individual auctioneer and the board which refuses a licence.

My recollection is that Section 29 deals with permits for bookmakers. At the time it was agreed and accepted by the Opposition that it would be an unsavoury subject to go before a District Court or a Circuit Court.

Unsavoury? Why? What is unsavoury about the bookmakers?

There are certain acts which might not be relevant or suitable to come before the District or Circuit Court. Here is an auctioneer accepted by his own institution—a member of the Irish Auctioneers' Association.

I do not think that bookmakers are any more unsavoury than auctioneers.

We are not talking about the integrity either of auctioneers or bookmakers; we are talking about certain reasons. In regard to Section 29, the Minister made the point that certain matters connected with greyhound racing would not be relevant to the proceedings in the District or Circuit Court. We agreed to the suggestion of an ad hoc tribunal because of that. The reason Deputy MacEntee presses the amendment is that here is a person applying for a licence to the board who is a member of a body which is 75 per cent. professional. Perhaps they have not to sit for examinations. I do not know what the procedure is, but we presume that the Irish Auctioneers' Association makes stringent inquiries into a person's standing, his integrity and general suitability. It is not everyone who is accepted for membership of the Irish Auctioneers' Association. It has been one of the injustices of that association that an individual who is aggrieved has not been given any grounds for appeal by the body itself.

Suppose Deputy Cunningham lived in the same town as I and succeeded in preventing me from being a member of the Irish Auctioneers' Association for certain reasons, I could appeal to the courts. Cause has to be shown why I would not be accepted for membership. In the case of the sale of house property and furniture, in connection with ordinary auctioneers, the aggrieved party can go to the courts and obtain his rights, but here he can appeal evidently, within seven days, to an ad hoc tribunal. That is as far as he can go but, if he is further aggrieved, he has no redress.

I do not know, if Deputy MacEntee's amendment were carried, whether he would have a further appeal to the High Court on certain questions, but I submit that there is no analogy whatever between the mutual agreement reached by both sides of the House on Section 29 and the section now before the House. The Minister will not budge.

Budge? I have gone nine-tenths of the way to meet you.

The Minister came nine-tenths of the way in his own mind on the last night when Deputy MacEntee intimated to the Minister that he was putting in this amendment because he felt so strongly about the matter. Then Deputy Vivion de Valera and Deputy Finlay gave the lawyers' point of view which confused the issue further. The Minister might, to borrow a phrase from Deputy Vivion de Valera, be gracious enough, between now and the Report Stage, to consider the possibility of allowing the appeal in this case alone to the Circuit Court.

We are in thorough agreement with him about the ad hoc tribunal. In regard to matters strictly relevant to the intricacies of the sport, or abuse and other matters in connection with greyhound racing, the Circuit Court is not a fit place to deal with that. If a garage owner brings a claim against me for repairs to my car, there may be various details such as the cost of sparking plugs and 101 other items included in that repair bill. The Circuit Court judge throws up his hands in horror and says there are no legal issues involved and he refers the matter to the county registrar. The same thing would happen if all these things dealing with greyhound racing were referred to a Circuit Court judge. He would not know anything about them. He would be completely out of his depth and he could only do the best he could. In that case an ad hoc tribunal is all right. In regard to the lawyers of ten years' standing and the advisers, he can ask certain technical questions of these people, but the matter before the House is an entirely different thing altogether.

The Minister in this debate referred to the Constitution and the possibility of certain proposals and amendments of ours being repugnant to the Constitution. This section, if the amendment is not accepted, could be classified as being repugnant to the Constitution. I do not want to go over all the ground again. If I get a licence from the Irish Auctioneers' Association, am accepted by that body, after they have inquired into my suitability, integrity and everything else, and I then apply to the board for a licence to sell a greyhound and they "give me the hammer", all I can do is go to this ad hoc tribunal.

I maintain that this is the only section in the whole Bill where the rights of the individual and that individual's livelihood are possibly being tampered with. Would the Minister consider on the Report Stage trying to meet us on this one point alone?

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

On behalf of Deputy MacEntee, I move amendment No. 23 (d):—

Before Section 39 to insert a new section as follows:—

(1) Notwithstanding anything contained in Section 38, the board shall set up a register of recognised auctioneers, who shall be entitled to conduct public sales of greyhounds.

(2) Any person or firm holding an auctioneer's licence and who is a member of the Irish Auctioneers' Association shall be entitled to be inscribed in the register set up under sub-section (1) of this section.

(3) An application to be inscribed in the register as aforesaid shall be made in a form prescribed by regulation of the board and shall be accompanied by the prescribed application fee.

(4) The board shall have power to prescribe the fee to be lodged with the application to be inscribed in the register set up under sub-section (1) of this section and shall also have power to prescribe an annual renewal fee in respect of the inscription therein.

(5) The board, after an inquiry, of which due notice shall have been given to the auctioneer concerned, shall have power to remove from the register the name of any person who it is satisfied has been guilty of a breach of a regulation made under Section 38.

This matter was referred to, not in great detail, on the last occasion. Would the Minister let us have his views?

I think this amendment is an alternative to amendment No. 23c. I think, inasmuch as I have sought to meet the Deputy in respect of the subject matter of amendments Nos. 23a, 23b and 23c, it provides a suitable alternative to the proposal in amendment No. 23d, which is designed to prevent a licensed auctioneer from being capriciously refused a licence to auction greyhounds.

It goes further than that. Sub-section (1) provides:—

"Notwithstanding anything contained in Section 38, the board shall set up a register of recognised auctioneers, who shall be entitled to conduct public sales of greyhounds."

There is one point in that connection and we should be glad to hear the Minister's views on the matter. There are firms of auctioneers which have been in existence for a considerable period. Are these people to be deprived now of what was possibly a source of livelihood to them down through the years? Amendment No. 23c provides:

"Every person aggrieved by the refusal of the board under Section 38 of this Act to grant him a licence to act as an auctioneer shall have a right of appeal to the Circuit Court from the decision of the board."

There is a relation between the two amendments. Is it the Minister's view that every Tom, Dick and Harry who is a member of the Irish Auctioneers' Association may sell greyhounds, if he wishes?

That is the proposal under the amendment the Deputy is pressing.

Sub-section (2) of amendment No. 23d provides:

"Any person or firm holding an auctioneer's licence and who is a member of the Irish Auctioneers' Association shall be entitled to be inscribed in the register set up under sub-section (1) of this section."

That means that if the Minister accepts the amendment—agrees in principle to set up a register—then it is a condition that he shall be a member of the Irish Auctioneers' Association.

That is your amendment.

Certainly.

You are arguing against it.

I am arguing in an endeavour to get the Minister's views. Amendment No. 23c, which the Minister did not agree to accept, is, I think it will be agreed, directly related to this amendment. We have failed to get the Minister to accept amendment No. 23c. He has gone, as he said, nine-tenths of the way—this ad hoc tribunal, which is not acceptable to us, as such. We now want to know if the Minister will agree to this amendment and, if not, why not. We want to make progress.

No; I will not agree to this amendment. However, I believe the substance of this amendment is met by the degree of agreement we have arrived at in respect of amendments Nos. 23a, 23b and 23c. As I understand it, this amendment was put down as a possible alternative, if I had indicated to the House that I was not able to meet the Deputy in respect of amendment No. 23c. Inasmuch as I have been able to come nine-tenths of the way to meet him in respect of amendment No. 23c, I do not think amendment No. 23d is necessary and I do not believe it would be pressed by Deputy MacEntee, if he were present.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 39 agreed to.
SECTION 40.
Question proposed: "That Section 40 stand part of the Bill."

This section is directly concerned with Section 20 which gives the board the right to obtain a totalisator licence. Section 20 provides that the board may apply for and hold a totalisator licence. The Minister might be good enough to clarify certain points which have been brought to the attention of various Deputies. I understand that—these are the regulations, now, dealing with the operation of the totalisator—one point will be dealt with by the Minister at the Report Stage either by a new section or an amendment to be introduced by him, that is, that credit betting as carried on by Tote Investors, Limited, will not be allowed under this Bill. That would dispose of that point. I think the Minister has already given that undertaking.

It is very hard to get a credit bet.

It was pointed out to the Minister that, in the report brought in by the Committee of Inquiry held in 1932 into the issue of totalisator licences, the committee came out with a report stating that they were totally against having totalisator credit betting. That was a further incentive to people to gamble beyond their means. We want to get that clear. The Minister stated he would bring in this matter on the Report Stage. Now, would the Minister be prepared, under this section, to write in, so to speak, a section stating that no credit betting shall be allowed under this totalisator?

I do not know what the Deputy is actually referring to when he speaks of some previous undertaking I gave him or the Opposition in respect of this matter. Perhaps the Deputy would refer me to it and then I shall be very happy to deal with it.

I shall have to look for the reference now.

Perhaps I can help the Deputy. I think I can give the Deputy the quotation. At column 887 of Volume 154, No. 6, of the Official Report, I said:—

"The suggestion I made was that the Deputy might withdraw the amendments and let our colleagues read the two sides of the story, as discussed here, in the Official Report, so that by the Report Stage everybody would have considered the arguments proposed."

I take it that, having done that, if the Deputy feels he wants to press the view of the total prohibition of credit betting, he should put down an amendment on Report Stage. I think that view was generally accepted, that we would all consider it. There was a very full debate on this and it was agreed that if anyone thought he had to take a positive line, we could deal with it then.

Let us clear up this point. Is the Minister still of the opinion that this matter of credit betting, if it comes up by amendment or otherwise, should be left to a free vote of the House? Having heard the opinions of members on all sides of the House, will he bring in an amendment? I recall Deputy O'Higgins, Deputy McQuillan and others stating that if there was a free vote, they would join with Deputy Briscoe, who originally moved this amendment, and vote with him. This amendment to debar credit betting is directly concerned with these regulations, and, if it is cleared up, it will bring us a certain distance.

My recollection is that I expressed the view that we ought to let everyone bet in whatever way he preferred, but that we would discuss it fully on Committee and that, if anyone wanted to put down an amendment on Report Stage, we would be able to debate it then. Is that not clear enough?

I just wanted to discuss this from the point of view of interested parties who have been waiting on it. The bookmakers are collecting a levy and paying it to the State. The tote as such, as envisaged here, makes a contribution also to the State. The board runs the tote and they benefit accordingly. In view of subsequent and previous sections, would the Minister express his view? He has said that he will allow a free vote of the House. Would he agree that the consensus of opinion of members of the House has been that no credit betting should be allowed, due to the fact that it would further encourage members of the public to take further custom away from the bookmakers and possibly bet beyond their means? I do not want to go into that point at all.

But the Deputy knows there is a good deal of credit betting with bookmakers?

Yes; that was brought out, but it is much easier to get credit on horse racing from the tote than from the bookmakers who are as wide as a gate.

I think you will get only one week.

All I can say is that the tote investors are much more random than the bookmakers. The bookmakers, it being a personal business with them, usually know their clients and the extent to which they will allow them credit. It would clear up the point very much, and save the trouble of bringing in amendments on other sections, if the Minister would let us know if he has been impressed by the arguments against credit betting and if he will, in fact, be prepared to introduce a ministerial amendment which will bring into this Bill the fact that tote credit betting is ruled out completely and that no licence will be issued to any person or persons, or body.

The reason I press the Minister so strongly on this is that if the Minister desires to have a free vote on this measure, it is quite possible that the amendment might not be carried, due to the absence of certain members. If a member of the House knows that there is a free vote and that there is no compulsion on him to vote, he may not be here to vote. He may have no interest in greyhounds. We maintain that this is not a matter which the Minister should dismiss lightly. The Minister evidently has been impressed by Deputy O'Higgins, Deputy Finlay and other speakers on the Government side, who said that if there was a free vote, they would come in with Deputy Briscoe. Would the Minister be prepared to bring in his ministerial amendment and not mind his free vote?

The answer is no.

I do not want to hold up the House unduly and I have to apologise that I was not here earlier. There has been such a lot of tip and run——

Damn the little run there has been about it.

I must say the Minister has not done very much running. He has dug his heels in, irrespective of the logic and good sense of the arguments advanced on this side. We have not made a good deal of progress, to be quite fair to him, until the last week. I would like the Minister on a matter of seriousness and public policy touching the social welfare of the people, to make up his mind and to give the Dáil a definite lead in this matter. I think that the report of the committee which I set up in 1932 to consider this matter, is fairly conclusive and that facilities for credit betting should not be further enlarged. The law still is that if a bookmaker extends credit in respect of a wager, he cannot recover it in law. I think that is the law and I think there are good social reasons why the principle should have been adopted. We wish to extend the principle a little further, to the extent of saying to the Government that facilities for credit betting should not be given, particularly on dogs.

One might ask why facilities for betting and credit on the totalisator at racecourses should be allowed while denying it to the greyhound racetracks. I think the answer to that is this. First of all, those race-meetings do not occur with any considerable frequency and certainly it is not easy in most cases for a person to go to a race-meeting if it is any distance from his home. But, as far as the larger cities are concerned, these tracks are readily accessible to the people in the evening and, in fact, I think that during the season there is a greyhound racing-meeting practically every night of the week. If, in addition to the normal inducement there is to make a cash bet with a bookmaker or the totalisator, we are to facilitate people in making bets on credit, I can see that we may—I am not going to be too definite about it—create a very great social evil indeed.

I would press the Minister that, so far as totalisator credit betting is concerned, he should set his face against it and should give the House a definite lead. I gather from what Deputy O'Malley was saying when I came in that the Minister has suggested leaving it to a free vote of the House. If the Minister would definitely make it a matter of Government policy, I think it would be in the public interest to do that. If he would say that he would not facilitate credit betting on the totalisator at greyhound racing tracks, I think he would be doing a good day's work and I would be very grateful to him if he could see his way to do that.

I would direct Deputies' attention to the discussion which took place and is recorded in Volume 154, No. 6, 23rd February, which extends from column 880 to column 980. It was debated at that great length when I explained fully that I did not regard this as a matter of principle, that I felt there were cogent arguments which had in fact been put from both sides of the House, and that I suggested to Deputies we should peruse this discussion carefully between now and the Report Stage, that I would put down no amendment, but that if anyone wanted to put down an amendment I would be delighted to have a free vote and that, if there was a free vote, I personally would vote against prohibiting credit betting, but that I would fully understand the outlook of a colleague who voted in the opposite sense. But as no question of principle arose, I did not think it was proper for the Government to put down an amendment. That is the position to-day.

Deputy MacEntee might not agree with that but I can only urge on him that if I concede to him his right to hold his view he should concede to me my right to hold my view. I am not trying to impose any view on him and he should not try to impose a view on me. I would be quite prepared to leave it to the wisdom of our colleagues because I believe no issue of principle is here involved.

It is all very well to say that the Minister will leave it to a free vote of the House if he immediately indicates that he is going to direct the whole weight of his influence against——

I do not want to influence anybody.

The Minister is over modest. After all, a mere indication of view on the part of the Minister will certainly carry a great deal of weight, particularly with his own side of the House. Quite frankly, I am put in this situation that, when we were discussing this Bill during the summer recess, I had come to the conclusion that it was not worth while putting down amendments, particularly when the Minister already indicated his point of view. Since the matter has been mentioned, however, and the Minister will leave it bona fide to a free decision of the House, I cannot see how he can undo what he has already done.

I am merely trying to find a way out of a situation in which, I think, a great deal of harm, a great deal of social harm, will be done if credit betting is allowed on the totalisator at greyhound racing tracks. I was going to suggest, but it seems to me it would be almost quite illogical, that if the Minister would refrain from voting or speaking against an amendment which will be put down on the Report Stage, we might get a definite decision of the House on it. I frankly confess I may have done the Minister an injustice. After he had expressed himself so strongly in regard to this matter and had indicated the line he was going to take, it seemed to be a futile and hopeless proceeding to put down an amendment. However, in order that the matter may be tested and in order that a definite record may be made, I propose to put down an amendment on the Report Stage to the effect that no facilities will be allowed on greyhound racing tracks for what are known as totalisator credits.

That cannot prevent a bookmaker from extending credit if he wishes but his debt is not recoverable in law. I do not know what the position would be in relation to what are known as credit investors. I think, in view of the circumstances by which they operate under totalisator licences, perhaps their debts might be in quite a different situation. I do not know. That would be a matter for the lawyer to argue. I have indicated what I think the position is. I believe it is generally, regarded outside, by those concerned with the social welfare of our people, as a very regrettable thing that the Minister should be prepared to grant facilities for credit betting on greyhound racing tracks.

I think it would be a bit of a shock for the people outside this House to know that the Minister and this Government were advocating credit betting on greyhound racing. The social effect of that is more far reaching than the Minister realises but it is quite obvious he has not given it a moment's thought. We all know that in small provincial towns, where dog racing is held at least twice a week, the majority of those who attend are wage earners. It is their sport; it is the only bit of sport they have. They cannot attend horse races because they are too far away from them. The effect would be much more serious than the Minister could appreciate——

They cannot bet on the totalisator at the small tracks.

There will not be any totalisator.

That is all right. The same class of people attend in the city. The majority that attend greyhound racing, whether in the small urban areas or in the larger areas, are in that class. I want to suggest to the Minister in all seriousness that it is from a Minister that this proposal should come—this proposal to forbid greyhound racing credit betting on the totalisator and, if it can be done, to prevent it also with the bookmaker. I do not think it requires a moment's thought to recommend itself to the Minister who is actually charged, as a Minister, with bringing in legislation here. The Minister may say: "You can have your view but I am personally entitled to my view." His personal views do not and cannot arise in this case.

Do the Deputy's personal views arise now?

As a Minister of the Government, his personal views do not arise. He has far bigger and wider responsibilities than his own personal views.

It is a case against a free vote that the Deputy is making now.

The Minister appreciates that people may vote against that provision for wider, more important and more far-reaching reasons than their own personal reasons. I was shocked when it was shown to the Minister what the effects are certain to be. The totalisator will reach the small greyhound tracks in time. The totalisator may be brought around in a big van from one track to another. That is the intention. That has been discussed already and it will be a matter of a year or two until the totalisator is on every greyhound track.

I am sure the Minister does not need further arguments to convince him. He should consult the Minister for Justice or some of the other Ministers charged with other types of responsibility. He should visit some of the provincial towns where there are racetracks and consult the traders as to the amount of money lost by betting that would otherwise be spent on the families. I suppose there is no use in having greyhound races if there is not betting. As in the case of horse racing, betting is part and parcel of the game. As extra encouragement for betting, this is very bad, especially for the section who go to dog races to enjoy an evening off. I am sure Deputy O'Leary appreciates that in certain towns he knows very well many families have gone hungry because of excessive betting on the part of the head of the family. I have heard of numbers of cases. The Minister would do well to get the advice of the people who investigate matters for him as to what has happened in the case of a great number of families as a result of betting.

It is stated in Section 40 that the board may make regulations. I would refer the Minister to the Totalisator Act, 1929. Section 20 of this Bill states that the board may apply for and hold a totalisator licence. According to the interpretation section, a totalisator licence means a licence granted under the Totalisator Act, 1929. Sub-section (5) of Section 4 of the Totalisator Act, 1929, states that the Minister may attach to any totalisator licence such restrictions and conditions as he shall think fit, but no such condition or restriction shall be of any effect, unless the same is set out in the licence. Section 6 of that Act says that the Minister may, by Order, make regulations for controlling and regulating the setting up, maintenance, and working of totalisators under totalisator licences.

That is a very important matter, because, in my opinion, there are certain sections of this Bill that are not merely superfluous but are not correct until a section of the Totalisator Act of 1929 is repealed. I attach great importance to sub-section (5) of Section 4 of that Act. I will read it slowly:—

"The Minister may attach——

I agree that he may not attach.

"——to any totalisator licence such restrictions and conditions as he shall think fit...."

The important words, in my opinion, are:—

"but no such condition or restriction shall be of any effect unless the same is set out in the licence."

The Minister does not deal in this section with the fact that any condition or restriction shall not be effective unless set out in the licence. This section suggests that the board may obtain certain powers, but I maintain that the Totalisator Act of 1929 is the governing Act and, therefore, the Minister has no power, in Section 40, to give to the board certain powers and authority to make regulations and rules which in fact are vested solely in the Minister for Finance.

A totalisator licence having been given to the board, certain conditions may or may not be imposed, and, if certain restrictions or conditions are imposed in the licence, they are enforceable. If the Minister gives the licence without any restrictions, he is authorising the board to make these regulations. I do not know whether or not the Minister agrees with the point I am trying to make. I am trying to point out that there appears to be no tie-up, good, bad or indifferent, between the Act of 1929 and the sections in this Bill. They are scattered all over the Bill. Section 20 deals with the grant of a totalisator licence. Section 23 (3) (d) deals with the conditions as to permitting the board to set up, maintain and work totalisators. Then we come to Section 40 which deals with regulations in relation to totalisators. It is a whole-time job to correlate all the sections dealing with the tote. I again ask the Minister to try to group all these sections dealing with the totalisator in one section, so that we may have a clear picture. Will the Minister let us know if he will look into the points I have mentioned?

I believe the Deputy's apprehension to be groundless, but I shall, of course, have these representations most carefully examined.

Perhaps the Minister would say what is contemplated by sub-section (5) of Section 40:—

"Different regulations may be made under this section in relation to different totalisators."

Must not these regulations be made in accordance with the conditions attached to the licence by the Minister for Finance? I am drawing the Minister's attention to it because he may like to look into it between now and Report Stage. I can think that some difficulties might arise there.

I will have the point examined, but as far as I know the object is to ensure that the conditions obtaining in the different tracks will be borne in mind when the regulations are being made. In some tracks, you might have a permanent installation whereby certain regulations would be appropriate. In another track, there might be only a temporary installation and some flexibility is here introduced to enable the board to make appropriate regulations for the circumstances in which the totalisator is operating at each course. I will have the question the Deputy raises examined.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 41.
Question proposed: "That Section 41 stand part of the Bill."

This section says:—

"(1) The board may co-operate with and assist any person in connection with activities for the promotion and development of the export trade in greyhounds, including activities for the maintenance, training, racing, coursing and sale abroad of greyhounds which have been exported."

I wonder could the Minister give us any idea as to the type of activity he anticipates the board will engage in, or is this merely a sort of umbrella provision to enable them to do almost anything they like? I think the Minister will agree this is a provision which would confer on the board very far-reaching powers. Therefore, so that the Dáil will not allow something to go through, of the consequences of which it is not fully aware, the Minister might perhaps give us some information.

I would direct the Deputy's attention to the fact that our agreement of a previous day relates to sub-section (3) of this section and brings the sections under the general proviso that, where a penalty attaches to a breach of the regulation, no regulation will be made under the section except such regulation is laid upon the Table of the House and is thus brought to the attention of the House and is susceptible of cancellation.

That makes it much less objectionable. I can see that.

That is the first part of the section to which I would direct the Deputy's attention. I would then refer the Deputy to paragraph 175, page 76, of the Advisory Committee's Report which reads:—

"... The question now arises as to why, in view of the outstanding performances of Irish bred dogs, the export trade has declined so steeply since 1948. We believe that the falling off was due partly to the conditions prevailing in Great Britain from 1948 onwards and referred to in paragraph 170, but we feel satisfied that certain malpractices in connection with sales here contributed to the decline."

On pages 80 and 81, paragraph 184 of the report states:—

"... We would draw attention in this connection to a proposal made to us by a member of E.C.A. in Ireland, who suggested that Córas Tráchtála Teoranta, recently set up to encourage dollar exports, might in liaison with the Control Board, act as a central purchasing agency for greyhounds, i.e., that through its agents it should purchase likely dogs from Irish breeders, at prices based on ruling market values here. Under this arrangement, agents would be employed in U.S.A. to maintain and train Irish dogs until such time as the dogs could record public performances on U.S.A. tracks. The U.S.A. agents would then advertise the merits of the dogs and subsequently sell them.

Paragraph 185, page 81, states:—

"... Notwithstanding certain obvious difficulties which would arise in implementing this E.C.A. proposal, we feel that it is deserving of consideration by the control board, inasmuch as the central agency would be in a position virtually to guarantee sales and would therefore probably succeed in re-establishing the reputation of Irish dogs in U.S.A. ... We feel that the control board, acting with or through any suitable agency, should make every possible effort to expand sales to that country and indeed to any other hitherto unexplored markets. Notwithstanding this, we reiterate our belief that the easily accessible cross-Channel market will in the future, as in the past, receive the bulk of our exports, and the attention of the board will, for some time at least, be fully occupied in regulating exports to that market."

It was on foot of these recommendations that power was introduced designed to enable the board to co-operate with Córas Tráchtála Teo., or to co-operate with dealers who would be concerned to explore foreign markets to help them to secure the market and maintain it.

At an earlier discussion we had here to-day, Deputy Aiken pressed the view strongly that, where you had small units of an industry, it was a good thing to encourage them to combine for the purpose of selling, and in that connection he was urging in respect of small bacon curers and even medium bacon curers that they would be exhorted to associate themselves into co-ops. so that they could reduce their expenses and, for their mutual benefit and the benefit of the community as a whole, set up an export market organisation.

The object of Section 41 is to authorise the board to help people to that end in respect of greyhounds, where that is desirable, but not to impose a duty on them because I want to direct the attention of the House to this fact: while it may be eminently desirable to help groups of relatively inexperienced dealers to exploit a new market of this kind, it would be folly, in my opinion, in a business of this character to forbid an experienced trader who had an intimate knowledge of a foreign market from trading there because he might have special skills which he had acquired over long experience and which he would be most reluctant to share with a competitor. Subject to no action being taken calculated to reflect on the industry as a whole, I think such operators should be allowed to do their business freely. At the same time, I do not think the board should be precluded from helping others who want their help in order the better to organise some foreign market where demand exists or could be created for the kind of dogs we have to sell.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 42
Question proposed: "That Section 42 stand part of the Bill."

Is it really necessary to give the board this power to equip and maintain greyhound racetracks? Hitherto, that has been a matter that has been preserved to private enterprise, and it has been availed of to a limited extent. Why is it necessary to provide additional tracks? Generally if there has been an opening for a greyhound racetrack anywhere, it has usually been availed of. Indeed many people have been too optimistic as to the extent to which these openings actually existed. I really cannot see how it is either necessary or desirable for the board to establish its own racetracks. Take the City of Dublin. There are two racetracks and there might have been three, if it had not been for the fact that the third was not allowed to operate properly. But is there any need to establish an additional track in, say, Dublin, Cork, Limerick, or Tralee, or in any of the towns where tracks already exist? In regard to those towns where there are no tracks, is there any real justification for the board going in and starting a track?

It seems to me undesirable to confer on the board the powers sought by the Minister in Section 42.

It is very hard to say that there is any likelihood of the board using the powers conferred upon it by this section and, generally, I would be inclined to agree with Deputy MacEntee's view that it is highly unlikely the board should find it necessary to do so. But the Racing Board has power to do this and I think that power was put in, in case a situation arose in which it would be desirable to retain, or maintain, a racetrack which otherwise might peter out. The best analogy that occurs to my mind is the general power that we have under the Dairy Disposals Board. To my personal knowledge, very valuable enterprises would have collapsed, really through ineffective management, if successive Ministers for Agriculture had not the right to invoke the assistance of the Dairy Disposals Board to go in and remedy the situation.

I do not expect that this proposed board is likely to set up new tracks. I do not rule out the possibility though where a useful track is operating from the point of view of the industry and is threatened with extinction as a result of bad management, or some untoward development that makes its continued operation under private control impossible, of the board taking over such a track, operating it, putting it back on its own feet and then exercising its rights under sub-section (3) to lease the track to a suitable body of local men who want to carry it on or, in the alternative, if they become satisfied as a result of their experience, that the track will not survive, winding it up and exercising their powers under sub-section (4) to dispose of the land they had been using.

The powers given in this section could be operated in a very far-reaching manner. All the tracks at the moment are owned by private individuals or private companies. Generally, these companies are limited liability companies.

There is one exception.

There may be one exception. The section says:—

"The board may establish, equip and maintain greyhound racetracks, and for this purpose may acquire by agreement or lease any land ..."

It is quite possible to visualise a situation in which the board may fall out with the management of an existing racetrack and may set up a rival track in a nearby town. They will have power to do that under this section, with the object, I suppose, of wiping out an existing track. I do not say that that is likely to happen, but it can happen; they will have power to establish, equip and maintain greyhound racetracks.

Greyhound racing is an entirely different matter from horse racing. We know that, since the Racing Board was set up, a number of new tracks have been established where they were considered to be absolutely necessary. Every centre in the country that requires a greyhound racetrack, or is able to maintain one, is already provided with such a track. Why, then, should the Dáil be asked to give power to a board to establish new tracks or even acquire existing ones? The board could help financially if the tracks found themselves in financial difficulties.

A track, like any other private business, will try to sell its property to some other group if it is in financial difficulty. If there is mismanagement the track is bound to go bankrupt. But there is no reason why another set of private individuals, who are more competent, should not be allowed to acquire that track rather than give power to the board to acquire it. There would be some sense in this section if the Minister gave power to the board to help tracks. It is, however, proposed to give power to the board to establish other tracks and to hold that over the heads of owners all the time if such owners do not toe the line and do as the board asks. I hope the Minister will see fit to withdraw this section altogether. It is no advantage to the Bill. Indeed, it is a very dangerous section to have in the Bill.

Another thing is that the board could acquire a monopoly in the ownership of racetracks. That could happen under this Bill. I think that would be most undesirable. We already have monopolies in milling and other directions. The public protest against these monopolies. If this section is allowed to go through in its present form, the public may equally well have cause to protest against the Greyhound Racing Board owning all the racetracks. I do not think such ownership would make for efficiency. We might have a board of civil servants running the industry. Many objections could be made to that. I suggest this section should not be allowed to pass in its present form. The Minister should agree to withdraw the giving of such a power to the board. Instead, he should make provision for the board to help financially those tracks which require financial assistance to equip themselves or for some other purpose.

This side of the House will definitely challenge a division on this section.

They have no quorum. The Deputy does not want a quorum.

Deputy O'Leary has not a clue as to what this Bill is about. I heard his previous interruptions on this Bill and they were equally irrelevant. This section proposes to give power to the board to establish greyhound tracks: "The board may establish, equip and maintain greyhound racetracks, and for this purpose may acquire by agreement or lease any land (including any greyhound racetrack)." No fairminded person could possibly agree to that section as it stands.

I trust that I shall convince the Minister of the injustice of the whole section. The Minister will recall that Section 23 gave power to the board to grant greyhound racing track licences under certain conditions. We on this side of the House fail to see why, if the board feels that a greyhound track should be set up in any specific area, that track could not be organised by local people under Section 23.

If the Minister were in opposition, he would be the first to roar and scream about the abuse of the rights of individuals, the grabbing by semi-State bodies of rights which would be exercised more beneficially and, possibly, more effectively and efficiently by private enterprise. Here we have the Minister for Agriculture, the great exponent of private enterprise, giving the State, through a semi-State body, very dictatorial powers.

What can the effect of this section be? This section, like a lot of sections in this Bill, is permissive, the most appalling type of legislation that could be envisaged. The Minister tries to get out of the difficulty by saying, for example, that the word "may" means that they may never. What is the result of this appalling section which he wants this House to accept?

First of all, we are not in the position in which the Minister says we are. For some reason or another, the board may decide that a greyhound track should be constructed in a certain place where, possibly, greyhound racing has not been carried on, or elsewhere where the people might acquire a track and run it themselves. What will the effect be? I do not want to attribute any sinister motives to any of these sections, but I can see a hidden hand somewhere in this section and the Minister would be the first to object if he were on this side of the House.

The Minister and the House ought to understand what they are voting for or against. The section gives to the board the right, say, to start a third track in Dublin to-morrow morning, or a second track in Limerick, or to take over one of the existing Dublin tracks or any existing track in the country. The Minister might say that perhaps it would be a good thing; that some of these tracks might not be efficiently or economically run. If that were the case, what would happen? What would happen is that this semi-millionaire board, which is exactly what it will turn out to be, having regard to the amount of the levies collected, not to talk about the assets of the Irish Coursing Club, would acquire a new track in Dublin.

Then what will happen? The board can spend an unlimited amount of money. It can put up the best tracks in the world, provide lounges, grandstands and make the track so attractive in fact that other tracks in Dublin and elsewhere throughout the country will be held up to ridicule and shame. A certain type of person will go to this track who will possibly not go to other tracks because he has not the same facilities and the same encouragement will not be there. Here we have a semi-State body competing with private enterprise.

The Minister may say that this will only happen in certain eventualities. Is the Minister aware that the Irish Coursing Club have a track of their own at the present time which they run very effectively? As I say, if this board ran this track, it would be a very serious matter. We could have a board, if that was the intention, controlled by the Irish Coursing Club. Surely, the Irish Coursing Club would be prejudiced and biased if it were suggested to the board that a greyhound track would be set up in a certain area. In the first place, the board would probably ask whether that would not injure them or their existing interests. They might say that Limerick, or Thurles, or even Dublin would be a very good place to set up a track. They might say that this was not their idea, but a recommendation of the advisory committee's which, of course, in actual fact, it was not.

At the bottom of paragraph 55 of the Report of the Advisory Committee on the Greyhound Racing Industry it is stated:—

"Apart from these 20 tracks which are licensed by the Irish Coursing Club and operate under Irish Coursing Club rules, a limited number of unlicensed ‘flapper' tracks operate in different parts of the country."

In paragraph 56 at the bottom of page 24 of the same report, the following occurs:—

"Severe criticism was expressed by many witnesses of the manner in which the standing committee in recent years handled the question of the licensing of new tracks."

"Severe criticism" was offered. Mark you, that is the very body which will be the new board and is to all intents and purposes this new control board. The paragraph goes on to say:—

"A rule in the club's constitution reads:—‘No new greyhound racing company shall be accepted for affiliation within an approximately 50 mile radius, by main road, of an existing affiliated track in the area, without the consent of such affiliated company.'"

It goes on to say:—

"Existing tracks therefore have what amounts to a right of veto on the licensing of new tracks and as the Standing Committee, as at present constituted, is heavily weighted in favour of existing track interests, it follows that there is a risk that applications for licences for new tracks may not always be considered solely on their merits."

Could Deputies suggest that this new board would be unbiased and impartial? I repeat that it is members of the Irish Coursing Club who will be in control of the board and the board now looks for the right to start a track. We all know what happened in Clare. The capital of Clare is Ennis, but it did not suit certain vested interests to have a greyhound track in Ennis. Galway is not 50 miles away. What happened? Unfortunate people interested in greyhound racing in Clare lost their money by opening a greyhound track in what one might call a seaside resort. That was the only condition under which they could get a licence. Could anyone visualise going to Kilrush or Kilkee, when Ennis, the centre of population of Clare, is the logical place and proper location and where a track would have proved to be an economic proposition? But these gentlemen would not give a licence. It would interfere with their existing interests.

In Section 23, we have the board empowered to give new greyhound racing track licences. We all agree with that and to attach certain conditions to the licences. How any person could agree to this section which would allow the board either to take over a track—that might not be too bad—or to start in opposition to an existing track—that is the rub—is beyond me. That is the serious implication of this section.

As I said, the board may start this new track and equip it. It may be the best track in the world. They can put unlimited money into it and operate it under Section 2 of this Bill, maintain it, or they may afterwards lease the greyhound track, or, as the Minister says, they may sell it. What position will we have then? Why was this section brought in? The position would be that we would have a track owned by the Greyhound Racing Board. Surely one does not want to know a lot about greyhound racing to see immediately the abuses open to such procedure. We agree thoroughly with the licensing of the tracks, but let us suppose they had opened a track in Dublin by to-morrow morning. You then have this new fully equipped track, with money no object. There would be directors of this track, racing managers and stewards. Take the directors. This track is owned by the new greyhound board and there is only one man on that board who is debarred from becoming a director of this semi-State track and that is the chairman, because, as far as I remember, under the terms of his appointment, he can have no connection with greyhound racing or any matter pertaining to the greyhound industry.

In this Greyhound Racing Board consisting of seven members, we have six who can be appointed directors of the board's new track. Where will this lead? The board, as we know already, has the power to make regulations for the totalisator and we have already assumed the third track built in Dublin, with lunch-rooms or tea-rooms and bars, and perhaps swimming pools, with everything to attract custom. Thousands of people are going there whenever racing is held and that could be every night—the board also has that power—and apart from the point that they might close other existing tracks, we would then have a track with the members of the Greyhound Racing Board in full control, with very substantial salaries.

This is no figment of my imagination. The analogy is there in the case of the Irish Coursing Club, the people who are to be on the control board. That is why we are objecting to the section, so as not to let them put their hands on a greyhound racetrack, not to let them even acquire an existing track. The Minister himself has been at all times the exponent and champion of private enterprise. As I said previously, he would scream and roar at us if we brought in this section. He would say it was repugnant to the Constitution. Only to-day I was reading what the Minister said on this sort of thing when he stated that those who suffered State interference in matters affecting the livelihood they had enjoyed down through the years, should be compensated, and that only as a last resort should they be interfered with.

I have no brief for any of the owners of the existing tracks in Dublin or anywhere else and I have nothing to say to them. But I would say—and they have come in for a fair amount of criticism here—that they have certain rights. Do people realise that, if this section was passed, it could sound the death knell of Shelbourne Park and Harold's Cross? It might mean the end of the employment given to the staff of these places and of the sales that take place there, and of all the business enjoyed by the firms or shops in the vicinity of these tracks. The Minister may pooh-pooh this idea, but if he does, why does he not strike out the section—"The board may establish, equip and maintain...."

Is the board going to skimp anything in what they do? Paragraph 57, on page 25, of the advisory committee said:—

"We are of opinion that the control board which we envisage as having charge of the conduct of greyhound racing in future, should examine thoroughly the licensing of tracks possibly with a view to a slight increase in the number of licensed tracks and with a view to the compulsory closing down of unlicensed tracks."

Again, they suggested in view of the evidence that was given to them, that there were grounds in certain cases for having new tracks, but nowhere do they advocate this control of a track by the board itself.

The report goes further and says:—

"In regard to the licensing of new tracks, some witnesses expressed the view that the establishment of a third track in the Dublin area would be justifiable."

That is more of it. The greyhound board, when they make their annual report to the Minister and to this House, can say: "Acting on the advice of the Advisory Committee, we have deemed it proper in the interests of the sport and the industry to set up a third track in Dublin."—I only pick out Dublin at random—"This is in accordance with the report on the greyhound industry made by the committee set up by the Minister."

The Advisory Committee Report continues:—

"One of the reasons advanced in this connection——"

That is, in connection with the third track in Dublin—

"——was that owners of dogs have at times to wait several weeks before they succeed in getting an entry accepted on either of the existing Dublin tracks."

Witness after witness pointed out that unless "they were well in"—these were the words used at the inquiry, whatever they may mean—with certain people at the greyhound tracks, they could be kept waiting for as much as two or three months for a race for their dog. We know that the average life at best of a racing greyhound is three or four years and in the fourth year he is getting on. Two and a half years is the usual period. If an owner has to wait for this long period, does it not indicate that someone is holding up the extra track in Dublin for very many years. Evidently, the number of dogs was there, but the owners could not get them in. But the Irish Coursing Club which will now control this new board, apparently, turned a blind eye to the whole matter. The Advisory Committee expressed their opinion when they said:—

"While we are inclined to agree with the view regarding a third track, we do not feel in present circumstances in a position to make definite recommendations in the matter. We, therefore, commend the suggestion to the Control Board for consideration in the future and in the light of the conditions then prevailing in the greyhound industry."

Could anything by clearer? The Minister has painted a picture, and not an over-rosy picture. It is a rosy picture for the greyhound industry.

Deputy MacEntee has pointed out that the potential is there for an industry with an export trade of over £2,000,000 per annum. Reference has also been made to the big increase in attendances at Dublin tracks as a result of the totalisator being introduced. We say that a new type of racegoer entirely will attend greyhound racing. Nothing can stop a third track being opened in Dublin. We say that it is completely injurious to and against the wishes of the majority of the members of this House to give the board the authority they are being given here.

If this section is passed, when the establishment date is announced, I forecast that one of the first tasks this new board will set about will be the acquisition of a site for a new greyhound track in Dublin. I want to ask the Minister if he thinks a third track is necessary here. Surely the Minister could give consideration to existing bodies associated with coursing, if you like, who have some interest even in the existing tracks. It would be quite logical for this board to confine themselves to their activities under Section 23—the licensing of new tracks. If a third track is to be established in Dublin, surely the board would be justified in saying that an interest in the new track should be given to some of the people directly concerned with Harold's Cross or Shelbourne Park. I have no brief for either, but am concerned about their being shut out.

Is the Deputy not repeating an earlier argument? I think we heard it before.

The point I raised was that the board, having already injured the two existing tracks by establishing a new track, could consider giving an interest in the third track to the injured interests in the old tracks.

The same power is conferred on the Racing Board under the 1945 Act. The House, at that time, thought it a useful power for the Racing Board to have. I am asking the Opposition—I attach no special importance to the section—do they think it is a reasonable provision? Do the Opposition think it is desirable that if a provincial track is faced with the alternative of closing down or asking the board to take charge of their track and operate it until it is back on its feet, the board should not have the power to do that? Deputy O'Malley has spoken for three-quarters of an hour and I am damned if I know whether he is for or against the section. His arguments can be interpreted in either way.

Deputy O'Malley seems desperately interested in Harold's Cross and Shelbourne Park tracks and concerned as to whether their interests would be prejudiced by the board. He warned us against the awful danger of the two tracks dominating the industry. Do the Opposition think it is a good or bad thing to give the board power, if it is necessary and desirable, to operate a racing track?

To operate what?

A dog racing track. There is no need to take an hour to say that or to dance around the maypole giving out all this blather. Do you think that should or should not be done? I do not give a hoot, but it seems to me that, under the Act of 1945, the Racing Board got the same power and the House thought it was a desirable power to confer on them. I am bearing in mind, too, the prospect of certain provincial enterprises falling on bad days and being faced with allowing their employees to lose their jobs and with the little enterprise having to close down. Under this provision, there is the alternative that the board can step in, operate the track, put it back on its feet and lease it back to private enterprise eventually.

Are you opposed to that? Do you want that provision taken out of the Bill? I think you would be foolish, because I think it is possibly a good power to have and that the result of the opposition to it may mean that certain small provincial tracks that could have been salvaged and their employment maintained will be allowed to go to the wall, simply because of the irrational opposition to a power which has already been vested in the Racing Board to the detriment of nobody. If you are passionately opposed to the section, I am not passionately going to defend it.

Could the Minister not withdraw the section with better grace? We are not irrational in our opposition. We are concerned with the fact that this power, which was not recommended by the Advisory Commitee, has been put before the House with no justification for it by the Minister.

The Deputy was not present when I explained the reasons for saying it was desirable.

I was out of the House for a few moments on business. When the debate opened on this section, the Minister did not justify it to us. I am afraid I must suspect that the Minister has read the section for the first time.

Nonsense.

Surely if he were convinced that this power is necessary, he would not have abandoned the section like an illegitimate child on the Opposition's doorstep. The first thing I pointed out was that, apparently, as far as greyhound racing was concerned, the existing number of tracks, with perhaps the exception of Dublin, was already sufficient to cater for demand. Therefore, I had to put the Minister on proof to justify the proposal to empower the board to establish other tracks. I have particularly in mind the point Deputy O'Malley made, that this board, without risking the capital of any private individual and with all the resources it will ultimately acquire at its command, could step into any town, particularly into any large circle of population, and establish a greyhound track de luxe.

The Minister would have to remember that in about 1931, 1932 or 1933— perhaps a little later, 1935—the greyhound racing boom was on in Great Britain. Actually, they had gone so far there as to establish nurseries and creches in which mothers, attending greyhound meetings in the afternoon, could have their babies cared for while they walked around and placed their bets at the 2/- windows of the totalisator. That actually was the position which obtained at certain greyhound-racing tracks in Great Britain.

It would be quite possible that, as Deputy O'Malley suggested—I am not suggesting that the greyhound industry would go to such extraordinary lengths but I think he was perfectly right in saying it—if this board did establish a track they would undoubtedly provide every inducement that it was possible to offer to the public to secure an economic attendance at the track and would ensure that the track would be equipped with every possible amenity. That indicates at once that a track of that nature would be a very dangerous competitor to existing tracks. When we can see that a track of that nature could be established and then turn to sub-section (3) of Section 42 and see that the board, having expended considerable sums of money in establishing a track of this magnificence, could then proceed to lease that greyhound track solely at its own discretion and, so far as I can see, without submitting to the Dáil or the Minister the terms of the instrument under which the racetrack would be leased——

Is the Deputy of the opinion that, in any circumstances, it could be desirable to allow the board to operate a track?

I cannot see that it is. I think the Minister's argument in the latter part of his last speech was a very weak one. This Greyhound Industry Board is being set up to develop the greyhound industry. I cannot see their running a greyhound racing track as a sort of unemployment relief scheme. That is what the Minister suggested the board might do. When the Minister is driven to an argument of that sort to justify the powers he seeks to confer on the board under Section 42, he must know as well as I do that he has a very weak case. In fact, having regard to the circumstances in which the existing tracks exist here in Ireland, it is beyond the imagination almost to conceive any conditions in which the board would be justified in establishing, equipping and maintaining its own racetrack.

It is a great pity that the Minister tries to equate the powers which he is seeking to establish here with the powers conferred on the Racing Board. They are very different circumstances. I am not so cure that the Oireachtas was fully justified in giving such power to the Racing Board but the fact that it has been given to the Racing Board is no reason why it should be given to the Greyhound Industry Board unless the Minister can show very solid and substantial reasons for it. Therefore, we cannot allow the section to pass. I gather that the Minister is prepared to abandon it and to allow the House——

No. I would be prepared to consider, between now and the Report Stage——

That will not do. The Minister has not made a case for it.

Then divide.

I think the Minister should decide, here and now, to drop Section 42.

I am not prepared to ask the House to negative the section. I am prepared to examine the matter between now and the Report Stage.

We are too strongly opposed to the section to accept that.

Question put.
The Committee divided: Tá, 62; Níl, 47.

  • Barry, Anthony.
  • Barry, Richard.
  • Beirne, John.
  • Blowick, Joseph.
  • Burke, James J.
  • Byrne, Patrick.
  • Byrne, Thomas.
  • Carew, John.
  • Coburn, George.
  • Collins, Seán.
  • Coogan, Fintan.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Costello, Declan.
  • Costello, John A.
  • Crotty, Patrick J.
  • Crowe, Patrick.
  • Deering, Mark.
  • Desmond, Daniel.
  • Dillon, James M.
  • Dockrell, Henry P.
  • Donegan, Patrick S.
  • Donnellan, Michael.
  • Esmonde, Anthony C.
  • Everett, James.
  • Fagan, Charles.
  • Finlay, Thomas A.
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Giles, Patrick.
  • Hession, James M.
  • Hughes, Joseph.
  • Kenny, Henry.
  • Keyes, Michael.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • Larkin, Denis.
  • Larkin, James.
  • Leary, Johnny.
  • Lynch, Thaddeus.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • Manley, Timothy.
  • Morrissey, Dan.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Murphy, William.
  • Norton, William.
  • O'Carroll, Maureen.
  • O'Connor, Kathleen.
  • O'Donnell, Patrick.
  • O'Donovan, John.
  • O'Hara, Thomas.
  • O'Higgins, Michael J.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F.
  • O'Reilly, Patrick.
  • O'Sullivan, Denis J.
  • Palmer, Patrick W.
  • Pattison, James P.
  • Roddy, Joseph.
  • Rooney, Eamonn.
  • Sheldon, William A.W.
  • Spring, Dan.
  • Sweetman, Gerard.
  • Tully, James.
  • Tully, John.

Níl

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Allen, Denis.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Blaney, Neil T.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Brennan, Joseph.
  • Brennan, Paudge.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Burke, Patrick J.
  • Calleary, Phelim A.
  • Carter, Frank.
  • Childers, Erskine H.
  • Colley, Harry.
  • Cotter, Edward.
  • Crowley, Tadhg.
  • Cunningham, Liam.
  • Davern, Michael J.
  • de Valera, Eamon.
  • de Valera, Vivion.
  • Egan, Kieran P.
  • Fanning, John.
  • Flynn, John.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Galvin, John.
  • Geoghegan, John.
  • Gilbride, Eugene.
  • Gogan, Richard.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Kelly, Edward.
  • Kenneally, William.
  • Kennedy, Michael J.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Lahiffe, Robert.
  • Lemass, Seán.
  • Lynch, Celia.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Moher, John W.
  • Mooney, Patrick.
  • Ó Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Malley, Donough.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Mary B.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
Tellers: Tá: Deputies O'Sullivan and Mrs. O'Carroll; Níl: Deputies Ó Briain and Hilliard.
Question declared carried.
SECTION 43.
Question proposed: "That Section 43 stand part of the Bill."

We here fully accept the fact that, if greyhound racing, breeding, coursing and selling is to be cleaned up, the board must have powers to conduct investigations, to investigate allegations that there may have been abuses, but I think that the Minister in this section has gone further than is justifiable and, I believe, further than he intends. If the Minister will look at sub-section (6) of the section he will see that it states:—

"For the purposes of an investigation under this section, the person conducting the investigation may, by notice served on any person——"

on any person—

"——require that person to furnish to him any information which he may reasonably consider necessary and specifies in the notice."

I think that is very wise particularly having regard to the fact that if a person upon whom a notice has been served

"...fails or refuses to furnish any information within his knowledge which he is required to furnish under the section or in furnishing any such information, furnishes information which, to his knowledge, is false or misleading in any material particular, shall be guilty of an offence and shall be liable on summary conviction to a fine not exceeding £20."

The person conducting an investigation may be drawn from an unlimited category of persons.

"The board may cause any occurrence brought to its notice in relation to any matter connected with the greyhound industry to be investigated in such manner as the board thinks proper."

I assume under that section the board could select—I am not suggesting they would but I assume the board might select—a person known to have a grudge against a person whose conduct was to be investigated and appoint him to conduct the investigation. It seems to me inconceivable that the Minister really intended to confer these very wide powers of investigation on the board and to enable the inquisitor appointed by the board to serve notice upon any person requiring him to furnish him with any information "which he may reasonably consider necessary and specifies in the notice."

Under that section a notice might be served upon a person who had really only the most casual association with the incident. It might be served upon a person to whom knowledge had come in an indirect and unwanted way. A man might have heard a conversation taking place under circumstances which he might have regarded as binding him to secrecy or confidence in the sense that, if he divulged it, he might be charged with eavesdropping. Or it might be that some private correspondence had come into his possession and he had unwittingly read it or informed himself as to its contents. Therefore, he would come into possession of information in a way which was unwitting or involuntary on his part. If he has information which he has obtained and which has come to him in this way, if notice is served upon him he would have to inform the investigator as to everything he knows.

Supposing he does convey this information to the board's inquisitor, and supposing on examination and on investigation the information which he has given to the inquisitor is found to be incorrect, will the person who has been compelled to give information in this way be liable for slander? As far as I can see the section will not confer any privilege on him—I do not think it should—but it does make him liable, if he is convicted of an offence on summary conviction, to a fine not exceeding £20. I do not think the Minister ever intended that the section would operate in that way. I am not contending for a moment that the board should not be given powers of investigation but I do think that the powers which are conferred on the board should be defined very closely and I do think that the manner in which the investigation is to be conducted should also be specified.

That is not what the section contains. Sub-section (1) reads:—

"The board may cause any occurrence brought to its notice in relation to any matter connected with the greyhound industry to be investigated in such manner as the board thinks proper."

I think that sub-section is far too wide. The net could not be cast wider than that. I think you are conferring upon the board the right of investigation which you do not even confer upon the police forces of the State. The investigation may be conducted in a most surreptitious and subterranean way.

The board can almost institute its own secret police and the unfortunate person who is to become the object of its inquisition may go around quite unaware of the fact that he is being spied upon at every turn, quite unaware that perhaps his own friends are being suborned to inform on him and, if they are not prepared to inform upon him, that they can be held liable to a fine not exceeding £20. I am perfectly satisfied the Minister never intended that this section would be so widely drawn that this sort of thing could happen, and this sort of thing might happen. We have to be careful to protect the rights of the individual, even the individual who is suspected of engaging in undesirable, corrupt or crooked practices in regard to the breeding, selling and racing of greyhounds.

The proposals contained in Section 43 are my considered proposals for the purpose for which they are set forth. If the board is a bad board, this Bill will not work in any of its parts. Am I unreasonable if I say that, if Deputy MacEntee were sincere in the representations he has now made—he concedes at once that there must be powers of inquiry vested in the board—he has had my proposal before him for ten months and it was open to him to submit any amendment he considered necessary in respect of any of the provisions of this section? He submitted amendments in respect of several sections of the Bill. There has never been a suggestion from him in the course of the debate on the Second Reading, or in the ten months that this Bill has been before the House, that he desired to have this section amended in any particular. Is it reasonable to suggest that, if he did feel honestly, as he now says he feels, he would have attempted by amendment——

There is a reason for that.

——to correct any defect in this proposal which he himself says is necessary. He says the board must have power to investigate. So, this section is necessary.

No, not in its present form.

Not in its present form. He complains that, as drafted, there are certain defects and flaws in it which he would like to see removed. Is it unreasonable to say that, in that event, in the course of ten months, he might have prepared some amendments indicating in what respect he would wish to see the section changed, bearing in mind that in respect of every other section about which he was dissatisfied he did submit amendments, and bearing in mind that you, Sir, permitted his colleague, Deputy O'Malley, to submit a considerable list of amendments the day before yesterday, which have been accepted?

I cannot undertake to lay every ghost that Deputy MacEntee chooses to conjure up wherewith to terrify himself. I do not believe that the powers conferred in this section are unreasonable or excessive, or liable to abuse, but, if Deputy MacEntee had submitted any amendment which he considered necessary or essential, I should, of course, have been most happy to consider it, but I am bound to say that they are the investigation powers that I think are suitable to confer upon the board. They are the fruit of protracted consideration consequent on careful investigation by a commission set up to inquire into this matter.

At no stage of the Bill have I pressed the view upon the House that the proposals submitted here were incapable of improvement. I have been very happy to meet the Opposition in respect of any amendment they submitted, in so far as I thought it was consistent with the integrity of the legislation generally, but I feel I have a cause for complaint that Deputy MacEntee at this stage professes to be profoundly perturbed, not by the proposal to give the board power to investigate, because he might have said: "I have no course open to me except to oppose the section as a whole because I do not think the board ought to have powers"—that is another business—but he says: "I think the board ought to have the powers that this section seeks to confer upon them, but not in this form. Your proposal," he says to me, "should be amended." He had ten months in which to offer amendments and he offered none. I do not propose to take up a non possumus attitude in the light of that. If he wants to submit any amendment between now and Report Stage, I will be happy to consider it. I do not believe in the terrors which seem to worry him, but that does not mean that I am not prepared to consider any anxiety, however exotic, that may trouble his mind and, where possible, to allay it. If he has any proposals to make between now and Report Stage, I shall be very happy to consider them.

I do not think the Minister is going to get away with it quite so easily as that. He asks us why did we not put down amendments to Section 43. The answer to that will be found by the Minister if he reads the reports of the debates which took place on the Second Reading and on the Committee Stage of this Bill prior to the adjournment of the Dáil in July. We did go to considerable trouble to put down amendments. We did debate them and we were not met in the same spirit as that in which I would concede the Minister has met us on the last day on which the Bill was before the House, and to some extent, to-day.

It is the Minister's job to submit legislation to the House. It is the task and the duty of the Opposition to criticise that legislation and, if possible, to try to get the Minister to see the validity of the objections which are urged from the Opposition side. We are not really bound to do the work of the Minister——

What about the work of the Opposition?

——or of the parliamentary draftsman. It is quite true that we are bound to criticise, we are bound to scrutinise, but, unless we have some reason to believe that our amendments will be discussed in a fair and receptive manner, it would be a waste of time for us to put down amendments, and I think that most of us had come to the conclusion before the Dáil adjourned in July that it would be a waste of time to put down any amendment for the Minister's consideration. That is my answer to what he said.

On the point that I have accepted the principle that it is essential that the board should have powers to investigate, I do not deny that that is my position, but I qualify it: I say that these powers should be strictly defined.

They are.

They are not. I say that these powers should be strictly defined. The powers could not be more widely stated than they are in sub-section (1). They are not defined, because the board is empowered to conduct its investigation in such manner as it thinks fit. Not only that, but it may cause investigation of any occurrence brought to its notice in relation to any matter connected with the greyhound industry. It does not say "any occurrence which may appear to it to be illegal or corrupt or to be detrimental to the interests of the greyhound industry". It does not even limit it in that way, but says "any occurrence in relation to any matter connected with the greyhound industry". If, for instance, some person were ardent enough to go down and put on the boundary wall of one of these greyhound tracks an effigy of the Minister for Agriculture and to besmatter it with mud, I would conceive that under Section 1 the board could cause that matter to be investigated. I cannot see how the board, if it were foolish enough to do it, could be stopped from doing it. In view of the wide and general way in which these powers of investigation are designed that might be thought to be an occurrence connected with the greyhound industry. If the board did decide to investigate something like that, then its agent, open or secret, could require any person to furnish it with information relating to that particular occurrence under penalty that on conviction he would be liable to a fine of £20.

That is the way this section has been drafted and I am saying that while the board should have power to investigate —and no one is going to argue against the acceptance of that principle—the powers of investigation which it has should be strictly defined and the procedure of the investigation should be regulated by law. There is no circumscription of any sort of the board's activities as an investigator, no limitation as to the persons whom it may employ on the investigation or as to the manner in which they may proceed. That is why I say it is not conceivable that the Minister brought his mind to bear upon this section when it was submitted to him by his advisers and by the parliamentary draftsman. He just took what was handed to him. He did not examine it and did not consider it except perhaps in a very perfunctory way, in the sort of way in which he has put this section to the House, trying to blame the Opposition because they have not done the thinking which the Minister ought to have done in the first instance.

If this section is studied it will be seen that it gives very unusual privileges to the investigating people. As far as I can see a person might be convicted of an offence without having ever been brought to the board at all or for that matter, without having any opportunity of defending himself or putting up a case for himself. I consider, therefore, that Deputy MacEntee is right in suggesting that this section goes much too far.

If I read the section properly it means, for instance, as regards sub-section (6), that a person could be served with notice requiring him to furnish information by return post and he might not be in a position to furnish that information. The sub-section should provide for a minimum period between the service of the notice on the person required to furnish information and the date on which such information would have to be given. Sub-section (6) merely says: "The person conducting the investigation may, by notice served on any person" without specifying the time of it. I am sure the Minister will agree that we would not be doing anything more than our duty in protecting the citizen if we were to insist that the section would contain a minimum period of, say, ten or 14 days which the person required to furnish information would be given by right.

Like Deputy MacEntee and others on this side of the House, I feel perturbed about giving any board, person or club the right to publish in any manner which it considers proper the result of an investigation. It is not right and proper that the private citizen should be subjected to that sort of treatment with our approval and by our direction. It seems to me, if I read the section properly or understand it that a person might never have appeared or given any evidence or been required to give any evidence himself in his own defence, and that the board could if it wished publish its findings by spreading rumours around tracks or coursing meetings against a person. I do not think that is proper. Anybody who is required to furnish information should be given a certain minimum period in which to do so.

Furthermore, any person who has been the subject of an investigation should himself have the right to attend and defend himself if he so wishes, and I think that some definition should be placed by us on the manner in which the findings of any such investigation should be published.

It would not be beyond the ability of this House to devise a simple amendment to this which would provide for the things I have mentioned. Even though no amendment was put down from this side of the House up to the present time, even if the Minister thinks that he has not been treated properly in not having an amendment put down, I hope he will give full consideration to the views being expressed, however late in his estimation, by us in regard to the powers being given to the board and the club under this section.

We think, and every sensible person is bound to think, that investigation of some type is absolutely essential to make this Bill what it should be, but I think Deputy MacEntee and myself have given sufficient grounds for the contention that the section as it stands gives far too wide a power as regards the scope of the investigation, the powers regarding the publication of the result of this investigation and also as regards the failure to protect the person who would be the subject of the investigation. Obviously you can have investigation about matters which are not of very great personal importance. I am not talking about cases like that. I am thinking rather of matters that would be of serious importance from the point of view of those subjected to such investigation. Where the matter is serious we ought to do something to protect the right of the individual whose behaviour is being investigated. It can be said, without fear of contradiction, that clauses (6), (7), (8) and (9), taken in conjunction with clause (1), if allowed to stand in their present form, will not afford adequate protection. Certainly, in their present form, they will be no credit to this Parliament.

We feel it our duty not to permit the passage of this section as it stands. We think it should be amended along the lines suggested by both Deputy MacEntee and myself. Possibly Deputy O'Malley will have something to say about it also. If it is our intention to give fair play, and nothing else, to those subject to investigation, then the section should be amended and should not be allowed to go out from here in its present woolly and vague form.

The section does not provide for any right of appeal against the findings of the investigating body. An all-powerful investigating board will have the right to publish its findings in any manner it thinks fit, without notice to the individual who is the subject of the investigation, and without that individual being present at the investigation, and without any right of appeal. Taking all these factors into consideration, does the Minister seriously think that we are giving fair play to the individual who will be investigated? Does he not think that we are giving altogether too wide powers to those who will carry out such investigation? It would be desirable to amend this section in such a way as not to curtail the real power of the board to investigate but to ensure that the board cannot ride roughshod over the individual.

We will have done our duty by the greyhound racing industry if we give the power of investigation to the board established under this Bill and we will not be obliging them to do any more than their duty by inserting a protection for the individual. I know that in practice the board may be quite fair to the individual. I know that they may not publish their findings in a way that would be prejudicial to the interests of the individual. I am sure that adequate notice will be given to any person who is asked to furnish information. That is not the aspect that concerns us. What concerns us is the section as drafted. It is our endeavour to visualise actualities rather than probabilities. The only way we can ensure the protection I mention is by amending the section as suggested.

But the Deputy has not suggested any amendment of the section. He had ten months to put down amendments, if he wanted to do so.

I will answer that.

Even assuming the Deputy had put them down, I said before the Deputy came in to join in this discussion that, even now, if any member of the Opposition feels the section is defective and wishes to put down amendments, I shall consider them most carefully for the Report Stage. But I legitimately assumed that the section was generally acceptable to the Opposition inasmuch as they had it in their hands for ten months and we were all agreed that some power of investigation should be conferred upon the board. I did not hear a word by way of proposed amendment by the Opposition suggesting they were in any way concerned about the terms of this section. However, as Deputy Flanagan asks: "Even so, even if we have been a bit dilatory raising these matters, why cannot we do it now?" the answer is: "Certainly." If the Deputy will submit amendments, or if any of his colleagues will do so, I shall have them most carefully considered between now and the Report Stage; and, if it is possible to meet them, without destroying the general tenor of the Bill, I shall be most happy to do so.

Does the Minister not think that some case has been made for defining exactly?

I think the proposals in the section as submitted to the House are good——

They are good in principle.

——but I do not want to be dictatorial in regard to that matter and I am quite prepared to consider sympathetically the views of any member of the House who holds a different opinion, and I am prepared to meet those views in so far as reason will allow. If amendments had been submitted, I would have concerned myself to see in how far I could have met them; I could not attempt to meet that which had not been presented. However, I make no complaint about that. Having waited for ten months for the suggestions of the Deputies opposite and, having received none, I now say, in the eleventh month, that if they want to make suggestions they will be sympathetically considered. If, however, Deputy Flanagan thinks that will stay Deputy O'Malley's flood, he has another think coming to him.

I shall speak for about two minutes. The Minister is under a complete misapprehension when he states that the Opposition had this matter in its possession for ten months and did not put down any amendment. This was discussed by interested members of our Party. It was decided that if the amendments tabled to Section 44 were accepted by the Minister, then the principles enshrined in those amendments would provide the protection sought by Deputy Flanagan. It was deemed proper by the interested members of our Party to put down amendments to Section 44 because, if the amendments were tabled to Section 43, they would be confined solely to investigations by the board. If the Minister accepts in principle the amendments tabled to Section 44 everything in the garden will be lovely. The two sections are closely related.

With regard to sub-section (8) I would ask the Minister to put in a time limit. The sub-section provides that "the board may publish in any manner which it considers proper the result of any investigation made under this section." Now, the board could delay for a considerable period. Would the Minister put in three months, six months, or even one month?

For the results of the finding?

Suppose the board decided to warn off an individual, naturally they will not do so without giving the matter due consideration. Suppose an individual is warned off and the publication of the finding is delayed, certain parties in the greyhound industry—the bookmakers, the totalisator, the track executive which takes entries—may be caught out and further obstructed, or robbed, or whatever the offence may be for which the individual is warned off. It is not a big point, but if the Minister insists that the board deal with the matter, I think he should clarify the position. I can foresee that the board will have a considerable accumulation of work on hand for the first year or two. If they put those on the long finger, and even if they investigate them and do not make known the results, people who have been warned off might be attending tracks and coursing meetings, continuing the activities for which they were put off.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 44.

I move amendment No. 23 (e):—

Before sub-section (3) to insert a new sub-section as follows:—

(3) (a) An authorised officer shall submit to the board his report in writing concerning such investigations which may have been made by him under sub-sections (1) and (2) of this section within one week from the completion of such investigations and shall furnish a copy of such report to all persons concerned.

(b) Any person concerned may intimate to the board his desire to be heard by the board before the result of any investigation is arrived at, and shall forward in writing to the board notice of such intimation within one week of receiving the copy of the report furnished pursuant to paragraph (a) of this sub-section.

(c) Any report submitted by an authorised officer under this sub-section shall not be privileged.

I wonder would the Minister intimate if he agrees with it?

Perhaps the Deputy would give me the benefit of his remarks on the amendment. These amendments were submitted only two days ago and I did not have the opportunity of examining them in conjunction with the text of the Bill.

The matter was discussed by the members of this side of the House who were interested. First of all, this section deals with how the authorised officers of the board are to carry out investigations. An authorised officer can be present at any greyhound track or at a sale of greyhounds, and if he sees anything which would appear to be amiss, he can immediately commence to investigate it and he can, in fact, go so far as to impound a greyhound, even a greyhound that is taking part in a race or a dog that is being put up for sale. In sub-section (2) of the section, that is simply repeated. Then, sub-section (2) adds that an authorised officer present at any authorised coursing meeting may investigate any occurrence observed by him or brought to his notice in relation to any event or the performance of any greyhound at the race meeting or any sale at the public sale. Sub-section (3) says that the authorised officer may require any person to give him any information which he may reasonably consider necessary.

Deputy Flanagan dealt with that point from the legal viewpoint. We agree with this section in principle, merely suggesting the addenda that the authorised officer shall submit to the board his report in writing concerning such investigations which may have been made by him under sub-sections (1) and (2) of the section within one week from the completion of such investigations, and shall furnish a copy of such report to all persons concerned. What we want is that the authorised officer shall furnish in writing to the board the grounds of his complaint and that a copy of the report shall go to the person who might be called the defendant. The reason we stress a week is that this authorised officer may go into a track the morning after the Act comes into force. If the report is held over for a considerable time, the officer will not have the facts fresh in his memory and an injustice may be done. Supposing he leaves the report over for three months, the facts will not be as clear in his mind. The Irish Coursing Club steward must be present as well and I understand it is quite likely that this authorised officer may carry out his investigations in conjunction with the Irish Coursing Club steward.

I do not mind if the Minister specifies a month as the maximum period of time, but if it is left for three months or longer, a lot of witnesses might even have gone out of their minds. It is for those reasons that we stress the element of time. Surely a person who is accused of a crime—and that is what occurs when a man stops a dog or substitutes a dog—should be allowed to put up a defence and should be allowed to give his end of the story. That is only common justice and that is what is sought in the first paragraph of the amendment.

The second paragraph of the amendment sets out that any person concerned may intimate to the board his desire to be heard by the board before the result of any investigation is arrived at, and shall forward in writing to the board notice of such intimation within one week of receiving the copy of the report furnished pursuant to the first paragraph of the amendment.

That only means that any person getting a report pursuant to paragraph (a) of the amendment is permitted to give his side of the story or is allowed to employ a solicitor to do it for him before the board issue their findings. He is merely asking the board to give him an opportunity of presenting his case before they crush him out for life. That is not an exaggeration, particularly in country areas. It is a very serious matter for a person to be warned off a greyhound track or from a coursing meeting. It is a really serious matter that any such charge should be made against him, that he should be accused of doing anything amiss at a greyhound sale. It could finish a man in his professional capacity in the eyes of the community if a whispering campaign were started against him.

We agree thoroughly that officers should have the power of investigation. We do not even differ from the Minister because he very kindly asked me for further clarification of the amendment. I have dealt with (a) and (b). Sub-paragraph (c) of the amendment says that any report submitted by an authorised officer under this sub-section shall not be privileged. I think that speaks for itself. It will mean that the authorised officer will be a conscientious official and there will be no sweeping statements.

I know in other Departments we have officials who, in order to justify their existence, make mountains out of molehills. Suppose an authorised officer is stationed in the area of Limerick, Kerry and Clare for four or five years, is it not possible, human nature being what it is, that that authorised officer might have a grudge against me or anybody else and send in a prejudiced report? He will be much more careful if he realises that there is an onus on him, first of all, or rather on the board, to furnish a copy of the report to the defendant, so to speak. He will be much more careful to see that his facts are as nearly as possible 100 per cent. accurate, with no exaggeration, and no victimisation, because he will know that the defendant could possibly sue him for gross libel.

I think Deputy O'Malley is making the mistake of approaching the functions here envisaged from an angle that is entirely too complicated. As I envisage the functions of the authorised person as defined in the Bill, he would correspond closely with the steward of a race meeting or a stipendiary steward appointed by the board. The functions of the steward, as I understand it, are that if he sees some irregularity or suspects an irregularity he should there and then investigate it. It seems to me it would make his position wholly worthless if he were obliged to commit to writing every fact that came to his notice in the discharge of his duties as a steward. It would seem that his position would be quite nugatory if he was required to complete his investigation within a limited period, and, on the whole, I feel unless we are to make the functions of stewards, stipendiary or otherwise, at greyhound tracks or coursing tracks or tests utterly ineffective we must give them the same general discretion as a steward at a horse-racing track.

But when a stipendiary steward in horse-racing sends in his report, the stewards can if they so desire, and usually do, send for the jockey and the owner or trainer——

There is nothing to prevent that here.

We want to give them the right to appear.

There is nothing to prevent them from doing so if they want to.

But it is not there as a right.

There is no use in getting cross about it. There are two points of view. I do not think either an honorary steward or a stipendiary steward should be required to furnish every observation he has to make in writing.

He does, in racing.

I do not believe he should be obliged to complete his investigation in a certain period of time and I do not believe these are necessary protections. Deputy O'Malley says that the Jockey Club or the National Hunt Club can interview a jockey, a trainer or an owner whose conduct is aspersed by the stipendiary or honorary steward and there is nothing to prevent the board or club doing that here.

We want to make sure that they do.

I am not at all satisfied that that is a necessary provision to have inserted here.

Is it not common justice?

I do not think so.

I find myself in a sort of half-way position between the Minister and Deputy O'Malley in regard to this matter. I see one difference between the two sections. Section 43 envisages this investigation carried out by notice to the various parties and Section 44 partly covers actions which will be carried out on the spot by the authorised officer at, say, a race meeting or a coursing meeting. I think there is a considerable difference between the two cases.

The amendments we have put in are designed for the protection of individuals, and the protection of what we think are their proper rights, but in regard to actions by an authorised officer, the equivalent of a steward, at a greyhound meeting or a coursing meeting, I can fully appreciate the Minister's point of view when he says that the official must have the right to move in there and then. For instance, if he thinks greyhounds have been switched, he has to have power to act at once, to go ahead and impound the animals and take any other action, however drastic, he may consider proper at the time.

But what Deputy O'Malley is worried about—and, I think, rightly— is that, for instance, in the cases of greyhounds impounded and detained at the instance of the investigating officer, as the section stands, he has the right to detain the greyhounds under specified control and he has that power for an unlimited period of time. I do not think it right or proper that he should have it for an unlimited time. I certainly think he should have the power in principle and I think it is right that he should have the power to move in straight away without serving notice on anybody. Otherwise the purpose of the section would be nullified and, in fact, the powers of the official would be illusory.

Contrary to what the Minister says, I feel that too much power, once the immediate event is over, once the race meeting or the sale at which the authorised officer has acted is over, he should be obliged to furnish a report as Deputy O'Malley says, say, a month afterwards if you wish, but he should be obliged to furnish his report within a reasonable time. He should be obliged by the section, even if it has to be amended, to give every person likely to be affected by the report the opportunity of stating his case in his own defence. There is nothing in the section at present which gives the individual who is the subject of the investigation the right to appear at all in his own defence.

There is another provision which gives the investigating officer the duty to publish his findings within a reasonable time. It will be appreciated that the owner of a greyhound which has been detained at the direction of the official, whether or not it is found as a result of the inquiry that there is nothing amiss, has suffered as a result of the animal being detained. It is our purpose here to ensure that such people do not lose portion of their livelihood for any greater length of time than is considered absolutely necessary. Deputy O'Malley suggested that all investigations under the Act should be carried out in accordance with regulations made by the Minister.

Is that not another amendment?

I am sorry. That is the next amendment to come before the House. While I see a distinct difference between what an investigating official would have to do at a race meeting and a coursing meeting, when he would have to be on the spot, there would be no point in having his rights bound up. We then come back to the position under Section 43 where we give an individual, irrespective of whether he is found guilty or not, a reasonably long notice.

The authorised officer in this case is a confidential servant of the club or board. He ought to be free to communicate with the club or board in the strictest confidence and if we put an obligation on the board to publish whatever confidential information the official makes to the board it would paralyse matters altogether. Take the case of impounding a dog. We agree there should be some limit to the official's power to impound a dog without formulating charges and taking steps to prove them. I am not making any discourteous suggestions, but would the Deputy consider putting down an amendment between now and Report Stage as to what he would consider a reasonable period? I would most sympathetically consider any amendment the Deputy would put down in that way. Regarding the suggestion that the stipendiary or ordinary steward should communicate the contents of his report to certain parties, I think that such an official is primarily the confidential servant of the controlling authority and he can do nothing beyond his authority. If the board do take disciplinary action, they must follow the provisions of Section 43 and act thereon.

So we go back to Section 43. If the board were obliged to give the person an opportunity of presenting his own case and of defending himself, I think the Minister is correct in saying that the investigation officer should not be obliged to send his report to the individual concerned before it goes to the board. The individual should be given the opportunity of making his case before publication of the report.

Would the Deputy consider putting down an amendment on those lines between now and Report Stage?

I certainly will put one down.

I do not deny the suggestion appeals to me that no man should be condemned unheard. If there is an amendment put down between now and Report Stage——

We have an amendment before the House now.

Do not get cross.

Nobody is getting cross.

The Deputy was out of the House and now has come rambling back. Deputy Flanagan said that if there was an adjustment made in Section 43 it might meet the position. I am trying to meet him. If that does not please Deputy MacEntee, let him make his proposal. Deputy Flanagan at least said what he wanted to say and indicated his readiness to find common ground. I am trying to find it with him.

It is going through too quickly.

The Minister is trying to sidetrack the debate. The debate is taking place on Deputy O'Malley's amendment.

The Deputy does not know. He has been out for the past half an hour and now he rambles back again.

If the Minister can eat his words, I had to find something more substantial to eat. I was absent because I required to have some tea. The Minister apparently is on a diet and does not want tea. However, there is no use referring to the Minister in this context. I want the Minister to refer to Deputy O'Malley's amendment.

On a point or order, is it reasonable that we should discuss Deputy O'Malley's amendment while Deputy MacEntee is having his tea? Deputy MacEntee has had his tea, comes rambling back again and wants us to discuss the amendment all over. I cannot discuss it again without repeating what I have already said and you, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, have ruled that repetition is out of order.

Deputy MacEntee is entitled to address his remarks to the amendment.

I do not mean any discredit to him but I do not find it possible to discuss the amendment again without repeating verbatim what I said while he was having his tea.

The Minister apparently wants to sidetrack discussion on the amendment. I want to discuss Deputy O'Malley's amendment which the Minister wants sidetracked. It is perfectly clear the Minister does not want to hear either the merits or demerits of the amendment. All he has been concerned to do has been to create an illusion of sweet reasonableness in the minds of the public. He had better talk to Deputy Barry who suffers from the same disability as I do in so far as he was not here.

I seem to have been here for years and years.

I am not surprised because he has been listening to a long statement from the Minister. The amendment which is now under discussion is a very serious one. Is there anything unreasonable in asking that the authorised officer who takes it upon himself to investigate any occurrence observed by him or brought to his notice in relation to any race at the race meeting, the performance of any greyhound at the race meeting or any sale at the public sale—is there anything contrary to natural justice, is there anything contrary to common sense in asking that that officer should furnish his report in writing to the board? Surely one would say that, if the investigation was being conducted in any bona fide way, the officer would, as a matter of course, do that.

We do not know who these investigators are. It is our duty here, in the Legislature, to protect the citizen against unjustifiable charges, against unjustifiable prosecution, at the hands of people who may possibly cherish grudges against some of those who are either perhaps their competitors— breeders—or in some other way compete with them in perhaps some other business. Therefore, for the protection of the individual, we are asking—and I think it is not unreasonable to demand it—that where an occurrence is investigated by an authorised officer of the Greyhound Industry Board, that officer will furnish his report in writing to the board. I should like to hear the Minister, and I think I shall hear him before this concludes, advance one cogent reason to the House why an officer of the board who has made an investigation under sub-section (1) of this section should not submit his report to the board.

I am asking the Minister to say why that principle should not be accepted. I am asking him to tell the people who, while the country is going to the dogs, see the Government concerned only with this Greyhound Racing Bill. I ask the Minister to answer that question. I will sit down and wait for his reply to tell me why it is unreasonable or, as I said before, contrary to natural justice to ask a person who, acting on the authority of the board, has conducted an investigation into what he believes to be a malpractice, to submit his report in writing to the board. I will give the Minister an opportunity of answering that question.

I have not the slightest intention of repeating what I already said to the House while Deputy MacEntee was having his tea.

I refuse to believe that the Minister made reference to that question. The Minister need not take refuge in silence. The Minister should at least answer and, if he does not answer, it is because he cannot. He has no argument, no solid basis, to go upon in refusing to compel, to oblige, the person who makes an investigation to submit his report in writing to the board—unless, of course, the Minister is anxious to continue to foster and keep alive in the greyhound industry the private intrigues and petty jobbery—"petty jobbery," I should say gross jobbery— and corruption—which, according to the report of his own advisory committee, has characterised the conduct of some of the people whom he is going to appoint to the Greyhound Industry Board.

How do you know whom he is going to appoint?

Their names have already been bruited over Ireland. There cannot be any other reason than that for his refusal to answer that simple question. The Minister has been talking about wishing to protect the individual. If the officer did submit his report in writing, is there any good reason for denying the person accused, the person whose conduct has been impugned in that report, from receiving a copy of the report? After all, even in court martial proceedings, not to speak of ordinary civil proceedings, the person who has been charged with an offence is furnished with a statement of the offence with which he is being charged and with a summary of the evidence upon which the charge is based. We are asking the Minister to accept, in relation to these investigations, the principles which have already been approved of by the Oireachtas and by the country as a whole.

Can the Minister again advance one solid argument as to why this report, which may dispose of a man's livelihood, which may ruin his reputation, if acted upon by the board, should not be furnished to the person who is going to be affected by it? Can the Minister answer that question? I am going to sit down in order that the Minister may have an opportunity of telling me why.

I have no intention of repeating what I said while Deputy MacEntee was having his tea.

The Minister is mute of malice—is that what it comes to? He refuses here, in this deliberative Assembly, in the course of this debate, to advance one single reason for rejecting the amendment, particularly for rejecting paragraph (a) of the amendment. Surely there is something very fishy about the conduct of the Minister in relation to the whole of this business. Whom is he protecting? On whom is he wanting to confer these arbitrary powers? What investigators has he in mind? Is a person going to be denounced by a member of a society of whom I think the Minister is national president? Is the alleged occurrence going to be investigated by one of the Minister's own nominees— indirectly, of course; not his direct nominee, but his indirect nominee— and then, in the County of Monaghan, for instance, if the person accused happens to be an opponent of the Minister, have we any guarantee that the powers of the board will not be exercised to deprive the person involved of his right? Is there any other reason? Is it because the Minister wants this board to be in a position to carry through his tyrannical dictates that he is refusing to accede to a person concerned in these allegations the right to know what he is being charged with and the evidence upon which that charge is based?

The next paragraph of Deputy O'Malley's amendment proposes that any person concerned may intimate to the board his desire to be heard by the board before the result of any investigation is arrived at. Is there anything contrary in that to natural justice, contrary to fair play? It provides for the person concerned the right which he has in ordinary common law in criminal proceedings to ask to be heard before he is condemned. Can the Minister adduce any good reason for refusing him that right to be heard? Can the Minister adduce any good reason for refusing an accused person the right to be heard in his own defence?

Ask Deputy Flanagan what I said on that.

I am dealing with this amendment as a whole; the paragraphs hang together and they are all designed to protect the innocent person against vindictive action. I know that the Minister is appearing to concede part of what is involved in paragraph (b) of the amendment to get away from paragraph (a). Paragraph (a) is the important one because it and paragraph (c) are the paragraphs which fix responsibility on the investigator for the report which he makes. If the person whose conduct is under accusation does not know the terms of the report and if he is not in a position to take suitable legal action against a person who wrongly and falsely accuses him and reports to the board in terms which are not consistent with the facts, then he has no protection.

What we are concerned about in this amendment is to ensure that no person will be wrongly accused or maliciously defamed and that no person will be vindictively prosecuted. The Minister, on the contrary, is saying: "This board which I am proposing to set up can do all of these things; it can wrongly accuse a man, it can defame or wrong his reputation and deprive him of his living, if one of the officers should act out of mere vindictiveness." That is what is involved in this amendment. I ask the Minister is there anything contrary again to natural justice, fair play and common sense in permitting a person who is affected by, or concerned with, the result of the investigation, submitting in writing within one week of receiving a copy of the report, a request to be heard by the board before they take action? If I was to ask the Minister to answer that, he would reply to me in the same contemptuous terms.

I told the Deputy to ask Deputy Flanagan.

The same contemptuous terms as when I put questions to him on paragraphs (a) and (b).

I am telling the Deputy to ask Deputy Flanagan.

I am not going to ask Deputy Flanagan.

Of course, the Deputy is not because he does not want to know.

It is the Minister's duty to answer.

So I did, while the Deputy was at his tea.

We know it is a characteristic of this Government to shelve responsibility. That is why there are proliferating Departments and whole corps of civil servants to avoid responsibility for the mishandling of public affairs. I am not going to be fobbed off by the Minister referring me to Deputy Flanagan. He is not responsible to the House or to the people.

To whom is he responsible?

It is the Minister who is making policy on this Bill. Half an hour ago the Minister was twitting us that we had not put down an amendment to Section 43. There is an amendment down now to Section 44 and the Minister, as far as I am concerned, has not advanced one sound or solid argument as to why that amendment should not be accepted.

Because the Deputy was out at his tea.

I know I was out at tea. It is a pity that the Minister was not out at tea also; he might then be more alert if he had the stimulus of tea to waken that somnolent brain of his. He might be able to answer these questions without being merely abusive. The Minister is either unable, afraid or ashamed to answer the questions I put to him.

They were all answered while Deputy MacEntee was having tea and I do not propose to answer them again.

I wonder would the Minister consider having an impartial board, say an appeal board, because as my colleague Deputy MacEntee has stated, there is a possibility that there might be vindictiveness towards a particular man or men, as the case may be. It is only when we are introducing legislation in this House that we have the chance of avoiding anything of an unjust nature that might occur at a later stage. I have no doubt that neither the Minister nor anybody else in this House would wish to see an unjust decision against any body or group but nevertheless in dealing with this section, and the amendments, we are not satisfied that all the law should be on one side of the House, that is the administrative side.

I do feel, as I felt on other sections before, that where a man was refused a track licence and where for some reason or other he is vindictively treated by somebody on the board, that that individual should have the right to appeal to a district justice. There is a similiarity in this case. That similarity means that this House should be anxious to protect the right of the individual at all times. I do not want to take any authority from the board, which they have, because the board must do their job conscientiously and do it well directly the Bill becomes an Act. But as a result of evidence that was given from time to time and as a result of secret evidence given——

How is this relevant, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle?

The Deputy is evidently quoting a case and mentioning a type of investigation and as investigation is mentioned in the section, it is in order.

We are not discussing the section; we are discussing an amendment.

You cannot discuss the amendment without relating it to the section.

On a point of order, Sir. The Deputy is asking that the right of appeal be given. There is no reference to appeal in this amendment.

He is suggesting that the Minister might consider that.

We have one Leas-Cheann Comhairle in the House. That is enough.

Put Deputy MacEntee on the board and satisfy him.

On a point of order, Sir. We are, I understand, discussing an amendment standing in the name of Deputy O'Malley. There is no reference in that amendment to an appeal and, as far as I can see, there is no possibility of raising the question of an appeal on the text of that amendment. You may judge it to be relevant later, but I would ask you to rule: is the question of an appeal relevant to the discussion on this amendment?

Delaying tactics—that is what they are.

I was trying to be very helpful to the Minister. I was trying to find a way out for the Minister and I was hoping that the suggestion I was making to him would be responsible for ending the discussion on this amendment and section. Having given the matter serious consideration, I was trying in a quiet way to help the Minister on this point. As the Minister rightly stated, we are discussing this amendment, but on the broader basis of the section——

We are not discussing the section, Sir.

We are discussing the amendment.

We are discussing the amendment, but we have to refer to the section.

The context of the section.

The context of the section. I assure the Minister I am trying to be most helpful.

The Minister does not want to be saved.

May I ask the Minister will he accept this amendment?

The Deputy also apparently was having his tea.

If the Minister states he is accepting the amendment, I can sit down, because I think it is a very fair amendment:—

"An authorised officer shall submit to the board a report in writing concerning such investigations which may have been made by him under sub-sections (1) and (2) of this section within one week from the completion of such investigations, and shall furnish a copy of such report to all persons concerned."

That is a very reasonable request. As I have already stated here, I moved another amendment on behalf of the Irish Coursing Club because they were not satisfied to give complete jurisdiction to any particular board and they were trying to eliminate any prejudices that any member of the board might have. I respectfully suggest to the Minister that this amendment is very fair and I do not see what objection anybody here could have to it. Legislation by good wishes is no use. It has to be made an Act to be in any way operative outside. It is no use saying: "I would not at any time allow this occur." The second part says:

"Any person concerned——"

Surely the Deputy does not intend to read out the whole amendment?

Indeed he does, several times. That is what he was put up to do. The decent man has not the faintest notion what he is talking about. All he is doing is reading the notes Deputy MacEntee passes to him.

I have to deny that statement because I have been here and I have been listening to this discussion for quite a long time——

Hear, hear!

——and, as I have already stated, I wanted to be helpful to the Minister in this matter. I had hoped the Minister would accept the amendment we suggested here. Nobody has asked me to do anything here, good, bad or indifferent and I do only what I like to do myself. I am interested in this Bill. People I am associated with for a long number of years would like to see this amendment go through. I do not like to see anybody getting complete control. There should be an appeal from that type of control in case an injustice might be done to the individual——

On a point of order. How can the question of appeal arise on the amendment at present under discussion?

Because a——

The Ceann Comhairle is in the Chair and he will rule on the point of order, if the Deputy will shut up.

If the Ceann Comhairle would permit me to point out——

I have raised a point of order, Sir.

The Deputy is entitled to make a submission.

Before any ruling on my point of order?

He is entitled to make a submission.

The amendment is in fact designed to provide that the authorised officer will furnish his report in writing—that is the first step in the appeal procedure—secondly, that he will furnish a copy of the report to the persons indicted in it, and thirdly, that the person indicted has reserved the right to be heard. It is an appeal procedure.

I am ruling that there is not anything about an appeal in the amendment.

I will accept that ruling from you, Sir. In ordinary common law, if a man is charged in the courts, at least he gets a copy of the charge. He knows what he will be charged with and his solicitor and all concerned will know that and will try to defend that man. This amendment is a very simple amendment. It is merely trying to protect the rights of the individual. I will not fall into the trap I have fallen into previously of using the word "appeal". I am convinced that this amendment is just and I cannot understand why the Minister cannot accept it. The Minister will not always be there. Ministers and Government will change as time goes on and I am sure in years to come the Minister would like to have an Act he put through this House regarded as impartial and just and as protecting the individual.

The Deputy is speaking in very general terms. He should be more precise, and should get back to the amendment.

It would be a great pleasure to go back again to the amendment. I was just trying to strengthen my argument. We are asking one simple thing in this amendment—that an authorised officer shall submit to the board his report in writing concerning such investigations which have been made by him under sub-sections——

That is the amendment before the House.

That is the amendment we are discussing.

I do not see anything wrong with the amendment and I cannot understand why the Minister cannot accept it. The amendments will make the Bill a very good Bill and that is what we all want this Greyhound Industry Bill to be, when it is passed by the House. We all have our own point of view on this, and I feel very strongly that protection should be given and that the amendment should be accepted.

There is one point in connection with paragraph (c) of this amendment that I thought the Minister would refer to, that is, the question of privilege. I do not think he replied to Deputy O'Malley's submission in that connection and I would like to know what view he takes of it.

I take it that (c) was submitted in anticipation of the suggestion that the report should be a written one.

I cannot doubt that the stipendiary steward, giving a report to his employer or controlling authority, ought to have some qualified privilege at least under the ordinary law of slander and libel.

I am not a lawyer— the Minister for Agriculture is a lawyer—so I am not quite certain what is implied by the suggestion that the stipendiary steward should have what is known as qualified privilege. I suppose that qualified privilege would not cover a report where the courts would find that there was malice.

It would not cover anything done in malice.

Precisely. The importance of this amendment is that it does give an aggrieved person who has reason to believe that the report of this authorised person was vitiated by malice the right to know what has been said against him and, if he has been wrongfully accused, then to proceed by the ordinary civil courts against the person who has slandered him or libelled him, as the case may be. That is what we are getting at.

The Minister will appreciate that, perhaps, this paragraph (c) operates also in one way to protect the authorised officer, because a person who has been found guilty on sound evidence and, perhaps, a person whom the authorised officer has reported to the board on sound evidence, as being guilty of a malpractice, will not proceed in the courts but will accept without further ado the finding of the officer when it comes to his hands. We are, I think, getting into a more or less absurd position, first of all, that an officer of this board may, wittingly or unwittingly, wilfully or innocently, ruin a man in his reputation and in his livelihood, and the person who will be so affected will not know what has been said against him. I cannot conceive that that is a reasonable way of proceeding, that it is a just way of proceeding and that it will help this board to be cleared up or the industry to be put upon a sound basis.

All we are asking in paragraph (a) is that the person who is involved in a finding, in an adverse finding particularly, of an authorised officer should know the terms of that report and, if he thinks well of it, should have the right to be heard by the board before the board takes action. I submit that it is really only an innocent person who would avail of that procedure. If the person is guilty, he will accept the finding of the board and will try to avoid the publicity which might necessarily attach to the proceedings if he went before the board. Certainly, there is one thing a guilty person will not do, and that is, bring the matter into the public courts.

I cannot see why the Minister is so adamant in refusing even to consider what is involved in this amendment. He has, I am afraid, reverted to the stubborn and obstinate refusal to participate in the debate which characterised the proceedings in this House on this Bill before July last. I would beg the Minister not to do that. Earlier to-day and on the last occasion on which we were debating the Bill, he has shown that he is prepared to participate in the deliberations of the House. I would ask him on this occasion, despite everything that has happened, to approach this amendment objectively.

It is no pleasure to be talking here like this this evening. We all know that, if it were not for the issues involved, if we were to allow this Bill to go through, the business would collapse because there is no other business to go before the House, and we are all just as anxious to get away and have time to ourselves as the Minister is, but we are here tied to this post of duty and we are trying to get the Minister to consider the ordinary rights of the citizen under the Constitution. That is what is involved in Deputy O'Malley's amendment. I hope that the Minister, who was so concerned on other occasions about the constitutional rights of the citizen in regard to education and health, will consider them even in relation to the greyhound industry.

I have nothing to add to what I have already said while Deputy MacEntee was at his tea.

Amendment put and declared lost.

We will have to consider another amendment on Report Stage to see if we cannot get this into the Bill by a side-wind.

I move amendment No. 23 (f):—

Before sub-section (4) to insert a new sub-section as follows:—

(4) All investigations under this section shall be carried out in accordance with regulations made by the Minister.

If the Minister had agreed to the amendments put down by me under Section 44 this amendment would possibly not be necessary. Will the Minister intimate his views?

It seems a little odd that the Minister should be asked to reply to this amendment that was set down on the Paper the day before yesterday without Deputy O'Malley taking any measures to seek to justify it. However, I would suggest to Deputy O'Malley that it is hardly appropriate to ask the Minister for Agriculture to make regulations to control the methods by which the stipendiary steward should conduct investigations on the spot of irregularities that he suspects. What regulations does the Deputy think one should make, that he could wear a green Fedora hat, carry a red flag? It seems to me manifest that the conduct of such an inquiry as it would be the duty of a stipendiary steward to make is one of the things which obviously the Minister cannot make regulations to control.

Yes, he can. Surely the Minister could provide by regulation that a person suspected by an authorised officer of an offence should be told by the authorised officer what the offence was. Is that not one thing that the Minister might do by regulation? Might he not require him to put that allegation in writing? Is that not something the Minister could prescribe by regulation?

Does the Deputy realise what he is proposing?

I do, that "all investigations under this section shall be carried out in accordance with regulations made by the Minister." The Minister has asked Deputy O'Malley what he would prescribe by regulation and the first thing is that the person suspected should be told the offence of which he is suspected.

He would be a very useful stipendiary steward if he went round to every shyster on the course and said: "Do not change a dog to-day. I am watching."

The Minister is not going to get off as easily as all that. There is this provision in the section:

"(4) a person who—

(a) obstructs or impedes the exercise of any power conferred by this section."

What does that mean? Surely before a person can be guilty of an offence under paragraph (a) of sub-section (4) the authorised officer would have to inform that person what he was undertaking. Surely the person likely to be mainly concerned in the offence under paragraph (a) of sub-section (4) would be the person suspected of the action which was being investigated. Therefore, is there anything so absurd in asking that the authorised officer will inform the person suspected of an offence at a race meeting which he is proposing to investigate what the offence is? I think there is a little more than that in it.

Sub-section (3) says:

"For the purposes of an investigation under this section, an authorised officer may—

(b) give such directions and require such facilities as he may reasonably consider necessary (including directions and facilities as to the examination of greyhounds and the detention under specified control for any purpose of greyhounds or of documents relating thereto)."

Does the Minister wish the House to believe that, after an authorised officer approaches the owner of a greyhound which has won a race in circumstances which the authorised officer regards as suspicious and proposes to detain the dog for examination, the owner concerned will not know that he is under suspicion of having committed an offence, and is there anything unreasonable in asking the authorised officer to tell the owner concerned what is the offence which he is suspected of having committed? The Minister cannot really laugh this thing off.

The authorised officer must at least disclose his suspicions to the person concerned. The next thing is that the authorised officer ought to be obliged to put his suspicion and his allegation in writing for the protection of the individual whose conduct he is going to investigate. A matter which the Minister might prescribe by regulation is what is proposed in regard to the preceding amendment to sub-section (3) (a) with, if the Minister likes, some slight modification. I gather that the Minister took exception to the suggestion that a copy of the report should be furnished to all persons concerned.

Surely we have disposed of that amendment.

I gather he took particular exception to that. As you say, Sir, the House has disposed of amendment No. 23 (a) which, of course, covers sub-section (3), paragraph (a), in the form in which it is on the Order Paper. I am going to suggest that the Minister might make a regulation accepting in part the principle indicated in paragraph (3) (a) and say that the authorised officer should submit a report to the board in writing. Then, if he likes, he may also make regulations that the board, having considered the report, will communicate the terms of that report to any person who may be subject to a disqualification order under Section 45. He could then proceed further, if he wished, to give effect to paragraph 3 (b) and paragraph 3 (c) of the previous amendment.

The Minister has asked what sort of regulations we think he might prescribe. I shall not specify the precise nature of the regulations, but that is the type and kind of regulation the Minister might make under amendment No. 23 (f), the proposed new sub-section. I think the purpose of that amendment really was that, if the Minister rejected in toto, as he virtually has, amendment No. 23 (e), he might be prepared, having heard the arguments here, to consider making regulations which would take cognisance of the point of view we have expressed on these benches and would endeavour to extend to the person who might be seriously involved the sort of protection against injustice we are anxious to concede to him. Indeed, that was the purpose of the amendment.

When Deputy O'Malley put down amendment No. 23, it was felt, though we thought it a very good amendment and one based on a sound principle, that the Minister might see objections to it which were not apparent to us and, rather than let this go altogether against the subject involved, we said: "Then, if the Minister will not take our recommendations, perhaps he will at least concede that there is a reasonable basis for our amendment and will take power himself to regulate the proceedings under Section 44."

I advise the House to reject this amendment, on the ground that I believe it is the duty of the stipendiary steward to look out for malpractices, such as the painting of a dog, the substitution of a dog, the drugging of a dog, or any other malpractice associated with greyhound or horse racing and that, far from imposing upon him a duty to notify in writing a suspected delinquent, I would advise him to come upon such a delinquent like a thief in the night.

But he cannot do that.

His duty is to watch and survey and take every precaution he can to ensure that any potential offender against the rules of racing is unaware of the fact that he is overlooked; and, the more he can come upon him unaware, the better he will discharge his duty as a stipendiary steward. No honest man has any reason to apprehend surveillance. No honest man but will welcome the close attention of any honorary or stipendiary steward and it seems to me quite divorced from reality seriously to suggest that a steward, in the discharge of his duty, should have upon him a preliminary duty of notifying in writing any suspected delinquent that such suspected delinquent is under observation.

Under investigation —not under observation.

Or that he is under investigation. If the man is in process of painting a dog, I hope he will get caught. If he is in process of substituting a dog, I hope he will get caught. If he is in process of drugging a dog, I hope the stipendiary steward will come upon him unawares, and that he will get caught. I have not the slightest desire to see any of these classes of person notified by word of mouth or in writing that they are going to get caught. I hope they will get caught. I hope they will be convicted. I hope they will be warned off every decent racetrack and out of every coursing club in the country. The test is: no honest man eschews surveillance. The only person who is afraid is the rogue and I do not propose to put any duty upon the stewards of the club or of the board to accommodate the rogue or to facilitate any roguery he has in contemplation.

The Minister is living in a dreamland. Would the Minister devote his attention to his own section, Section 44? If a man is suspected of doping a dog, how will the suspicion arise? What will be the occasion of it? When the dog has won, or lost a race then, at that moment, the dog should be impounded and will be impounded. The Minister has been talking about facilitating rogues. The moment the dog is impounded, the rogue will know that he is being investigated. But is he not entitled to know——

In writing?

——precisely that of which he is suspected.

No man will know that, better than himself——

At that moment.

——and he will be storming heaven that the rest will not find out. Now, if he has painted a dog, does he require to be told in writing that he is being investigated for painting a dog?

There is no question of protecting any wrongdoer. But the Gardaí cannot question a man without giving him the usual caution. Is the Minister, barrister and all as he is, not aware of that? Is that protecting the wrongdoer, or is it protecting the innocent citizen against unjustifiable persecution? Now, which is it? All we are asking is that, if a person is suspected by an authorised officer, he will be told at the point of suspicion that of which he is suspected, and that with which he will be charged. Remember, he will not be able to destroy the evidence, because, under Section 44, the authorised officer has power to detain the dog under specified control until the investigation is completed and until the dog has had a veterinary examination. All that is involved here is that, at the moment, the suspect should be told that of which he is suspected.

We had the Minister getting up here and endeavouring to becloud the issue by talking about rogues and evildoers and tricksters and spivs and all the rest of them. The Minister has a tremendous vocabulary. He used to use it from these benches. All we want to do is to protect the innocent person against an irresponsible investigation, because an authorised officer may act irresponsibly. He may act malevolently. Does the Minister deny that he may act malevolently? All we want to do is to ensure that he will act in good faith. One of the ways in which one can ensure that is by compelling him to state to the person concerned of what malpractices that person is suspected. That is all that is involved here. All that we are asking is that the Minister for Agriculture should, by regulation, ensure that an innocent party is not prejudiced. When the smoke-room conversation on the other side has terminated, I will proceed.

How bad you are; clatter away.

The Deputy was not doing so badly for an hour this evening.

Deputy MacEntee to continue.

I am supposed to address you, Sir, in order that my words may reach the Minister. If the Minister is not prepared to listen to me, then I cannot see very much point in wasting the time of the House until the Minister is prepared to give attention and full consideration to what I am saying.

There is no sense in what the Deputy is saying.

There may not be. Some Deputies occupy a lot of time with senseless interruptions.

We are being constructive.

I really am in a very difficult position.

Go to the dogs.

The country is going to the dogs.

Deputy MacEntee, on the amendment.

Now that I have secured the attention of the Minister, I cannot conceive the reluctance of the Minister to give any consideration to his obligations as a member of the Government to ensure that the powers which he confers on this board are not being wrongfully used and that at least he will prescribe some procedure which will give some protection to the person who may own, train or be in some other way interested in a greyhound against a malicious accusation that he is guilty of some sort of wrong-doing in respect of greyhound racing or coursing. That is what we are asking the Minister to do by amendment No. 23.

I think it might be possible to bring Deputy MacEntee and the Minister together on the matter. I think that in a way we may possibly be talking about different things. It is recommended in the report that wide powers should be given to investigating officers for the purpose of putting down abuses. I think that recommendation is a very wise one, but, unfortunately, as the Bill is drafted, a great deal of power is being left in the hands of the body in respect of which the aforesaid report had an awful lot of derogatory statements to make. I am personally satisfied enough that the only way you can successfully make an investigation rapidly and on the spot is by doing it. You either do it or you do not.

Because of the feeling we have of the bad faith which might motivate the investigating officer notice should be served on the person that whatever steps had to be taken by the investigating officers have been taken and as soon as possible the person involved given an accurate idea of what he was being accused of. This whole thing goes to the root of the opposition that this Party has had to this whole Bill all along. That is to say, while carrying out the recommendations of the committee to the effect that wide powers should be given for investigation and so forth, we think they are being given to the wrong people. For that reason, we are afraid that the same bad faith which was proved on the part of the particular body time after time in investigations of this kind might arise, even after the passing of this Bill.

It is to that sort of thing we object, and, because of that, we feel that the Minister should certainly reserve to himself the right to make regulations, if he thought it advisable ever to make regulations, and not come down and pounce on the person on the spot which is the only possible way you would be able to put down abuses of a certain kind. It is after that has been done that we want to protect the individual against bad faith or the abuse, without bad faith, of the powers of a very wide nature we are giving to the investigating officer under the terms of this Bill.

I would even go so far as to say that it would be possible to incorporate all of the matters we are anxious to look after in the interest of the individual by adopting this sub-section. Instead of saying that all investigations under the section shall be carried out in accordance with the regulations made by the Minister, the Minister should have power to lay down regulations governing the procedure to be adopted by an investigating officer and leave it at that. That would not mean that a regulation should be made that he would have to go along——

Would Deputy Flanagan put down an amendment to that effect?

Will the Minister amend this?

I was extending the customary courtesy to Deputy Flanagan and suggesting that he put his idea down in the form of an amendment.

I am quite prepared to put down an amendment to that effect.

That settles the whole thing.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Question proposed: "That Section 44 stand part of the Bill."

If the Minister puts down an amendment reserving to himself the power to make regulations, then, I think, we will allow this to go through, because we can hold the Minister for Agriculture—not the present Minister, as he will not be long enough in office to enable us to do so—responsible to the House, if he fails to make regulations to protect the subject. That is all we are concerned to do. In view of that, I think we can allow it to go.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 45.

I move amendment No. 23:—

In sub-section (1), page 21, line 49, before "may" to insert "and having heard any person affected or having afforded such person an opportunity of being heard."

The Minister does not need me to enlarge on this as we have been over all the ground before in the previous sections. It simply reiterates our views that a person who is accused of a certain matter, or infringement of the regulations in the sections of this Act should have an opportunity of being heard by the board before he is disqualified.

I feel no doubt at all that the Minister will accept this very reasonable amendment. Some time ago, the Minister referred to reports by stipendiary stewards, and it was pointed out then that, when a stipendiary steward sends in his report to the stewards, if it is anticipated or considered possible that a trainer, a jockey or some such person will be warned off, the stewards send for all those interested parties. They send for other trainers, or other jockeys who may have taken part in the race, or any others who may have been involved in any indiscretion which may have arisen. In other words, this amendment simply asks that, before anyone is warned off or before the sentence is carried out, or before the stewards come to a decision to carry out a sentence of disqualification, the party involved shall be given an opportunity of defending himself in the same way as the judge says to the prisoner: "Has the prisoner anything to say before I pass sentence on him?"

I think the amendment as drafted goes somewhat further than the Deputy has in mind.

Yes, it is sweeping.

If the Deputy has in mind that where, after an investigation, the board decides to take action, then, before it takes action, it shall notify the individual against whom it proposes to take action, and give him reasonable time in which to make his representations to the board, I will accept that. But, as drafted, if there is any investigation, even if the board decides that no action is called for, they will be under an obligation to give everybody a hearing. I think what we should do is, that if there is what we will call a prima facie case against a person, the board would notify him and ask him if he has anything to say and give him a reasonable period in which to make his representations and forbear to take any action until that opportunity was afforded him.

I think that would cover the point. My amendment was not perfectly clear. Will the Minister put down an amendment on Report?

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 45 agreed to.
SECTION 46.
Question proposed: "That Section 46 stand part of the Bill."

This gives very wide powers of entry and inspection.

"An authorised officer may ... at all reasonable times enter on and inspect any greyhound racetrack,"—

we are not objecting to that—

"authorised coursing ground or place used for the public sale of greyhounds"—

there is objection to that—

"or the training of greyhounds for reward and may there require any person to give him any information which he may reasonably consider necessary for the purposes of the administration of this Act."

I do not think we could take any exception to giving an authorised officer power of entry and inspection on a greyhound racetrack or coursing ground, but it is quite a different matter to give him power of entry into a sale yard at any time. Of course, the section says "at all reasonable times" and possibly I am overstating it when I say "at any time". "... and there require any person to give him any information which he may reasonably consider necessary for the purposes of the administration of this Act." It then goes on to say that a person who

"(a) obstructs or impedes the exercise of any power conferred by this section,

(b) fails or refuses to give an authorised officer any information within his knowledge which the officer requires under this section, or

(c) in giving any such information, gives information which, to his knowledge, is false or misleading in any material particular,

shall be guilty of an offence and shall be liable on summary conviction to a fine not exceeding £20."

After all, a Garda cannot enter ordinary premises, unless he has a search warrant. Again, I am putting the point——

I am getting the point. If the Deputy would allow me——

Certainly.

On the whole, I do not think these powers are excessive. I am not trying to score off the Deputy at all, but inasmuch as the Deputy did not put down an amendment, I think he probably agreed with that view. I have not a closed mind on this and if the Deputy feels there is any qualification of these powers that is really urgently necessary, I will most sympathetically and carefully consider any proposal he has to make, but I would ask the Deputy to dwell on the fact that in respect of every power the authorised person is required to act reasonably and at reasonable times and for the reasonable purposes of the enforcement of the statute.

These tactics of the Minister endeavouring to fob off on Deputies in opposition his responsibilities and obligations are not good enough.

That is my proposal.

And what is the proposal? A Garda officer could not enter a sales yard. He could not enter a premises where greyhounds are kept without a search warrant——

If you do not give this power, you will cure nothing.

That is the ordinary law of the land and the Garda, at least, comes in uniform. A Garda is trained in investigation, but here we have an authorised officer, a private individual, who might possibly fake his credentials and authority, and he is entitled to enter the premises of a person carrying on his ordinary occupation.

Faking his credentials—surely not?

Certainly, he might. It might be some person who was not a genuine authorised officer. What we are doing is giving power of entry to a person who does not carry his authority on the surface as a Garda will—a Garda is in uniform nine times out of ten when he tries to enter a premises and he is armed with a search warrant and he has to be. He has to apply for this search warrant in due form, but under Section 46 the Minister proposes to allow any Tom, Dick or Harry appointed as an authorised officer by the greyhound industry board to enter at will.

I know, of course, there is the apparent safeguard of the phrase "at all reasonable times". I suppose that means that he will not enter your premises at 3 o'clock in the morning, but he may do it at 7.30 in the evening, particularly if you happen to be training greyhounds, or at any time between that and midnight. The Minister asks: why did I not put down an amendment? Because the section on the face of it is so bad that, unless the Minister indicated here, having heard the arguments, that he proposed drastically to amend it, there would be no purpose in putting down an amendment. What we did intend to do was to vote against the section because, as I have already said, it gives to an official of this board—which carries no responsibility to this House or to the people of this country except such as may precariously attach to the Minister—the right to enter the premises of a private citizen who is trying to earn his livelihood by carrying on a legitimate business.

I remember how vocal the Minister used to be about the rights of citizens. When we were putting through the Health Act which the Minister's Government are now operating, I remember how very vocal the Minister was about the rights of citizens. I recall how vocal he was when we were putting through an Education Bill. If the Almighty had given me the rhetorical powers the Minister has, the roof would be lifted off this Assembly. I know that Deputy Dillon, by his eloquence, would shake the walls of this chamber if we brought in a provision like this. We do not put down an amendment to this section because the section is so radically bad that, unless the Minister indicates that he proposes to amend it in such a way that it will ensure that, before a servant of this board tries to enter the premises of any private individual, he will arm himself with a search warrant similar to that necessary for a Garda, we will vote against the section. That is the way in which this section should be amended. I hope the Minister will be able to give serious consideration to an amendment to the section on the lines we have suggested.

Under Section 38, which has already been adopted by the Dáil, the board is charged with responsibility for the supervision of public sales of greyhounds, and there are laid upon the board a number of duties to ensure that such sales are properly conducted. That section was adopted by this House after protracted discussion. The means of giving effect to that section are set out in Section 46, which we are now considering. Under the section, an authorised official, and only an authorised official—who shall, as already explained to the House, correspond very closely to a stipendiary steward of the Racing Board—shall have, at all reasonable times, a right of entry to a place where public auctions of dogs are being conducted. That is the purpose of this section.

I meant that section to give him that power; I meant the authorised official, and only the authorised official—not a person carrying forged credentials, or any Tom, Dick or Harry, or any irresponsible person but an authorised official—to have that power. I meant to give him that right, at all reasonable times, to enter a greyhound racing track. I meant to give to an authorised official of the board the right, at all reasonable times, to enter on a place kept for the training of greyhounds for reward. I think he ought to have that power. Further I meant to ask the House to clothe an authorised official with the right, at all reasonable times, to require a person on any of the premises to which I have referred to give him any information that he may reasonably consider necessary for the administration of the Act.

There is nothing in this section which I consider excessive. As I have already told Deputies, I have not tried at any stage of our deliberations on this Bill to assume an adamantine or dictatorial attitude. If there is something in the section which causes any grave misgivings to any Deputy, I shall be glad to try and remove these misgivings. The customary courtesy of this House, certainly in the case of a Bill which has been under discussion for ten months, is that Deputies who have reservations about something in the Bill and who are interested in it would put down amendments indicating what they would like to have done.

If I find the words used in any such amendment ineffective to serve the purpose the particular Deputy had in mind, I will give him a draft of what I think is a better amendment. If that fails, I will listen to his argument. I may then say that I cannot do exactly what the Deputy wants but that I will go a certain distance with him, and will put down an amendment between now and Report Stage. However, I do not think there is anything in this section which gives rise to a reasonable misgiving. That, of course, is only my opinion. If there is, I invite the Deputy so concerned to put down an amendment and, if I cannot meet him, I shall endeavour to go very close to it.

I think the Minister is making too much play about the period of time this Bill has been before the House. We have come to this section on Committee Stage for the first time and therefore are having our first opportunity of discussing the section on its merits.

There are plenty of amendments put down to Sections 45 and 47.

I observe that. Deputy MacEntee said he thought this section was so bad that there was no point in putting down amendments to it. I think that is a reasonable point of view. Sub-section (2) of this section refers to a person who obstructs or impedes the exercise of any power conferred by the section. Who is to decide whether a person is obstructing or impeding the exercise of the powers conferred by the section?

The courts.

I think Deputy MacEntee is worried about it, because it is not clear that the authorised officer of the board is not alone the person who has that right.

How could you read such a meaning.

The authorised officer is apparently the only person who has the authority to give evidence on a point of obstructing or impeding.

If the Deputy were defending a client in the District Court would he ever allow the State to get away with that proposition?

I think that is the point that worries Deputy MacEntee. The only person who can say whether he has been impeded or obstructed is the authorised officer.

Surely the defendant can say he did not know.

I think that is the point that worries Deputy MacEntee. Of course I may be wrong.

If that is the anxiety, I do not think there is any amendment to the section necessary to allay that apprehension. I do not think there is, but, if you think there is, then put down an amendment.

I know that Deputy MacEntee is worried about the power of "ante" under this section and feels it is excessive. Definitely, the Minister does not.

He intended that that power should be given. The only thing we can do on that is to oppose. We feel it should not have been given and the Minister feels it should.

I should like to put a point to the Minister, I am doubtful about the constitutionality of this —I suppose the Dáil had better adjourn until this private conversation is concluded.

In Hungary the people overthrew their oppressors.

I should like to continue but the Dáil is being made a mockery of by the Minister.

Every time Deputy MacEntee goes and has tea he comes back here like a red-tailed bee.

I must protest against the display of ill-manners by the Minister here this evening. Whether we talk sense or nonsense, we are sent here as representatives of the people and, for good or for ill, the Minister is bound to listen to us.

That is unhappily true.

The Minister may take it either way. I am certain the Minister is unhappy. The shallow acceptance of the proposals in this Bill betrays an utter lack of responsibility on his part and a complete disregard of his obligations to the citizens. I am sure the Minister is unhappy. He has seen what the effects of these provisions are. For the first time, they have been brought to his notice. I am perfectly certain the Minister is disturbed in his own mind because the Minister has liberal antecedents. I do not think he was ever in the Blue Shirts.

That is irrelevant. Section 46.

I am coming to a point, now. The Minister has always professed to be concerned with the constitutional rights of the citizens. Deputy A. Barry has left the House with the report of the advisory committee tied to his tail. He signed it. The Minister set up the committee. But the committee certainly did not recommend to the Minister the powers which the Minister is seeking to confer upon officers, appointees, employees, of the board which he proposes to set up under the Act.

I was saying that, in this House on previous occasions, the Minister made a parade of his regard for the constitutional rights of the citizen. What does Article 40 of the Constitution provide? It provides that the dwelling of every citizen is inviolable. Let us see now what is involved in Section 46. The ménage of a private house may be used for the purpose of housing greyhounds. The trainer may kennel his dogs in buildings which are inseparable from his own private house, the place where he lives, his dwelling.

Under this section, the Minister is taking power, despite the declaration of the Constitution, to empower an officer of this board to enter the yard, say, attached to a dwelling in which, on one occasion or another, a public sale of greyhounds has taken place, or the yard or the garden or the outhouses in which greyhounds are kennelled under the jurisdiction of their trainer. It is a nice point for the courts to decide whether these premises are separate. In most cases, they will not be structurally separate and in most cases will be used for other purposes than kennelling greyhounds. However, they are part of the greyhound trainer's establishment and, despite the provisions of Article 40, despite the solemn proclamation that the dwelling of the citizen is inviolable, the Minister proposes to give the employee, the minion, of this greyhound industry board the right to enter without warrant, without, in fact, any authority beyond the pass or the badge which the person seeking entry may carry in his pocket. He can go in there without disclosing to the owner of the premises the purposes for which he seeks entry. There is not even that protection afforded to the citizen—not even the protection of compelling the authorised officer to inform the person into whose dwelling he proposes to force himself of the purpose for which entry is being sought.

That is what the Minister proposes in Section 46 of this Bill. I doubt if the Minister has really considered the matter. As I have said, this thing has been served up to him on a platter; it is put before the House and, while we are debating it, the Minister endeavours by gibes and sneers to create the impression that our opposition is not founded upon the fact that this Bill is one of the most oppressive measures ever introduced into this House and one of the most ill-conceived.

This is a Bill which flouts, in almost every particular, the findings of the advisory committee, which the Minister himself set up. He will not find in the report of the advisory committee any suggestion that such drastic and unqualified powers as are proposed should be given to any person in relation to the premises under private ownership. I think the Minister ought, even at this late hour, mend his hand in regard to that and try and give us some sort of guarantee that these powers will not be unnecessarily used and that, above all, the person whose premises it is sought to trespass upon will be told for what reason the visit is being paid.

The Deputy has repeatedly made the offensive and impudent suggestion that I do not carefully consider proposals which I bring before Dáil Eireann. I desire to place it on record that I regard Deputy MacEntee's suggestion to this end, as impudent and offensive. The Deputy has just had another cup of tea and returns inspired with his refreshment to say that this section confers on an authorised officer the right to break into a man's dwelling.

I did not say break in.

The Deputy did. The Deputy said it gave him a right to break into a man's dwelling. There is no power in this section to enter any man's dwelling unless it can be proved that he is training greyhounds in the parlour—and I do not know how any man could train greyhounds in a parlour—or if it can be proved he is conducting public auctions of greyhounds in the bedroom.

Where did they sell Tulyar?

Or if it can be proved that the kitchen is being used as a greyhound track.

Very funny.

Unless he is using his dwelling for one of these purposes, there is no power in an authorised officer to enter his dwelling, any more than there is in any citizen of the State. There is a power set out in this section to give an authorised officer the right to enter any place where public auctions of greyhounds are habitually held, where greyhounds are trained or raced. I meant to put those powers there. The Deputy was too lazy for the last ten months to put down any amendment to curtail those powers. He is now maintaining a studious policy of obstruction with his eye upon the clock. He is conducting that policy at the instigation of whom I do not know but I hope to find out, for it is at the instigation of somebody interested in greyhounds and that cannot be said of Deputy MacEntee until this Bill came to pass. At the instigation of somebody he has maintained what he described himself recently as bitter opposition, for the best part of ten months. It does not dismay me but it is important to get it on the records of this House that all the claptrap we have heard to-day, including the profound contribution from Deputy Burke of North Dublin——

Get back to the section.

——is all designed for obstruction. That does not alter the fact, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, although I experience some pangs of conscience in appearing to repeat myself, that if there is any reservation in the minds of any Deputy about Section 46 and if in the last ten months, having put down amendments to Section 45 and to Section 47, if by some extraordinary aberration he did not notice that there was a Section 46 in the Bill, he is welcome so far as I am concerned, and subject to your authority, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, to put down an amendment now. If we can meet it without irremediably weakening the Bill between this and the Report Stage, I shall be happy to do so.

One would think from the Minister's repeated remarks that this measure had been before the House for ten months. In actual fact it was not before the House on more than 15 working days of the House——

That is true, but it was sitting in the Deputy's pocket for the last ten months.

——spread over ten months. What does the Minister mean by stating that the Opposition is adopting obstructionist tactics?

Precisely what I say.

I resent that. I could be much better occupied, if it were not for the fact that I am deeply interested in the various sections of the Bill. On the point raised by the Minister as to why we did not put down amendments on certain sections, he might be interested to know that it was conveyed to me recently that it was doubtful if any more amendments would be allowed. If the members were to put down all the amendments which from time to time we have discussed and agreed they were reasonable, we would be here for the next two years. But, of course, we are aware that the Government will not be there for the next two years.

Get used to those benches; you are going to be sitting on them for a long time.

What is all this talk about, the sarcastic reference by the Minister as to whether we believe the sale of greyhounds could take place in bedrooms or in kitchens? Does the Minister recall where Tulyar was sold or Vimy bought? It was at the dead of night in this city and although I asked for details of the auctions——

This has nothing to do with Section 46.

Now the Minister is giving the power of entry and inspection to authorised officers to come along with more powers than the Gestapo had under Hitler. Do not have any doubt about that. The people who are oppressed by these sections will rise up. However, the Coalition Government have got so cocky that they have come to the conclusion that they will just ride roughshod over the populace because they know that, once they go, they will never be seen again.

We had that before.

As I have said on a previous occasion:—

"That's the wise thrush

He sings each song twice over

Lest you should think he never could recapture

The first fine careless rapture."

I repeat it now for Deputy O'Leary's benefit.

We are discussing Section 46.

I and my colleagues want to show the people of this country the tactics adopted by the Minister and we challenge the Minister that he may not have any interest in this Bill but there are vested interests, and very big backers of the Fine Gael Party, particularly, who are interested in this Bill.

Unless the Deputy speaks to the section he must resume his seat.

The Minister was heard to say that I had some form of private interest. I have no interest but to protect the private citizen. If I were to characterise the Minister's statement by the word which would properly describe him, I would be asked to leave the Chamber.

In the name of Providence, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, what is this except impudent disorder?

No, it is not. I am not going to allow the Minister to get away with that. The Minister has said we have been obstructing. The Minister has not given us one reasonable concession in relation to this Bill. If it is obstruction, what else is there on the parliamentary programme except this Bill?

Is this relevant?

If we were not debating this Bill, the Dáil would be adjourned.

This is not relevant to Section 46.

Neither was the Minister's allegation that we were obstructing Section 46. We have been debating the section in a reasonable way and, instead of getting up and answering our criticisms on the section, the Minister gets up and hurls the charge against us that we are obstructing. Obstructing what? Where is the business that has brought this House together?

The section before the House at the moment is Section 46 and Deputy MacEntee should address himself to it.

I agree with you, Sir, but it is very difficult. If Section 46 is the business before the House where was the relevancy in the Minister's dastardly allegation that I had some private interest in obstructing this Bill? I am not obstructing the Bill. I am criticising the Bill, but the Minister cannot stand criticism.

The Deputy is obstructing the Bill.

The Minister, with the arrogance which characterises his whole attitude, in public at any rate, thinks that, because he brings a Bill in here, we are to accept it on our bended knees and thank him for it. That is not our job. Our job is to examine it, to criticise it, and to try if we can to induce the Minister to give ear to our criticism and weight to what we are saying and to the suggestions which have been made by his advisory committee. The Minister mentioned that I went out. I went out to get a copy of the Constitution. I went out at six o'clock, four and a half hours ago, in order to facilitate the Minister and to try and keep him in good humour——

What has this to do with Section 46?

——and I suggested perhaps we could agree to adjourn the Dáil for a brief interval——

What has this to do with Section 46?

This has nothing to do with Section 46.

It seems to be just as relevant to the section under discussion as the fact that I had a cup of tea at 6 o'clock in the evening. The Minister has been holding that against me for the last three hours and a half. I am sorry he did not have his cup of tea because he might have been in better humour——

This is not relevant to Section 46.

I went out to get a copy of the Constitution. Article 40 guarantees that the dwelling-house of every citizen is inviolate. When I put it to the Minister that it might be a nice point of law to decide whether the dwelling-house of a greyhound trainer, whether the outhouses in which he kennelled the dogs he was training, was not part of his dwelling-house, the Minister got up and said "Oh, we are not suggesting that the trainer will train his dogs in his bedroom." Nobody suggested that. The Minister might have imagined that is where the greyhounds are trained. Performing fleas might be trained in some of the bedrooms we hear about.

Everybody knows where greyhounds are trained. The people who train them very often are agricultural labourers and others, and it would be very difficult, as I said, to differentiate between a building which would be properly an appurtenance to a dwelling-house and a building which would be used solely for the purposes of training greyhounds. Greyhounds are not trained in bedrooms, but they have to be kennelled somewhere and where they are kennelled is part of the trainer's establishment. Where they are kennelled might be very difficult to distinguish as a separate building distinct from the trainer's dwelling. It might be all part of the same premises. The Minister apparently does not know that.

He has been harping here about the Racing Board. He has professed on more than one occasion to know nothing about greyhound racing and yet he comes in here and legislates for conditions of which he has no knowledge, of which he is proud to parade his ignorance. We do not live on the same lofty plain as the Minister. We are not philosophic Liberals on this side of the House. We happen to be just down-to-earth, common citizens who know how the ordinary people of this country make a living, including the type of person whom you must often find training greyhounds. He does not belong to the aristocracy with which the Minister associates. He is just an ordinary plain Tom, Dick or Harry, a fellow who probably might, in a misguided moment, vote for the Minister—but he is not likely to vote for him at the next general election.

In any event, because we know the conditions under which these people carry on, we are saying to the Minister what in fact he is giving, in one case at least, the authorised officer of this Greyhound Industry Board the right to do is to enter what may be the dwelling of a private citizen, and if that private citizen happens to be a man in humble circumstances, trying to eke out a livelihood by training greyhounds, he has the same right of protection as the friends of the Minister who might have their dwellings in much more opulent circumstances. I think it is really an abuse of the procedure of the House to have the Minister come up here and, when he is faced with solid arguments against the section, to get up and treat them with the derision and scorn with which he treated them here this evening.

I was hoping that, after this failure which attended his efforts to steamroll this Bill through the House during the summer session, the Minister would come here and be prepared to listen to our arguments in an objective way. We are not suggesting that he would concede everything we would say, but at least what we have been saying has been well grounded and has been advanced here because there are sections in this Bill which, in our opinion, are repugnant to the Constitution and which, whether they are repugnant to the letter of the Constitution or not, are at least repugnant to all standards and criteria of fair play and justice.

These are the things which we tried to deal with on other sections. Having said that, the Minister can get his Section 46 if he likes, but there are some other stages of this Bill yet to be faced and, unless the Minister between now and the Report Stage brings in an amendment which will at least meet the point of view of the Opposition, he is not going to get very much further with this Bill.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 47.

I move amendment No. 23 (h):—

In sub-section (1), line 31, before "by" to insert "having heard any person affected, or having afforded such person an opportunity of being heard".

The adoption of the amendment would mean that sub-section (1) of Section 47 would read as follows:—

"The board, with the consent of the club, or the club, with the consent of the board, having heard any person affected, or having afforded such person an opportunity of being heard, may ..."

Yes. I will meet the Deputy on that.

Thank you.

I will accept that or draftsman's words, that is to say, if the Deputy will withdraw the amendment, I will introduce something on Report Stage to reproduce what he has in mind.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

I move amendment No. 23 (i):—

In sub-section (1), line 33, after "following" to insert "for a period not exceeding three years".

I put down what I consider a reasonable period. If there were not a limit on the period a person could be warned off for life. An exclusion order could be made against him in respect of any greyhound track, coursing meeting or sales. I would suggest that the Minister should insert a period, be it three years or five years. There should be some limit. It would be very harsh that a person could be warned off for life for one misdemeanour. There are degrees of seriousness of offences. In the law courts the sentence may be life, ten years or three years or any period. I suggest to the Minister that he should put down some limit.

Does not the Deputy think it a better thing to provide, as is provided in sub-section (2), that the board may revoke? If we put in three years or, indeed, any period, it may work hardship on people in respect of whom no one would contemplate a protracted suspension. My feeling is that the Deputy's amendment, instead of making the section more favourable to minor delinquents, might in fact have the effect of making it more harsh and, if you mention three years, that that would come to be the sort of minimum.

I cannot follow that line of argument.

Is it that the Deputy feels that, no matter what the offence is, there ought to be an absolute prohibition on life suspension?

Yes, I think so.

Or that in no circumstances ought a warning off be for more than three years?

This amendment was put down two days ago. The Minister very kindly indicated an hour ago on another amendment that he appreciated what I had in mind. I am quite satisfied that he does so in respect of this amendment. I agree that an offence could be of such a nature as to merit life suspension but I submit that there should be a limit in respect of other offences. I would suggest that the Minister should examine the matter between now and Report Stage.

How will I prescribe a limit if the Deputy has agreed with me that circumstances might conceivably arise in which the board ought to warn off a trainer or an owner or somebody for life? If we put in an absolute limit, we preclude the board from ever doing that in any circumstances. I think the section is better as it stands but, if the Deputy chooses to put an amendment down again, I will have it further examined but I suggest to the Deputy that he would consider the point I am making to him, that is, that, in fact, the section as it stands is, if anything less rigid and severe than it would be if we accept the amendment.

I would point out to the Minister that under the Bill, after five years, there might be an entirely new board, with the exception of the chairman and that there is the possibility that every year or every second year, by popular vote of the Irish Coursing Club, someone on the board could be deposed or put off and then a case might come up for revision. The Minister says that the board has the power to revoke such an exclusion order. Agreed. The exclusion order might come up for review when the nucleus of the board might be entirely different. It is most unlikely that the board will warn off anyone for life because, in my submission, a matter of such a serious nature as to merit that course would warrant State interference prior to that. The Minister will appreciate my point. If a crime were committed, it is not the board that would hold an inquiry. The State would take action. Take a case of a man defrauding the public in bets or a man winning a race with a substituted dog. That is not the sort of thing that the board is set up to deal with. It is to deal with suspected cases. If there were a case of robbery and fraud that came before the notice of the State the Guards would intervene very quickly and would not wait for the club or board to hold an inquiry.

I am bound to say that I do not think we ought to put a limit on the period of suspension.

Take the case of a first offender.

Put down something and I will consider it, but I am not binding myself now to accept it.

Thank you.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

I move amendment No. 23 (j):—

In sub-section (3), line 39, before "revoke" to insert "and with the consent of the board".

The Minister will notice that I did not suggest the insertion of the words in sub-section (2). Sub-sections (2) and (3) are similarly worded:—

"(2) The board may, after consultation with the club, revoke any exclusion order made by the board.

"(3) The club may, after consultation with the board, revoke any exclusion order made by the club."

I do not want to give the power to the club——

Without the consent of the board?

Without the consent of the board, yes.

Very well.

Thank you.

Is the amendment agreed to?

Would you let me, just for reasons of draftsmanship, put in an amendment to give effect to that, if the Deputy will withdraw it?

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Question proposed: "That Section 47 stand part of the Bill."

I should like to direct the attention of the House, for the record, to the fact that in the last three minutes I have met the Opposition in respect of three amendments.

Comparatively trivial but we are grateful. We are grateful for the generosity which the Minister parades before the Dáil.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 48.

I move amendment No. 24:—

Before sub-section (2), to insert the following new sub-section:—

(2) Where regulations under sub-section (1) of this section fix, in relation to a greyhound racetrack or part thereof, maximum charges in respect of bookmakers carrying on their business which are more than five times the maximum charges fixed in relation to the track or part, by the regulations (or by other regulations for the time being in force) in respect of persons who are not such bookmakers, the regulations shall require the consent of the Minister.

This amendment is designed to enable me to satisfy myself that the board will not prescribe admission charges for bookmakers higher than five times the admission charges for the ordinary public unless it is fully necessary. If the board does not take any action under Section 48 of the Bill, which gives it the power to fix charges, the entry charge for bookmakers to every track is a matter of negotiation and arrangement between bookmakers and the track management because under Section 48 the board "may by regulations" do certain things. If it does not make regulations then the status quo, whatever it is, continues to operate but if the board decides, in respect of any track, to regulate the entrance fee for bookmakers they cannot fix an entrance fee for bookmakers in excess of five times the fee charged to the public for entrance on the course without express sanction from the Minister for Agriculture.

If this amendment is adopted these alternatives are available in respect of charges to be made to bookmakers hereafter: (1) the board may declare itself disinterested, in which event bookmakers and course management can make any arrangement which is mutually acceptable; (2) the board may declare itself interested and say to the track management: "You may not charge more than five times the admission charge levied on the public in respect of a bookmaker." In either of these two contingencies the Minister does not come in at all, but supposing there is a country track, a rural track or a track anywhere where, in the judgment of the board, it is fair and equitable that, in all the circumstances, the track management should be allowed to charge the bookmakers more than five times the charge levied on the public, they may authorise a charge in excess of five times the basic admission charge. However, such an order has no effect until it has been submitted to the Minister for Agriculture and approved by him.

To the best of my knowledge and belief, that is the most equitable way of disposing of this difficult question of bookmakers' entrance fees while at the same time ensuring that you may not place upon small tracks an impossible burden by precluding them from charging more than five times the basic charge. I understand in respect of certain tracks bookmakers would prefer that the board would disinterest themselves altogether and allow the local bookmakers' association and the race track management to make an equitable arrangement suitable to both, but the inclusion of this amendment provides, I think, against every possible contingency and for that reason I recommend it to the Dáil.

The House may wish to take amendments Nos. 24, 25 (a), 26 and 28 (a) together.

Yes, we agree.

Decisions can be taken on amendments Nos. 24 and 30 if necessary.

Amendment No. 26 will not be moved.

I understand amendment No. 25 will not be moved. It has been retabled as No. 25 (a).

Is it textually the same?

Is it agreed that amendments Nos. 24, 25 (a), 26 and 28 (a) will be taken together?

There is no No. 26.

No. 26 is on the amendment sheet.

Amendment No. 26 will not be moved. That is correct.

No. 28 (a), is that the same?

It is the same as the old No. 28.

These three amendments, Nos. 24, 25 (a) and 28 (a) are to be taken together, and No. 30 also, by agreement, because amendment No. 30 also limits maximum charges for admission to coursing meetings. It is a ministerial amendment.

That is slightly different. That relates to persons who are not bookmakers. It relates to coursing meetings. Very well, we shall take them together, coursing meetings and tracks.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m., until 10.30 a.m. on Wednesday, 31st October, 1956.
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