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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 15 Apr 1959

Vol. 174 No. 3

Committee on Finance. - Vote 26—Office of the Minister for Justice (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:—
That a sum not exceeding £67,800 be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1960, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Minister for Justice, including certain other Services administered by that Office.—(Minister for Justice.)

When I moved to report progress on the last occasion, I was speaking of the desirability of providing some facilities for psychiatric examination of children on remand in the Marlborough House Place of Detention. There are facilities available in the City of Dublin at present, in that there is a Child Guidance Clinic, which is run, I think, by voluntary effort and which would be readily made available to the Minister, if he would give the necessary direction. There is the difficulty that, while he is responsible for committing the children to Marlborough House, the Minister for Education is responsible for the internal administration. It would be legitimate for the Minister for Justice to express his interest in this matter, in that the Place of Detention serves only as a place where children are sent or should be sent while their circumstances and background are being investigated, so that when the District Justice comes finally to dispose of the charges laid against the child, he may be furnished with all available information.

I do not think the District Justice can be deemed to have all requisite information properly to dispose of the future of a child of tender years, unless he has the benefit of a report on the general psychological condition of the child and, what may be even more important, of the family background of the child, with the possible difficulties obtaining there which might seriously affect the conduct of the child.

I instance, for the Minister's information, a case recently referred to in a publication dealing with this matter. It was the case of a child who appeared to be wholly uncontrollable and who repeatedly fell into the hands of the police. I think this case occurred in Gt. Britain. The child was charged with breaking and entering and nobody seemed to be able to reconcile this long tale of crime with the tender years of the child, who was 13 or 14 years of age. I think that suitable psychiatric investigation revealed that the child was suffering from a very easily recognisable and well established case of claustrophobia and was reacting in this peculiar way to that condition. In the case of any mature person, that factor would come readily to light and due regard would have been had to it when his responsibility for any collision with the law was being investigated by a court of competent jurisdiction, whereas this child was a person of tender years and quite unable to explain himself or his feelings to a police court. It required skilled investigation by a sympathetic person who was trained to conduct it, in order to establish the true cause of his conduct.

Everybody expresses sympathy with the necessity for a reform of this kind and the Minister himself speaks of his desire to promote penal reform. He speaks also of the difficulty he has in doing so, owing to the happy fact that there are so few persons in prison in Ireland. Here is a scope for reform which is urgently necessary. It is perfectly easy to undertake and it is one to which I would most strongly urge the Minister to devote his mind.

I want to refer to another matter, mentioned by the Minister in his opening statement. He was referring to deaths on the roads. His sole contribution to the solution of that problem was to say that he hoped people would behave themselves better in the future. I am no expert in this matter, but from the ordinary commonsense observation of the activities of my fellow men, I believe that if we could eliminate drunken driving we would reduce deaths on the road by about 50 per cent. When I speak of drunken driving, I do not mean driving by a man who is unable to stand upright, because that kind of man is usually very little danger to himself or to anybody else. For one thing, he is hardly able to get into a car and if he does, he is not able to start it; and if he does succeed in starting it he does not go far.

The great danger is the man who thinks he is not drunk, but in fact is. He is the man who believes that his powers of observation and management of a car are greatly stimulated by having half a dozen drinks and then one for the road. The truth of it is that if you could persuade people in that state of mind to leave their cars behind them and go home by bus, it would be far better for everybody.

I do not minimise the difficulty of dealing with that situation. I think the ideal is to establish the principle that if a man is driving a car, he should not drink alcohol. If he wants to go to a party in a car, one member of the company ought to impose upon himself the self-denying ordinance of abstaining from alcohol. The person who is in charge of a car ought to refrain from taking alcohol and, as far as I know, there is no other way of preventing—of readily preventing— the very large percentage of the accidents, fatal and otherwise, which are at present so grave a cause of anxiety to everybody.

Of course, it is true even if you abolish 50 per cent. of these accidents by the observance of restraint of this character, there would still remain the other 50 per cent. but, doubtless, these can be curtailed by better road manners, by a greater readiness to consider the other users of the road, by driving at a more reasonable rate and by observing the various precepts which the Minister for Local Government and other interested parties offer for the guidance of motorists. However, I believe the principal remedy which would yield the largest and most immediate return would be measures to ensure that a person who drives a motor car abstains from the consumption of alcohol until his driving days are done.

I fully appreciate that in the administration of prisons, the Borstal and other places of detention, one has to guard against the unwarranted intrusion of well-intentioned but mischievous persons whose activities are calculated to create nothing but confusion and difficulty in highly specialised institutions of that kind. At the same time, I think the Minister should exercise a very wise discretion and, if there are persons who are genuinely interested in penal reform, who are in good faith, and are not seeking to wander in and out of prisons for the purpose of giving trouble, and they apply to him for permission to visit prisons and penal institutions, he should make that permission available.

I remember that not long after I became a member of this House, it occurred to me if we were legislating to lock people up in jail—as it was our duty to do—one essential preliminary to undertaking that was to see what jail was like. A great many of my colleagues had spent some time in jail and they had not to undertake that pious pilgrimage. I had not, and I conceived it my duty to visit prisons. I think at that time Deputy Boland was Minister for Justice and he made no difficulty about giving facilities to me in visiting Limerick Prison, Cork Prison and the penal servitude institution in Mountjoy. I think it was a good thing for any legislator to do. I think, before you start legislating to lock up your fellow men, it is no harm to go and see the circumstances which will surround them if they fall foul of the law.

But, apart from Deputies and members of Seanad Éireann, there are certain well-intentioned and prudent people in our community who are interested in the general question of penal reform and, if they ask permission of the Minister, I think it is worth taking some risk in leaning towards the direction of making penal institutions open for the inspection of such persons rather than to adopt too conservative an attitude and say: "Look, we have prison visitors; we have the officers of the Department of Justice and the prison officers themselves, and these are quite enough." I do not think it is and it would be a pity if, through some oversight of that kind, we got the reputation of showing any reluctance to throwing open these institutions for prudent inspection by prudent people who were bona fide in their application to the Minister for Justice.

The last matter I want to refer to is something I find rather painful to mention at all. It is one of these things about which one always finds oneself in a difficulty. If you do not mention it, you are liable to be charged with failing in your duty and yet, if you do mention it, you have the queer feeling you may be doing an injustice. On balance I think the best way to stamp out a prairie fire—if it can be stamped out—is to describe the source of the smoke the moment you see it. If there is fire at the bottom of it, then it is well that fire should be displayed for public view. If there is not, then the Minister is in a position to correct any degree of public malaise that may exist. I want to tell the Minister that rumours are reaching me that a practice is growing up of members of his Party making representations to the Garda for the purpose of deterring them from launching prosecutions against their political supporters in rural Ireland. I think that is a very undesirable thing.

It is perfectly legitimate for a member of this House to remit to the Minister any application he may receive for the exercise of clemency. I am not at all sure that it might not be a good thing, where such clemency is exercised on the representation of a member of this House, that the fact that he made such representation should be made known on the occasion of the exercising of the clemency. If he has no reason to be ashamed of these representations, then he ought not be the least reluctant to let it be known that the application for clemency was made at his instance, and on foot of the local knowledge he claimed to have, and submitted to the Minister. But, in no circumstances does it seem to me proper to justify efforts on the part of any member of this House to deter the Garda from doing their duty and dealing with every citizen of the State on the basis of strict equality.

There may be cases in which the Garda, having full knowledge of local circumstances, may refrain from prosecution where it might appear prosecution would be justified. If they do that on their own responsibility, then they can answer to the Garda authorities for any dereliction of duty that may be subsequently alleged against them, but it would be a wholly shocking thing if the belief were widespread that the Garda were influenced in the discharge of their duty by pressure brought to bear upon them by people in the public life of the country. This is a matter into which the Minister might with advantage inquire and take an early opportunity of making an authoritative statement.

I think also, where he is moved to exercising the prerogative of remitting sentences on the representation of members of this House or of the Seanad, he might very well consider, at the time of making the remission, stating that amongst other representations for clemency regarding this case, he had received them from so-and-so, naming the Deputies or Senators who had made the representation. I am continually making representations—I do not know whether to the Minister or the Revenue Commissioners. My constituents are much given to smuggling. They all protest they were not smuggling, and give me long descriptions of how they were merely travelling from one place to another with anything from a pair of silk stockings to a pound of butter, that they were cruelly set upon by the Revenue Commissioners and savagely penalised, I need hardly say always unjustly.

I always send these representations forward, I think to the Revenue Commissioners. I am sure some of them found their way into the hands of the Minister for Justice. I very rarely have any success whatever in making my representations prevail, but if the Minister does show clemency in respect of any of these cases, I should be most happy if he proclaimed the fact that the clemency was exercised at my instance. I shall experience no embarrassment whatever in having my name associated with any appeal for clemency which I have made.

I know the answer I would get if I went to an officer of the Revenue Commissioners and tried to stop him from levying a fine on one of my constituents or from seizing property which he considered it to be his duty to seize. He would quite properly tell me to go mind my own business and that if I persisted in any such attempt, he would take steps to make me criminally answerable. That is perfectly right. The proper place for me to make representation is to the responsible Minister or the Revenue Commissoiners, as may be appropriate.

My difficulty lies in hearing what I have reported to the House. The Minister should take steps to correct that impression if it be false. I remember the last time I was discussing this Estimate Deputy Russell said that the Minister must get weary listening to one Deputy repeating substantially what the previous Deputy has said. Here I suggest to Deputy Russell that no Deputy should feel that embarrassment. He does the Minister less than justice if he does not faithfully repeat what another Deputy has said. If in his personal knowledge the facts are as the previous Deputy reported them, then the Deputy, like any other Deputy who has experience or has heard this rumour, tells the Minister. If the matter requires investigation and correction, let such investigation and correction be made; if it does not, the Minister will so say and in the absence of any further evidence I am sure all of us would be very happy to accept the Minister's reassurance.

I wish to pay tribute to the Minister and his Department for the manner in which they carry out their very difficult task. The Minister and his Department are not, like other Departments, in a position to make themselves popular by giving various grants. In 99 cases out of 100 their answer must be "No".

In the course of the debate Deputies have referred to the parole of prisoners. In regard to St. Patrick's— the Borstal Institute—I feel the Minister should have taken the Press into his confidence and we would not have had an occurrence such as we had this week. I am referring to a photograph of the entrance to Mountjoy Jail which appeared in a newspaper during the week and under which it was stated that this was where the Borstal Boys enter. I do not blame the writer, but it is not a fact. There is a separate entrance for the boys in St. Patrick's and there is no contact whatever with Mountjoy. There is a separate visiting Board and a whole time chaplain, appointed by the Archbishop, to take a special interest in the boys and to be with them each day.

In my time as Minister, parole was given to boys for good conduct. They were allowed out to the pictures and other amusements. Football and boxing teams were organised. They did not compete under the title of the Borstal Institution. I shall not give the title because people might point them out. We tried to remove the stigma. I should like Deputies to see the offices there where the tables and various other furniture have been made by the boys. The Minister has probably received letters such as I received thanking the Governor and those in charge for placing the boys in very good positions. When a boy left after three years, the Governor recommended him, not as coming from the Borstal, but as having three years' practical experience of a trade.

During my period there was only one case of a paroled boy not coming forward at the proper time. He gave a very reasonable excuse. At that time the Borstal was in Clonmel and the majority of the boys came from Dublin. It was three months since this boy had seen his parents. They were poor people and were unable to pay the fare down to Clonmel. The remainder of the boys were afraid that we would withdraw the concession, but we did not. The boys have amusements in the winter time. It is not punishment; it is reform to make them good citizens. I only wish some of the District Justices would see for themselves, as the Minister and I have done. We did not condemn the boys because we are all liable to make mistakes. If the Department brought in the Press and gave them an account of the work done, we would not have Deputies making complaints such as were made during this debate. That work is not generally known because the Department has to carry on without any publicity.

I am very glad that the internees have been released. I have never been in favour of internment. I had some difficulty in my time when I had these young men brought before the District Justices in the ordinary Courts. Some Justices said they had no power. Others made political speeches. But we always resolutely refused to allow ourselves to be stampeded by the Press into taking any action other than having those young men tried by the ordinary Courts.

I am glad these internees have been released. I am glad that their jobs are there for them and that they are not being compelled to comply with certain conditions. If people are deprived of their livelihoods they will naturally turn their attention in other directions. I had personal experience of a man who took an active part in a certain organisation some years ago; he told me that if he were deprived of his job he would have no alternative but to go back and join the boys again and either rob or get a living in some other way. Certain people appealed to his employer to forget about the past and to trust this particular individual for the future; that employer has never had any regrets. That man today is in a very good job and he is a very good citizen.

We had certain difficulties. We had to overcome them. The Minister has not had quite the same problem to solve. We had the Press—even the Irish Press—taking advantage of the situation for their own political purposes. I sincerely hope the Minister is correct in forecasting that this foolish behaviour has ceased. Perhaps we are to some extent to blame, for it has been our ambition to maintain the status quo. We should remember now that we have great numbers of our own people working in Britain today and it is through them that we can best bring home the injustice of Partition. Ireland never got any sympathy from a Labour Government in Britain. The deception practised should be explained to every Irish man and woman working in England today. Remember, all these are potential electors. That is the constitutional approach to the abolition of Partition.

Some Deputies have referred to the necessity for driving tests. They seem to think driving tests will cure the present abuses. Recently I read in the Press of a case where an appeal was taken from a sentence imposed on an individual who killed two young girls; the judge held that the sentence imposed was too severe and he reduced it to three years—2½ years when remission for good conduct is taken into account. Roughly, that means 15 months for each death. That is no deterrent where the drunken driver is concerned. Deputies who advocate driving tests should get some statistics from an organisation which insists on driving tests. Many of those who underwent such tests are serving sentences at the moment for various driving offences. Tests are not the remedy. What we want is careful and considerate driving on our roads. There should be a speed limit in all built-up areas. Why people should be allowed to drive at 60 or 70 miles per hour in built-up areas is something that passes my comprehension.

A number of murders have unfortunately occurred. I have every confidence in the Garda, but I think altogether too much publicity has been given to the steps taken by them in an effort to solve these crimes. The Garda may not arrest on suspicion. They must have proof, proof which will stand up in a Court of Justice. We had all the publicity about a bicycle lamp in one murder. After some weeks the lamp was found. People thought it was an important clue, but nothing happened. On another occasion publicity was given to the fact that our police were going to England to interview certain people. Again, this was advance information which might easily put certain individuals on their guard. There was a broadcast looking for an itinerant. If there was less publicity the Garda might find themselves in a better position to cope with the situation. After all, a murderer is not going to give himself away.

With regard to the robberies in an around Dublin, I am convinced that these are the work of a gang and that they are directed by experts who have come in here from elsewhere. The ringleader may appear to be a perfectly innocent, normal citizen walking around Dublin. There must be a distributing centre for all this jewellery and other valuable property taken. It would, of course, help the authorities considerably if people would notify the Garda that their houses will be vacant for certain periods thereby enabling the Garda to keep an eye on these places. There is no use in their coming to the Garda a week or a fortnight afterwards and telling them that, while they were away on holiday, valuables were stolen.

I suggest that since the Minister has very experienced men in the Special Branch, he should transfer some of them to assist the men at present engaged in the detection of robberies. Robberies are bound to occur when there is so much unemployment and the world is so unsettled. There are always people who will take advantage of a crisis to achieve their own ends without work. It gives them an excuse. I am sure the planes and boats at the various termini are kept under observation for "smart boys" who might come across from abroad to join a gang here to carry on pilfering. Many people believe that the men not now engaged on the political side would be able to give some valuable assistance in capturing criminals.

I want to compliment the Minister on the manner in which he is doing a very difficult job. I also compliment his staff. They are not heartless. Every day the Minister and his officials must do the best they can, when they have to weigh in the balance the desire to give relief to prisoners on the one side and protect the State on the other. These are problems which the public are not usually aware of, but I know the Minister and his Department would like to say "yes" in cases where, having regard to their confidential information, they feel bound to say "no". Deputies may accept it that if the Minister is in a position to say "yes", he is only too pleased to do so.

My only regret is that the Minister is not able to give the House a more pleasant report about the matters with which he is concerned. I am sure he feels—as does everybody else—that something must be done to improve the present position in regard to robberies and other crimes. To that end, there must be co-operation by the people. I do not say that the Minister or the Garda will get co-operation in a murder case. The people may not be aware of it and quite often the Garda are put off the track by getting wrong information from people who think they are helping.

I would ask the Minister and the Department to give greater publicity to the magnificent work being done in regard to reformatory activities. Parents should know that the authorities are not against parole and that they can come up and see the children in the homes. Deputies will be glad to hear that the boys have all these amusements and recreations, as well as the opportunity to learn a trade, and that there is no punishment. Punishment only begets crime and we are trying to reform these children and show them that the State is not against them. We want to make them good citizens. I feel that in that way we should be able to do some good work and continue the good work being done already.

I have much sympathy for the Minister when he is not able to give a more favourable report, but it must be remembered that those who commit robberies do not give notice in advance. The Garda cannot be expected to watch every house in Dublin at a particular time. I think the Minister may be assured that the people have every confidence in the Garda. I am delighted to see that in rural areas the Garda are taking an interest in the local social life and are friendly with the people. The people realise the Garda are their protectors and not merely men who are concerned with the punishment of crime. Naturally, the Garda must have the support of the people against the criminals and those who create disturbances by attacking neighbours, firing shots into houses and so on. The Garda are worthy of our encouragement and help and the people should remember that they are Irishmen carrying out their work for an Irish Government.

My chief reason for speaking is to express disapproval of the reduction in numbers of Civic Guards in villages throughout the country. I expressed this view before when I asked the Minister for Justice why the strength of the Inchigeela station was being reduced from five Gardaí to one. I would not object to a reasonable reduction, but I consider a reduction from five to one altogether too much. One Garda in a station is totally ineffective. The Minister previously said he was quite satisfied with the present arrangement, but I can assure him that nobody else in that area is satisfied. We all know the arrangement: the patrol car in which the Gardaí swoop down into the village at night to see what is going on. These Guards are not looked upon in the same light as the men living among the people; they are not as likely to get information from residents when a crime is committed as Guards who are stationed and living in the area.

I consider it very unwise to substitute the patrol car for the Garda station. Two or three Guards with their wives and families in a village or town help in a small way to maintain the social standard of the area and retard the decline in population. When Guards are on patrol, they use cars and petrol which are foreign products and they are not looked upon as friends of the people to the same extent as the local Guards. I should say that is largely responsible for the large number of crimes remaining undetected through the country. We have had numerous robberies, all undetected, because the Guards had not even a clue as to who committed these offences.

Under the old system, the Guards were at one with the people and could immediately put their finger on the wanted man or at least suspect the criminal in a very short time. I would ask the Minister to consider that aspect of the situation seriously and have the Garda stations properly manned by having at least two or three Guards in even the smallest station. If he wants to economise, he can have an overall reduction of 20 per cent. or 30 per cent., but to single out some areas and practically close down the Garda stations is altogether wrong.

Another point which I should like to bring to the Minister's notice—I did not hear any other public men mention it—is the appointment of peace commissioners. A certain amount of honour is attached to the office of peace commissioner. I do not know what qualification are necessary for appointment. Perhaps when Fine Gael are in power, one should be a member of the Fine Gael Party and, when Fianna Fáil are in power, one should be a member of the Fianna Fáil Party.

Bring Fianna Fáil into it first, anyway.

If we are to honour the position at all, when a peace commissioner dies, his son should be appointed in his place. That would show honour and respect for both the dead and the living. It shows great dishonour to the living if the son of a peace commissioner is not appointed to the post when his father dies. It casts a reflection on the family if the son is not considered suitable to succeed his father in an officer of that kind.

It is a small thing, I agree, but small things in rural areas are looked upon in a big way, and if the people see that small things are not honourably and justly dealt with they will have little faith that the larger things will be done in the right and proper fashion. Really, many small things are big things in the end. I hope in future that the sons of respectable men will get their due reward in that regard.

I am glad the Curragh internment camp has been closed and that many young men have been released. I should like very much that these young men should not be victimised in any way, but rather, that they should be helped to get employment in this country, because if they are forced to emigrate, there will be very little welcome for them in any other country. They are Irishmen, and I feel that as Irishmen they should get every consideration from the Government, from the local authorities and from any other public body in securing the necessary employment—whatever employment they are suitable for and which will keep them busy and occupied and enable those of them who have wives and families to support them.

I am sure that Deputies of all Parties have been somewhat disturbed by the report in the Minister's statement when introducing this Vote of the general upward trend of crime. I refer to indictable crimes which reached the alarming total last year of 16,567 and showed a substantially disturbing increase of 2,530 over 1957. This represents an increase of 18 per cent. in the number of indictable crimes recorded by the authorities during the year under review. The total is made up of several categories, all of which are listed as crimes.

There is one category which may appear to be of no great importance, but which is becoming a rather serious menace in itself. I refer to the theft of pedal cycles, which shows an increase of over 1,000. That increase in itself for one year might not be regarded as too serious, were it not for the fact that in the previous two or three years there was an increase of 800. The time has arrived when drastic action will have to be taken to put this form of crime on the wane.

The theft of pedal cycles is something that might, in itself, appear not to be too serious, but in cities, towns and the bigger centres of population, where many people have to depend on the use of their pedal cycles to take them about their business, thefts of that kind are a serious offence. It is not the amount of financial loss incurred by the owner if the article is not recovered but it is the grave inconvenience caused to him during the period in which the cycle is missing or, for that matter, if the cycle does not turn up at all.

I have paid some attention to the hearing of these cases in the district courts, and the district justices, with very few exceptions, do not appear to me to be inflicting sentences of sufficient severity to discourage this type of offence. Generally speaking, I have noticed that very plausible excuses are put forward by the offenders, and so it generally happens that the justice dealing with the case is inclined to inflict a nominal fine or, where a more severe punishment is required, some type of suspensory sentence. I hope the Minister will, if it is within his power, communicate to the district justices, through the usual channels, the views of Deputies who spoke on this subject, and that they will take the more serious view we expect them to take in that connection.

In the course of his statement the Minister referred to the petitions presented to him during the year with a view to getting a remission of sentence in the case of drunken drivers. I am amazed to learn that there should be such a large number of petitions in this category put forward for his consideration. In dealing with this Vote last year, the Minister went out of his way to make his attitude clear in this regard and one would not now expect petitions of that kind to be coming forward for consideration.

I know, of course, that in the case of every conviction on a charge of drunken driving, the person concerned is usually well able to make a very good case as to why the sentence imposed on him is harsh or, should I say, overharsh in the circumstances. In the hearing of these cases, district justices are, if anything, in my opinion, over considerate to the persons charged. When a Justice imposes a sentence of imprisonment on a drunken driver or revokes his licence, he does not do so lightly. Many serious accidents, bringing about loss of life, are caused by drunken drivers and everybody deplores the large number of fatal accidents taking place every year. Most people, I am sure, are satisfied that the drivers concerned are very often under the influence of drink and thereby responsible for an accident without any reasonable excuse.

It is time that representations to the Minister in this connection, particularly from Deputies, were stopped. If people who are affected in this way believe there are any extenuating circumstances they can get their solicitor or other legal representative to make a case for them to the Minister. A person is entitled to approach the Minister in that way, but making representations through Deputies in these cases attaches too much importance to them and causes a certain amount of difficulty for the Minister. It may be rather serious for a Deputy to suggest that that type of case should be out of bounds as regards representation, but sooner or later the Minister will have to tell the House that he can no longer see his way to receive such representations from Deputies no matter to what Party they belong. The public is entitled to the maximum consideration and protection in such instances. I entirely agree with the Minister's attitude. He has made it clear on more than one occasion that he will refuse to consider these applications favourably and it is not too much to hope that we have seen the last of the line of approach to which I have referred.

The Minister, in the course of his statement, dealt with a number of unsolved murders which have been causing a good deal of public concern in recent months. I am glad the Minister indicated he was satisfied that the fact these murders were unsolved was in no way due to a lack of efficiency on the part of the police. Some people are inclined to believe that the very good record the police have had in solving these major crimes has not been maintained but it should be realised that the circumstances differ in every single case of this nature. I am perfectly satisfied from what I know in this regard that the police have taken all possible steps to bring about detection.

The co-operation of the public can be very valuable in cases of this kind. I should be careful not to say anything which might indicate that the public was not co-operating. I am inclined, however, to think there is a slight lack of co-operation on the part of the public in this connection. In the detection of crime the police have no supernatural power of detection and unless they secure the co-operation of the ordinary man in the street their efforts cannot be expected to be 100 per cent. successful. The people generally are in a state of tension in relation to murders which have been committed, some of which took place several months ago and for which there have been no arrests so far. I am glad to note from the Minister's report that special efforts are still being made and will continue to be made to solve the three outstanding murder cases referred to. I do hope that in a short time the efforts of the police will be crowned with success.

In his reference to the Garda Síochána, the Minister gave the present strength of the Force as 6,479, which is 1,000 less than it was ten years ago. The Minister has told us that during the year 1958, 400 recruits were admitted to the Force. As regards the proposed closing of a number of rural stations I am obliged to agree with those Deputies who disapprove of this policy. I am in entire agreement that a slight reduction could be made in some areas where it is possible to administer the affairs of a district with a man less than was normally there. The policy, however, of reducing the number to just one man in a station is not a good one.

The people generally are law abiding and the relations existing between them and the police are very happy. We cannot depend on a complete observance of the law and the best way to ensure a satisfactory degree of compliance is to have the officers of the law available on the spot to influence the people in observing it. The presence of a number of police officers in rural areas has had a very satisfactory effect. It is intended now to bring about a reorganisation whereby a village which, heretofore, had a Garda strength of three or four will be reduced to one. I am extremely doubtful that that will maintain the same satisfactory results as we have had for a number of years.

Suggestion have been made that these districts be patrolled and policed by motor car and motor cycle squads and that cars fitted with radio devices will give a certain amount of local facilities to the police officers concerned. That might be all right in theory but I am doubtful if it will work out in practice. I respectfully suggest to the Minister that he might consider slowing down this reorganisation programme in so far as its purpose is to reduce to a minimum the Garda personnel in rural villages. People in rural areas are somewhat disturbed that such a proposal is being put into effect. They feel that the local police officers have been available in the past to do many important kinds of work and are there at the beck and call of the ordinary citizen. Under the reorganisation, so far as it refers to those districts that have been scheduled, that service will no longer be available. The people have no personal interest in that matter, other than the fact that they want the general peace and tranquillity that we find in the country at the moment to continue.

I note that it is the intention of the Minister to reduce the strength of the force eventually to around 5,500 men. I am quite sure it is a step in the right direction and that a little general reorganisation will have no ill-effects. However, I feel that the policy of a general reduction in personnel might also be directed to the officership of the Force. I think too much emphasis is being laid on a reduction of the ordinary rank and file members and that no steps seem to be taken to reduce the officer strength of the Force.

With the improved facilities now available in the matter of transport and communication, I feel, personally, that the divisions entrusted to the superintendent could be made larger and that the areas—I think they are counties—under the jurisdiction of the higher officers such as chief superintendents could also be made larger by amalgamating a number of such areas. In other words, I feel that a chief superintendent could nowadays discharge the duties of his office in a satisfactory manner in an area three times as large as was scheduled for him 30 years ago when the Force was first formed. I do not know if this is a matter which the Minister has had an opportunity of examining, but if he has not already considered it, perhaps he will be able to give it some thought during the coming year.

There has been a substantial increase in the Estimate, in so far as the pensions of retiring Gardaí are concerned. It has often occurred to me that we might very usefully consider whether or not some of the Garda personnel who retire in the normal way when they reach the age limit could not continue in the Force for some time longer. Nowadays, a man reaching the retiring age of 60 or 65 is usually a more fit person than a man in similar circumstances 20 or 25 years ago.

Everybody will admit that the vast majority of the members of the Garda who are retiring, even at the age limit, are very fit men and could possibly continue in the Force for two or three years more and give the advantage of the experience they have gained over the years to the public. We find that most of those men when they retire, the ordinary rank and file, look for positions in various walks of life. Quite a number of them succeed in finding positions in some commercial organisation or something of that kind in civilian life. I find that they go to work in those jobs which are very often as difficult—if not more so—as their previous assignments and carry on for nine or ten years. If the Minister is precluded from doing that by the terms of service or contract of the existing members of the Force, then it should be possible to provide that new entrants into the Force would at least have the option, if not the obligation, of serving up to the age of 69 or 70.

On the subject of district justices, I notice that the Minister has now succeeded in finalising the proposed scheme of reorganisation whereby the number of justices has been reduced by five. I think that is a step in the right direction because in recent years the work of the District Court has not been anything like what it was formerly. It should now be possible for a district justice to cover a larger area and to cover a larger number of court sittings than he had been obliged to do heretofore.

I would like to make a suggestion to the Minister in regard to district court staffing. It has come to my notice that when district court clerks want to go on leave—annual holidays or sick leave —generally speaking, no suitable arrangements are in force in the Department to provide substitutes. I understand that the usual procedure is to apply to the district headquarters of the Garda Síochána to have a Garda nominated to carry out the duties of such an office for a temporary period. My information is that so far as the public, and particularly the legal people who are closely in touch with the work of such offices, are concerned, the existing arrangements are not satisfactory. I have been told that the work of a district court clerk is rather involved and that it takes a person who is experienced in that work to act satisfactorily when the court clerk is absent. Would it be possible for the Minister to arrange that substitutes will be available from a panel of existing departmental staff or, alternatively, to recruit temporary officers who have had some training in this work? The general standard of efficiency amongst district court clerks is very high. They are rather jealous of the very fine reputation they enjoy, particularly with the legal profession. In my opinion, it would be preferable to provide substitutes for these officers during periods of absence on annual or sick leave directly from the Department.

I should like to be associated with the remarks of previous speakers in regard to the work of the Adoption Board. That board has carried out very important work in arranging 592 adoptions during the year. The members of the board act in a voluntary capacity and are obliged to give a good deal of their time to the work of the board. They deserve the best thanks of the people for the very efficient way in which they and their officers have handled applications for adoption.

Having listened to the quasi-repetition of the Minister's speech and the unashamed approbation of everything it contains I find myself in complete disagreement with any suggestion that Garda officers or men should be continued in the service beyond the age which is normally accepted as that at which most people retire. I could hardly envisage that a man over 65 and up to 68—the age recommended for retirement by the last speaker—could effectively chase teddy-boys or escaping burglars.

The time has been reached when we must recognise two things in relation to the question of retirement. One is that when men have spent upwards of 40 years in any service, they have given of their best and whatever advice they have to give, as a result of the experience garnered through the years, must have been collected from them in the course of that time and transmitted to younger men. Secondly, there must be some set age for retirement so as to have the necessary continuity of recruitment of younger people so that there will not ultimately be any gaps that can be filled only by jobs unsuited to the aspirants or by the normal and ready channel of emigration.

A considerable number of young men of superior physique and advanced education are seeking positions in the Garda to-day and anything that would tend to extend the retiring age or to reduce the number of vacancies would be fatal. It would deprive these young men of the chance they so earnestly seek. There are men who are known to me, some of them already in the Force, of such calibre both physically and intellectually as would do credit to any police force in the world. Even with a short training in our police force men gain such experience and distinction as policemen that from the very ranks of our police force they can command inspectorial rank, at least, in the police forces of other countries immediately on interview. That has happened within the last couple of years, to my knowledge, in two cases, where young Guards sought employment in the police forces of other countries and attained very high rank immediately on interview.

There cannot be too high praise for a Department of Justice when it is run strictly on just lines. From my own personal professional experience of the Department of Justice and the care and consideration which they give, not only to practitioners but to persons involved in various kinds of charges, I consider that no praise is too high for them. I can say that of the officials of the Department of Justice and equally of the Guards. That would be the experience of anybody who works close to the police in relation to criminal matters. I am often quite amazed at the thoroughness with which crime is investigated and the pains taken by Garda officers and men in the detection of crime. That is something which the public cannot be told too often in relation to the work of these men.

Of course, there is the old adage that prevention is better than cure. It is a mistake to reduce the number of Garda stations and to leave vast areas unpatrolled by the ordinary Garda on foot or on bicycle, to which we were accustomed for a long number of years. I do not regard the fast car, even when it is equipped with radio apparatus, as amounting to effective patrol. A well-known judge, now retired, a specialist in criminal law, said to me many years ago that no detail was unimportant. I think that with the newly adopted method of patrol details are missed and can very easily be missed whereas the casual nature of the other patrol took in far more than we could imagine.

Neither do I like the idea of reducing Garda stations to one man. That is all right in a compact village where, on the English system, the area for the man's patrol and ultimate inspection is limited. I am thinking of three areas in my constituency where the force has been reduced to one man in each area. In one the position is not too bad. It is situated at Mulranny, between Newport and Achill; it is on a main thoroughfare and the population is pretty closely kept to the main road owing to the geographical nature of the area. But, in the 20 mile stretch from Mulranny to Bangor-Erris, the whole district known as Ballycroy is now to be policed by one member of the Garda. I do not think that is possible, although it is a peaceable area, in which there is no great trouble of any kind. We are all human and trouble can erupt at any time, and I fail to see the effectiveness of one man in a situation such as that. The other area to which I refer is Blacksod, which is a very important centre, a fishing centre, where you have to deal not only with natives but with foreigners from time to time.

Reference has been made to attempted interference with the Guards, designed to prevent the Guards from either doing a positive duty or neglecting to continue with a duty upon which they have embarked. Of course, if that situation were allowed to develop, and if public men by their very acts, either publicly or privately, were to condone the commission of crime by seeking to get Garda officers or men to refrain from taking the necessary action, then we would very soon have a situation where public morale would be undermined and public confidence utterly ruined. I know of some instances of that kind. Fortunately, they are very few and equally fortunately the public representatives concerned have met with the rebuffs to which they were justly entitled and their efforts were of no avail. Of course, that does not mean that success does not attend their efforts from time to time.

I do not know who is responsible for courthouses. It is always a rather vexed question as to whether the Department of Justice gives the O.K. to the local council or if the local council maintains them. However, the Department of Justice should direct its energies towards the courthouses. There are courthouses in my constituency and people who come in and pay their money to either side get very bad value from the point of view of the comforts attaching to the places. They are generally draughty, cold and utterly miserable places in which to spend any length of time.

Before I pass from this question of district courts, there was a point raised by Deputy Moloney regarding the provision of temporary people when district court clerks are either on holidays or are seeking leave. I do not think the question of holidays should arise because the district court clerks would normally be on holidays when the district justices are on holidays. In the event of having to call in somebody to replace a district court clerk temporarily, in my experience, I do not think anybody more competent could be called in at short notice than a member of the Garda Síochána. I have seen members of the Garda doing this work with incredible aptitude and acquitting themselves with distinction. As a matter of fact, I remember one Guard taking the depositions in the preliminary hearing of a murder trial on one occasion and I thought so highly of the manner in which he did it that I made a recommendation concerning him to his superior officer on the case. Therefore, I do not think the Minister need worry to any great extent about the provision of temporary district court clerks. District court clerks are an excellent body of men who apply themselves to their work with great zeal and indeed, for the remuneration they receive, the return is truly remarkable.

In regard to the Registry of Deeds, I have two suggestions to make. One applies only to the solicitors' profession and it has no bearing on my particular work so that I cannot be regarded as asking for any concession for my own branch of the law. At the moment, memorials must be presented to the Registry of Deeds in longhand and on a certain type of parchment. The same is the case with regard to requisitions for negative searches. In Belfast, if I am correctly informed, they have abandoned that system and while they require a certain type of parchment for memorials and requisitions for negative searches, nevertheless they allow them to be typed.

I think that would be a great saving. I think it must be commonplace now and accepted that scrivenery, as known to some of us, and well known to our seniors, has gone to a great extent. The people who engage in that type of work no longer do it in a specialised way and in fact the older scriveners have never been replaced. We now have such rapid advancement in office work and the details of it with regard to shorthand, typing, dictaphones and all the other amenities which science has brought to our aid, that it is rather ridiculous that in a matter of this kind where it is quite frequent, both as regards memorials and requisitions, the old time system should still apply and be compulsory.

We did not hear very much from the Minister about law reform. I know that there was a considerable amount of law reform in progress in the Department over the years and some very admirable work was done in that Department. Speaking from the point of view of the practitioner. I do not think that anything was done so well over the years, even since the beginning of the State, as some recent Bills that have been produced in this House with marginal notes showing stated appeals and particular cases either referred to or overruled. I refer particularly to the Statute of Limitations and such measures.

I wonder when we are to get any sort of draft Bill in relation to the report from the Liquor Commission. It is about time something was done in that regard. I know the Minister will have his difficulties. There are vested interests in every branch of the licensed trade and it may not be too easy to smooth over all the difficulties in his way. Nevertheless, it is high time there was an amendment of the existing law to this extent, that the countryman who drinks in his local public house for six nights of the week should be allowed to do so on Sundays during the ordinary drinking hours. That is the only point I am interested in. I have nothing to say about the bona fide traffic or anything else. I think it would make things so much easier for the Guards, and particularly for the one-man stations which are now tending to become popular.

Much has been said about drunken driving and dangerous driving and I am afraid I must disagree with the former Minister for Justice, Deputy Everett, in regard to a certain case in saying that three years is too little for a motor manslaughter arising from drink. I think three years is a fair slice to take off anybody's life. I thought in the particular instance that the 12 years' sentence given was severe and harsh, when you think that for actual murder in a country like Finland, the maximum sentence is 12 years, with remissions for good conduct. It is very hard to judge in this matter of what is now known as drunken driving. It is very hard to judge, particularly when an accident takes place, as to whether a man may be legally guilty and hard to judge the moral content of his crime. It is something which should be considered by people who have come down hard on somebody when he has got——

A man removed a body from the bonnet of his car.

That is another situation. One can from time to time do things automatically under the influence of drink of which one has no recollection. When one thinks of the vast number of people who are lucky in the matter of drunken driving and while Deputy Dillon's exhortation and that of the Minister that people should behave themselves should be followed, I do think also in relation to this business of driving and driving charges that a great duty devolves upon parents in regard to the instruction of their children on how to use the roads. I am sure most motorists will agree that their hearts come into their mouths at the manner in which little children, who do not know any better, dart out in front of motorists. It is only by skill and good luck that a great many of them are avoided.

I do not quite know what to make of the Minister's statement with regard to Government policy on the use of force, either inside or outside the country by organisations such as that organisation the members of which have recently been released from the Curragh internment camp. For instance, I do not know what situation brought about their release. In the course of ordinary social contact, I met some of them since they were released. In relation to them, apart altogether form the people as a whole, I have made up my mind that internment certainly was not the answer. I am not prepared to criticise it because the Government had at their disposal probably more information than we had in regard to sticking to the rule of law. It is to be hoped that there will be no repetition of the acts or the events which necessitated such action on the part of the Government and that these people will avail of the constitutional methods open to them to make their contribution to the general betterment of the country.

What I said at the beginning, I wish to reiterate at the end. The Guards, as a force, do their job extremely well; the Department of Justice as a Department of Justice does its job equally well. It is only when there is an interference, an interference that is successful, and about which I shall probably have something to say on a later Estimate or probably at a later date this year, that things happen—as I shall show—that tend in the ordinary course of events to destroy public confidence and undermine public morale.

The first thing I should like to deal with is the policy of promotion in the Garda Síochána. I have found very extreme dissatisfaction amongst Gardaí of from ten to 20 years' service when they find men with four or five years' service promoted over their heads. In my opinion, that does not tend to the efficiency of the force. When a man with 14 or 15 years' service finds himself passed over, he will say to himself that there is no further room for him and he will either get out altogether or hang on for the pension. I think the Minister should investigate the number of cases of Gardaí under ten years' service who have been promoted to sergeant during the past two or three years and the number of men from ten to 20 years who have been passed over. That is one of the things which, in my opinion, tends to impair the efficiency of the force generally.

I entirely agree with what Deputy Wycherley said in connection with reducing Garda stations and the number of men in them. The taxpayers in general have been put to fairly considerable expense over the past few years providing new Garda barracks throughout the country. It is rather a joke to see barracks built at an expense sometimes of £5,000 to £6,000 now occupied by one man who actually goes astray in it at times.

The squad car, as we know it down the country, is not, in my opinion, an efficient substitute for the three or four Gardaí who used normally be stationed in barracks. In the first place, the Gardaí in the squad cars have not the local knowledge—they are not going to get the local information for the detection of crime—which the ordinary Gardaí have.

I am very much concerned with the delay in the Minister's Department in implementing the report of the Liquor Commission. It is now something like 14 or 15 years since I endeavoured to remedy the injustice done to the rural community by the penal laws which are militating against the rural community. I actually brought in three separate Private Member's Bills for that purpose. I saw each Bill defeated. In fact, I saw a Bill for the opening of rural public houses on Sundays defeated by the members of this House while a Bill to close the houses in the city on Sunday was also defeated. I suggest to the Minister that the sooner he gives me the pleasure of seeing the boys trotting round the lobby to implement something a dozen years too late, the better.

The Deputy knows that he should not discuss legislation on the Estimates. The Deputy is asking the Minister to implement a report which would require legislation.

I am complaining in regard to a commission set up by this House at public expense in the hearing of witnesses, a commission which sat, I think, for close on 12 months. It was a commission upon which we had the honour of having the Minister's predecessor, Deputy Boland. It practically brought in a unanimous recommendation. That that report should by lying in the Minister's office for close on two years is my complaint. The money for that commission was provided out of the funds of the Department of Justice. The commission were unanimous in their opinion that the present liquor laws were out-moded, out-dated and wrong.

It is wrong that the Department of Justice should have the Garda Síochána enforcing laws which a commission set up by this House found were out-moded and out-dated. We have squad cars chasing around the country visiting every rural public house enforcing laws which are, in the opinion of the commission, wrong, penal and unjust. I suggest that the Minister should bring in legislation to deal with this matter. Some months ago, I put down a question and got a guarantee from the Minister then that the Bill would be introduced last session. To-day, in reply, he does not know when he will bring it in.

I have already pointed out to Deputy Corry that it is not in order to advocate legislation on the Estimates. He will have to find some other opportunity.

I am not advocating legislation. What I am complaining of is that a guarantee was given by the Minister that certain legislation would be introduced for his Department last session and it has not yet been introduced. His reply to-day puts it further away than ever. If there are unjust laws being enforced at present by the Garda——

The Deputy is again out of order in criticising legislation.

I am suggesting that the decisions and the recommendations of a Commission set up by this House for a very definite purpose should be implemented by the Department of Justice and I do not think I am wrong in doing that, on the Department of Justice Vote.

The Deputy will be out of order on any Vote in advocating legislation, which he is doing.

However, I have gone as far as I intend going in this matter. I hope that the Minister will not give me the trouble of having to go down to the Library and prepare another Bill for this purpose. If I am put to the trouble, I will do it. There is no doubt about it.

I do not think that the policy in regard to promotions at present being implemented in the Garda will lead to the efficiency of any force. When a man takes up a position in the Garda as his occupation in life, he takes it up under a very definite implication, namely, that in nine or ten years he will get promotion and will be able when he gets it to keep a wife and family. At present, there seems to be a craze in the Department of Justice for taking the Garda with three years' experience, putting three stripes on his arm, making a sergeant of him, and leaving the old lads to carry on as they were. That would not lead to efficiency anywhere.

Furthermore, the cutting down of the usual strength of the Garda in the local barracks to one or two men will not help in the detection of crime. It is a wrong move and one which will not be effective. Those are the only matters I wish to raise on this Vote and I have no wish to go further on them.

First of all, I should like to comment on the Minister's remarks about the increase in crime, especially in the increase in juvenile crime, over the last year. He stated that there was no particular reason which he could point out for such an increase. It is obvious that the increase, by reason of the nature of the crime, is due to unemployment. Five-sixths of the increase, he says, is in regard to larceny: and in larceny a large percentage is the theft of pedal cycles. Therefore, it is all quite obviously crime due to the need for funds on the part of the guilty people and quite obviously it is done by persons who are unemployed. Therefore, if we seek a reason, we do not have to go very far to find it. As we all know, there has been no increase in employment.

The question of unemployment does not arise on this Estimate.

We know that, but it is to that fact that the increase in crime is due. I only want to refer to the reasons for the increase.

It still does not make it relevant.

It would be interesting to know how many of those convicted in the last year of larceny were unemployed. The Minister would then be able to know the reason. Young people nowadays go to the pictures and they go to dance halls. They do not wait to be 18 to dance: they dance at 14 and 15. All that requires money. With so many persons unemployed and their children not being able to obtain work, quite obviously not having a penny in their pockets, and wanting pleasure like everyone else, they are tempted to steal. That is the reason. It is no mystery to me. I am not blaming the Minister for that, as it is not his responsibility to create employment. I quite understand that he has the dirty job in the Cabinet.

If athletics were more cultivated, if young people would engage in athletics, where there would be no need for so much cash, that might help towards a solution. Athletic clubs usually do not ask for a fee in the case of a person out of employment. There are many ways of indulging in athletics, where money would not be involved. Where young people go to dances and cinemas, they must have money. Therefore, I hope that encouragement will be given to the cultivation of athletics. All this is a problem for which I have no solution, but this class of crime is definitely due to unemployment, because people have no funds to indulge in that certain amount of pleasure which everybody seeks.

On the question of the wholesale theft of pedal cycles, judging by the number of cycle frames which I see around the city, it is quite obvious that they are stolen for the wheels. If the authorities would use their good offices and ask the manufacturers to stamp the wheels as well as the frames, it might end some of the stealing of bicycles.

On the question of the release of the prisoners, again I do not believe it was the Minister's responsibility. Certainly, it was not his decision either to arrest them or release them. That was a matter of major policy, decided on by the Government and, I may say, in particular by the Taoiseach. If I have any comments to make on that, I will make them on the Vote for the Taoiseach's Department.

I mentioned last year that, in my opinion, there should be extensions for the sale of intoxicating drink by clubs and I still advocate that step. There is a large public, especially visitors, who like to go to late night clubs. I was on the Continent a few times and, though I do not go in for clubs and do not drink, the boys all wanted to go to a night club. That is usually the case with people who travel. I am not saying they want to spend all their time in such clubs but they want to have a look, anyway. Many people who come here like to go to night clubs and I have heard visitors comment that this was a rotten hole because there was nowhere to go. We are trying to encourage the tourist trade but that is their comment.

Last year the Minister said he did not think it advisable, but still there are quite a large number of clubs in this city which sell drink after licensing hours and, in spite of the fact that they are prosecuted, they continue to function and continue to sell drink after hours. The demand is there and these people think they are not committing any grave crime. As I said, I do not drink but I know places that serve drink after hours no matter how often they are prosecuted. I put it to the Minister that it would be much better if he legalised this practice so that the Guards would know where drink is being sold, and so that they can visit the premises rather than have a hush-hush "shebeen" affair carried on. I know places where one can get a drink, perhaps in tea, and where one can get a couple of bottles before the bar is closed. One puts them on the table at which one sits. I would like to tell the Minister that refusing these clubs an extension is not a solution of the problem. I was in the dancing business— not in the night club business—and I know what I am talking about. Naturally, I know the people engaged in the business.

Last year, when speaking on this Vote, I stressed the need for free legal assistance in the courts. It appears that the Minister does not seem to think it necessary. Perhaps he may consider it too costly, but it is my experience that the majority of people, working-class people, cannot afford to engage solicitors or counsel. They are afraid of the legal profession and rightly so, because once one gets into the hands of legal advisers one has to pay pounds and "fivers" every time they nod their heads. The result is that people who are not able to afford more than a guinea are afraid that costs will mount up to four or five guineas. I hold that people do not get justice in the courts when they have no one to represent them because, not knowing the law, not knowing what is relevant, they are at a disadvantage.

It is the job of the justice to judge according to the evidence and, as one side cannot present the proper evidence because the parties concerned have no one to assist them, and cannot cross-examine the other side— which is the most vital part of evidence when you want to win a case—it means quite a lot of injustice is done. I believe there should be free legal assistance, especially for persons who are unemployed and are dependent on social benefits, or whose income is less than a certain amount. I believe that because I have evidence that quite a lot of people who engaged solicitors then found themselves tied up in a knot.

I had one case recently where a person engaged a solicitor and, without her knowledge, the solicitor consulted junior counsel. When she got her bill she was asked to pay ten guineas and she refused to pay it. She contended that she gave the solicitor no authority to engage counsel and the net result was that the woman was going around demented. It is quite easy to get tied up once you go to law, but people have good reasons to go to law. In criminal cases especially, where they have to defend themselves, it is important they have some kind of legal assistance.

Another case in which there is need for legal assistance is when an order is made with costs. People receive a bill of costs, much of which they do not understand and are not able to contest unless they engage a solicitor. Many of them have not the means to engage a solicitor, or are afraid they might add to their costs, and the result is they settle and run themselves into debt though a lot of those costs are outrageously exaggerated. I know that to be true; I know of a case in which a man was asked for £40 costs but, because his friends were legal-minded and challenged those costs, they were reduced to £14. That example shows what people are up against on this question of costs but, unless the costs are challenged, and challenged with the aid of some solicitor, the person concerned is likely to be robbed, putting it purely and simply.

I understand that people will not be allowed to challenge costs themselves but have to engage a solicitor to do it for them. Where they have only limited incomes, they should have the assistance of some legal gentleman to contest the costs so that they will get justice. My experience with a lot of the legal profession is that there is quite a racket when it comes to costs. People should be protected against unjust demands.

As I have said, people who are unemployed and people with small incomes—the average worker with £8 a week—cannot afford legal assistance. Such a person might be able to afford a guinea or so. That is his limit but, if he has had experience of it before— or probably some of his friends have told him—he will not touch a solicitor and will take a chance in court. Such people get a raw deal because they cannot give the proper evidence and are not able to cross-examine.

I know of a case in point which happened a long time ago. An innocent boy was sentenced to one month in Marlborough House. It happened that two children were playing in a street. One threw a squib into a window and set fire to the hangings. Naturally the two boys ran off. Another boy came out to his door to see what the commotion was about. The women had had a row and one of them across the road said, "He did it." The boy charged was innocent. His parents were so poor that they could not engage a solicitor. They did not know about putting their son on the stand or subpoenaing the boy who actually committed the act. Of course there was the evidence of this vindictive woman and the boy got a month in Marlborough House. If there had been a solicitor in the case, naturally he would have had both boys to give evidence.

Innocent and ignorant people do not know procedure and they very often suffer injustice. There should be free legal assistance for certain people, especially in the matter of costs. As I said before, there are too many clever solicitors. There are some decent ones, too, but where there is a temptation to get easy money, many people will succumb to it.

I have another case which I can quote. A solicitor was asked to draw up a will. The old lady died shortly afterwards and when the will was disclosed, the net result was that the solicitor owned the house and a niece who lived there all her life had to get out. I do not know what the law is but that seems "fishy" to me. I was always informed that the person who draws up a will cannot benefit himself. But now I am told the solicitor who drew up the will was left the house. I have the correspondence here and it also states that the solicitor claimed £200 for the assistance he gave.

I do not want to interrupt the Deputy but the Minister does not seem to have any responsibility.

The Minister told the House of the wrong-doing of the paupers; it is as well he heard about the wrong-doing of people with money. When we have these gentlemen moralising, it is very hard for those young people to pay any heed to them. It is for that reason I draw the Minister's attention to the facts.

I should like the Minister to keep in mind a racket used by landlords who wish to get rid of a tenant. I am refering to the practice of refusing to accept rent. This is prevalent. I know of a number of cases. I know from experience that poor people cannot hold on to money. I know from experience of the trouble we have over corporation rents. If the collector refuses to take the money one week when there is a "bob" or two short, the following week there is 15/- short. Poor people cannot hold on to money. When property is bought by some new landlord he sets about trying to get rid of all the old tenants not paying an exorbitant rent. He proceeds to refuse to take the rent and, when three or four months have elapsed, demands the rent in full, and the tenant, rather than invite court action, will very often agree to vacate the premises. I do not know what the law is but landlords should be made accept the rent. There should be a penalty if they do not. It is a racket. When about £20 or £30 is due, they ask for it, knowing the money is not there; and so they get rid of the tenant. The tenant moves out, glad to know he will not have to go to court or pay £20 or £30. The landlord achieves his purpose and sets his premises for three or four times the rent formerly paid.

There is one other point to which I wish to draw the Minister's attention. In certain cases a justice makes an order which has a serious effect on the person involved without inviting that person to give evidence. I hold that no order should be made or no judgment should be passed on anyone if the person is not given the opportunity of giving evidence. I refer to the practice in Morgan Place where each year 5,000 persons are arraigned for non-payment of corporation rents or arrears of rent. The place is crammed. The evidence is given by the collector and the order is immediately made.

I do not want to interrupt the Deputy again but he is referring to something about which the Minister has no responsibility. The decision of a district justice cannot be criticised and the Deputy seems to be doing so.

Lots of things should not be said in this House but sometimes it is as well to say them.

The Deputy has been allowed to say a good many things but I am afraid we will have to stop him somewhere.

It involves 5,000 people a year. I mentioned the matter, Sir, because I thought I had the right, but I shall say no more.

The Minister has no responsibility.

On a point of order, Sir, is it not a fact that the Minister appoints district justices?

I surely have no responsibility for collecting corporation rents.

No, but the Minister would if he knew judgment was passed without the defendant being given an opportunity to defend himself.

The decisions of justices are not before the House. The Deputy cannot proceed any further on that line.

On a point of order, would the Chair indicate on what occasions can the decision of a district justice be raised, if at all, and if it can be raised, under what Vote or in what debate can it be raised?

It cannot be raised on any Vote. The Deputy might put down a suitable motion.

You cannot touch them, but they can talk about everybody else. Nobody can talk about them.

Surely it is not your ruling, Sir, to suggest that Deputies are not entitled to criticise the findings of district justices or statements made by them?

It has always been the practice of the Chair to indicate to Deputies that they are out of order in criticising the decisions of district justices.

If questions are allowed on the Order Paper on matters of that kind, I cannot understand how the Chair can make such a ruling when kindred matters come up for discussion in the course of debate.

The ruling has been made on many occasions.

Is there a distinction as between the findings of a district justice on matters of law and statements made—personal observations or obiter dicta—in the course of the case?

Deputy Sherwin is discussing decisions given by a district justice.

I am not criticising district justices. Let me put it this way: am I not entitled to ask the Minister to appoint an extra district justice to deal with Corporation orders for possession, of which there are some 5,000 every year? There are so many of them that, as often as one says "Boo", a decision is given. There should be an extra justice appointed to deal with these Corporation cases.

Several elections are due this year. We will have the Presidential election; we will have the referendum for the abolition of P.R.; and there are certain by-elections pending. Next year, there will be a municipal election and, next year, there may possibly be a general election. It is the Minister's duty to ensure that elections are properly carried out and that abuses do not occur. There has been wholesale personation at elections in the past. There will probably be wholesale personation in future elections, especially if the abolition of P.R. is carried and there are marginal seats. It is my experience that 90 per cent. of the personation that occurs is carried out by persons in possession of polling cards which do not belong to them. It is the possession of these cards which gives them the confidence to walk in to the polling booth and personate. I suggest to the Minister that it is his responsibility to ensure that unauthorised persons do not get possession of voting cards which are not their own property. At the moment a personator can be charged only if he is sworn. I hold that an individual should be charged with possession of a voting card which is not his own property, irrespective of whether or not he is prepared to swear. Until something like that is done, personation will continue.

It is the practice in the country where people do not intend to vote, where they are ill or have left the country, that their cards are handed in to the local Party rooms in most cases. Those cards are used for personation. That is how unauthorised people come into possession of them. I appeal to the Minister to examine the situation. It is a serious one. Very few people will take a chance and personate, if they have not got the card of the actual voter whom they want to personate. Without a card, they are afraid. It is only when they have the card that they have the confidence necessary to abuse it. Very few agents will challenge a person who holds a card. These cards, which are handed in prior to the actual election, are used wholesale for personation purposes.

Personation, of course, is an advantage in the case of the big Parties. Personation is useless unless one has a great number of supporters. Parties have large numbers of supporters; individuals have not. In any election I contested, I never had more than two people helping me on polling day. After tea, I might have a few dozen to rally around and canvass for me, but that is all. Even if I were prepared to connive at personation, I would not have the people to do it for me. If I had the people, I would do it because there is only one way to combat evil, that is, by countering it. If everybody could indulge in personation, then one would negative the other. The prime injustice now is that the big Parties can do it, but the small Parties and the individuals cannot. The offence is a serious one and the Gardaí should be empowered to challenge people. It should not be merely a matter of swearing, because in that case people merely act indignant and walk out. That does not prevent them personating elsewhere. At the moment, they are not challenged once in a hundred times. I shall say no more.

In anything I have said, I am not criticising the Minister. I know the Minister; I know him to be a fairminded man. My only ambition is to bring certain matters to his notice, matters which constitute a grievance, in the hope that he will examine into them and remedy them.

Many Deputies have dealt with the number of road accidents. The Minister, in his opening statement, indicated that there has been an increase in traffic accidents. We are, of course, all aware of that. Listening to the wireless, we hear practically every evening a police message asking those who witnessed an accident, as a result of which someone has died, to come forward. It would appear that the Minister and his Department have no cure for the present state of affairs. The only comment the Minister had to make was to hope that people would drive more carefully in the future. He made it clear that he would never mitigate a sentence in which there was any question of drink involved. That seems to me to be a rather negative approach.

Traffic on our roads is increasing all the time. Licences for motor vehicles are increasing every year and, unless the Department is prepared to take some action, accidents will continue to increase. There will be loss of life and maiming of citizens, a most undesirable state of affairs. I cannot help feeling that in Dublin at any rate, many traffic accidents are caused by the fact that the streets are cluttered up with cars parked on both sides of the road. That is not the fault of those who own the cars but of whoever is responsible for seeing that parking facilities are available and of those whose duty it is to see that traffic runs freely in Dublin or other large cities. It should be possible for the Minister in charge of the Department responsible for the Garda authorities to see that some parking accommodation is available so as to keep these cars off the streets and at least leave free the avenues of the city, which are possibly not even sufficient nowadays, to carry the traffic passing up and down. That is a matter that might engage the Minister's attention.

I might also draw his attention to the fact that there are one or two places in Dublin where there is a bus stop just around the corner from traffic lights. For complete imbecility I cannot see anything to equal that. When the traffic lights change, the bus moves round the corner and it has to stop at the official stop and it brings the traffic behind it to a halt, again leaving some vehicles actually at the traffic lights crossing. If the Minister has any doubt about that, I can show him a place in Dublin to-morrow or any time he likes, quite a busy place, where that is happening regularly.

Many Deputies have spoken about accidents in relation to drinking and there is no doubt that drink is responsible for making people careless in driving. Medical tests have proved that a person with a certain amount of drink taken cannot act as quickly in an emergency as a normal person. I understood from the Minister's speech that in dealing severely with, and refusing to mitigate sentences in, any cases where there was a question of drink involved, he felt he was to a large extent helping to eliminate accidents. I think it is a known fact that most accidents that take place involve drivers who have almost all their lives, been accustomed to driving. An insurance official once told me that statistics proved that most accidents concerned people of that type. If a man has done something a great many times and has escaped by a split second or by a couple of inches, he will continue to do that until ultimately there will be an accident which may be fatal to himself or to others.

What is the answer to that? I think the answer is that the public as well as drivers should be made traffic-conscious. One is constantly meeting bad drivers on the roads. I remember being in London once and I was very impressed by an outfit drawn up by the roadway showing a film of a fatal accident. Huge crowds assembled and watched this and it created the traffic consciousness that is so necessary to the preservation of life. I believe that procedure is common in the big cities in England. Would it be beyond the capabilities of the Minister and his Department to set up a unit in this country for that purpose? The one unit should do the whole country and it should not cost a lot. The cost would be adequately repaid in the saving of human life and avoidance of disfigurement and maiming of people.

I understand we are to have television here and it should be possible for the Department of Justice in co-operation with the other Department concerned, to put some film of this kind on television. The only way to get something into the people's minds is to put it constantly before their eyes.

Many Deputies have spoken about crime and we are all conscious of the fact that it is on the increase. It is also evident, to everybody's regret, that juvenile crime has shown a tendency to increase. There may be many reasons for that. Possibly the social conditions which exist now are somewhat to blame. In many cases, the head of the house who is responsible for discipline in the family is often obliged to emigrate and leave his family behind. Lack of parental control is, of course, responsible for juvenile crime. I think it was Deputy Corish who last week referred to the question of films in relation to juveniles and he suggested there should be some censorship to stop the youth of the country seeing the horrific type of film that appears to be so popular nowadays, in which there are gangsters and in which violent death is portrayed as well as robbery and every other type of crime. That cannot be good for youth.

I do not see why we cannot segregate our films. It would not require legislation but just a simple Ministerial Order for the film censor to decide by some method what films are fit for youth to see and what are not. Impressions, good or bad, are created during the formative years of life. I would ask the Minister to consider this matter seriously. It has been mentioned in this debate before and I think I mentioned it myself recently. There seems to be no reason why we should not segregate our films. Segregation is not peculiar to Britain. I think it exists in practically every country.

There has been reference to undetected murders. We all regret the fact that at the moment there are, I think, three undetected murderers at large in the country. Murder is a crime the detection of which needs special methods. There is no need to stress that it is the most serious of all crimes and fortunately we do not come across it very often here. As the Minister properly said, the record of the Garda in detecting such crimes had been 100 per cent. up to recently, but I am under the impression that when a murder takes place, it is not possible for the detective forces at headquarters to move into the area immediately without receiving a request from the local Garda to do so. I do not know if that is the case but I have been told it is, and if so, the Minister should alter that and should make it possible that as soon as any such crime is committed in any part of the country, a squad car be moved in straight away.

I would go further. Anyone who has made any study of crime will realise that the methods of murderers do not differ very much from one country to another and that there are many different types of murderers. I am glad to say that the police force in this country have not had much practical experience of dealing with such cases. Why should we hesitate, in a case of undetected crime and particularly in the types of murders we have had recently, where defenceless people have been attacked, to call in experts from outside? There is an old saying that "practice makes perfect" and these people in other countries have the practice. Naturally, we should have to call in someone from an English-speaking country and it would probably be Scotland Yard. They have a far wider experience than we have and they know the types of mentality and the case histories of individuals and they might help to throw some light on our problems. It may be that that has already been done quietly; I do not know but I put it to the Minister as a suggestion. I can assure him that in rural Ireland where these things have taken place, there is grave disquietude. This is a matter which should engage his most urgent consideration. It is not enough to say we regret these things; a move should be made in relation to them.

On one or two occasions, I asked the Minister if he would supply a patrol car to Wexford town. It is a pretty big town and covers a fairly wide area, and it is very difficult for the Garda to do the patrol work that is necessary. The Minister informed me at the time—I think it was in reply to a Parliamentary Question which I put down—that there was no car available as they were all busy on the Border, that a state of emergency existed and all the patrol cars were occupied there.

Again I make that appeal to the Minister. The internees were released the other day. We were told while they were interned that a state of emergency existed. Now that they have been released, I assume that that state of emergency no longer exists and that the patrol cars are now free. I would remind the Minister that we are awaiting one in Wexford.

Other Deputies have referred to the closing of Garda stations and their replacement by a mobile force. A mobile force is a good thing to have, and I believe that a mobile force centered in the bigger areas will make for greater efficiency within the police force, but as has already been said by other Deputies, a mobile force cannot replace a resident Garda. If it is necessary to close stations or to reduce the strength of stations in the interests of economy, close stations, by all means, but that is no reason why a rural area should be entirely denuded of Gardaí. Putting a resident Garda with a telephone at his disposal in an area has been tried in some cases. There is no need for me to go into the many advantages of having a Garda stationed in a rural area. It gives a feeling of security to people and it prevents larceny, not necessarily on a large scale, but it prevents much petty larceny.

The public are entitled to such protection. In return for the amount of money which the average taxpayer is pouring into the Exchequer every year, he is at least entitled to that local protection. Therefore, I submit to the Minister that if he wishes to reorganise the police force, by all means, let him have a mobile force concentrated in the bigger areas and they can be moved in in times of emergency, or for any particular event in an area where extra police may be required, but in so far as he can, he should follow the old pattern of police stations—at least one resident Garda in an area. In Wexford alone, there are several places where the people have to go eight or nine miles for a Garda. After all, we are not really quite so backward in a county like Wexford, and we pay enough in our contributions to the national Exchequer to be entitled to those Gardaí.

There is one other matter which has puzzled me. I understand that Summer Time—the time at which daylight saving, as it was originally known, comes into effect—is made by Ministerial Order. I also understand that the purpose of Summer Time is to effect a national economy. I cannot, therefore, understand why we are taking Summer Time so late this year. I think it is later than any other year— 19th April. The answer may be that Britain is changing her time then. I draw the Minister's attention to the fact that there is more traffic and trade between Britain and Continental Europe—three or four times as much —than between Ireland and Britain. Mid-European time is one hour ahead of British time the whole year round. Has a sort of insular mentality grown up, that we cannot do anything without waiting for the British? Is it lack of initiative, or a hesitation, or an inhibition to do anything out of the ordinary? I suggest that we keep our own time to suit our own convenience, and get the benefit of the economy to be derived, independently of what the British Government do.

On the question of paying jurors—I see the Chair looking suspiciously at me; I may be out of order as I do not know whether or not it requires legislation, but I do not think it does— this is a matter which has been raised time and again in the House. In big counties such as Wexford, jurors have to travel perhaps 30 miles at their own expense, and spend a day in court waiting for a case to be called, and probably at the end of the day, they are told they are not wanted, and they could have been occupied at home sowing their crops. Is it not time that we fell into line with other countries and paid our jurors?

The last matter to which I wish to refer is one which I raise with regret. Deputy Dillon raised it earlier to-day, and said that rumours had reached him that there was political interference with the Garda in the course of their duties. I go further than that; I say that definite written information has reached me that there has been interference with the Garda in the course of their duties. The Minister knows—I think he is a fairminded man—that if such a state of affairs does exist, as I believe it does, it will make a travesty of justice. No court can function; no Garda can carry out his duty if he finds there is political interference. I shall not say any more, except to suggest to the Minister that he should inquire very closely into the matter. I am speaking with a full sense of responsibility on behalf of my own constituency, but I have reason to believe that it goes beyond the confines of my constituency.

Further, with regard to mitigation which it is a Deputy's privilege or, perhaps, duty to write about, I think that is a recognised fact; that is, after the case, not before. The remarks I was making related to the time prior to the case being heard, but after the case, a Deputy is entitled to write for mitigation. Since this Government came into power nearly two years ago, I have had a case mitigated, although I have written about quite a few. I do not write about cases, unless I think it is fair to do so. It is only right that I should say that in this House. It may be that the Minister has refused my political colleagues as well. I mention it only as a significant fact that in two years of Fianna Fáil Government, I have never yet had a day taken off anybody's sentence.

We have had an interesting evening's debate during which we have had reference to people cycling dangerously or driving drunkenly, driving around ineffectively in squad cars or lounging lazily in some lakeside Garda Station. However, it has been a very useful debate and one from which the Minister will draw some valuable general impressions about the feeling of the House.

Like some other members, I wish to refer, first of all, to the matter with which Deputy Esmonde concluded his speech. Like him, I exercise my own judgment with regard to petitions I make to the Minister in the matter of drunken driving. I think he mentioned in his introductory speech that 115 petitions were received by him in the course of the past two years and that nearly all of them were turned down. Only one of those, so far as I know, came from me and if that one was turned down, I should like to know if any of the petitions he received were granted, because I find it difficult to believe that any other one was granted, if that was refused.

On a point of information, I said all of them were turned down.

I am glad to know that; I thought he said nearly all of them. Shakespeare said the quality of mercy is not strained. If the Minister has power to exercise mercy, there must have been in 115 cases, some few which merited his clemency. There are certain cases where one does not ask for more than that, say, the last six or nine months of a three-year sentence might be remitted. There are certainly times when grave financial difficulties are involved for the person so convicted, whereas no such grave financial circumstances arise as a result of similar convictions of others. It all depends on the occupation or the livelihood of the person convicted.

When Deputy Boland was Minister for Justice, there was rather an outcry because he granted too many petitions of one kind or another and his successor, Deputy Everett, announced he was going to put an end to that. I am inclined to think the present Minister is following Deputy Everett's line because there was some public uneasiness at the time Deputy Boland remitted so many sentences. I want to go on record as saying that if that is so, I think the Minister is wrong and that Deputy Boland's approach was better than Deputy Everett's or Deputy Traynor's approach as Minister in this matter. Perhaps when Deputy Boland was Minister he erred on the side of mercy, but it was preferable that he should have done so. I offer that criticism in sincerity and in the knowledge that it will be so accepted by the Minister.

That perhaps could bring one logically to the question of traffic accidents generally. I have always been disappointed when listening to Deputies, and indeed when reading official pronouncements, that insufficient stress is laid on the fact that the biggest single element in successful and good driving is the skill of the driver. Everybody who drives any substantial number of miles, even a person who drives very little, is bound to come up against emergencies quite frequently. Very often, the deciding factor will be the skill of the driver and I believe that in that respect we lag behind the standard of other countries. We do not lag very much behind the standard in England but we are very much behind the standard of drivers on the Continent.

I wish to advocate, therefore, that a driving test be introduced, that being something for which no legislation is required. You have the first-class driver when you have the person who is not merely skilled but also courteous, and, in my experience, the person who has gone to the trouble of learning comprehensively the rules of the road and of studying the proper methods of driving so as to bring himself up to the maximum degree of skill of which he is capable is also a person who will be courteous on the road.

It is not merely for personal advantage that most people try to learn the finer points in the management of motor vehicles. Only this very day, for instance, I came around a corner and found myself confronted by a lorry and a van which occupied the entire road 20 yards away from the corner. The van was travelling at roughly the same speed as, or perhaps two or three miles more than, the lorry and therefore had no hope of getting out of my way. One of the things that always mystifies me is why people do not learn how to pass out another vehicle. In that connection, I would advocate that traffic cops be appointed—just a few of them —preferably on motor cycles, who would have immediate power to fine, particularly in cities such as Dublin and Cork. I believe that that could be done without further legislation.

The slow driver can be as much a menace as the fast driver. That applies particularly to motorists who proceed lazily down Nassau Street and Westmoreland Street and who never seem to bother whether they are going left or right. They are vaguely going between the second and third lane if they are going left and between the second and first lane if they are going right. When they reach the corner they just put out an indicator and go slowly across the line of traffic, to the annoyance of the policeman on duty and all other users of the road. Their method of driving frequently results in an accident. They are the people who make it difficult for policemen to do their jobs. They are the people I should like to see controlled by traffic cops operating in the City.

In England, they have a system in regard to the putting up of warning notices at both ends of areas where a number of accidents have occurred. Such a system in this country would cost very little money. I believe there are areas as, for instance, between here and Naas and other straight stretches of road in the country where a large number of accidents occur within a short distance of a certain point, perhaps a mile or two, and a warning could be put up there in the hope that it might act as a deterrent. In America, they have rather different and more spectacular methods of bringing the danger of accidents in an area home to users of the roads.

Reference was made by several speakers to the closing-down of small Garda stations throughout the country and the substitution of the patrol car system. I endorse what other Deputies have said, namely, that the patrol car system is not effective and that it would be far better to leave a Garda in a rural area without a station than to put him on wheels. Every Garda spends much of his time walking around and apparently doing nothing. In point of fact, he is talking to his neighbours, friends, and everybody, and, in the course of that time, picks up a vast store of information about everybody within his district—the type of information which enables Gardaí, when crime occurs, to make spectacular scoops and successful investigations. It is not possible, when cruising around the country, to do that sort of thing anything like as quickly as it can be done under the present system.

In areas where Garda stations have been closed down, older people have been obliged to go a long distance to collect social welfare benefits, and so on. I have no great sympathy with young people in this connection because a mile or two extra does not make a great difference to them. However, I believe that an effort should be made to help older people, particularly in winter months, and to have a member of the Garda—if he is more than a certain distance away— attend for the purpose of having the necessary forms signed. The official answer to that will be: "Point out the places where that happens". It is curious that the mileage one knows in a motor car seems to be such that one can be proved wrong when one goes not necessarily to the Department of Justice but to other Departments also for that matter.

I should like now to pay some tribute to the Land Registry which has coped with an enormous increase of business, particularly in the past 10 or 15 years. There were times when there was a bottleneck and a long delay in registration but that was tackled successfully by the Department and the officials of the Land Registry. At the moment, there is a slight delay —it is not too noticeable—in one section of the Land Registry. I know that that will have the Minister's attention. I also know that it is not through any lack of effort on the part of the officials that that bottleneck has occurred. It is probably because of illness or temporary understaffing. However, in view of the enormous amount of registered land, particularly in rural parts of Ireland, any serious hold up in the Land Registry should be attended to at once. I do not suggest for a moment that the officials are at fault. I have always found them efficient and only too willing to help and, generally, working for nothing far longer than they were obliged to.

I cannot too strongly support the suggestion that every possible attempt should be made to prevent young children seeing the violent type of films which is becoming very popular. At least one film studio in recent times has made it a policy to produce horror films for the simple reason that they make money on them whereas more ambitious productions have not been successful. I remember, when I was 14 years of age, seeing the film Frankenstein. I do not suppose I shall ever forget it. I still have nightmares in which I see the monster. I presume my mind, at the age of 14, was somewhat tougher than the minds of children of eight or nine years and yet children of eight or nine years were going to that film too.

Children of four, five, six and seven years go to the horror films which are turned out now. I have never seen any of them, nor do I intend to. I cannot understand why responsible people should allow young children to see these monstrosities. It reflects very little credit on everybody concerned, including parents who allow their children to come in contact with such films. For that reason, I hope the Film Censor will be empowered to put a distinguishing mark on his certificate to show whether or not a film is suitable to be seen by persons under a certain age.

Mention was made this afternoon of penal reform. I think the Minister did not say much on that subject in his opening statement. I was rather disturbed to hear Deputy Dillon say that people from a reputable association have been refused access to persons for the purpose of pursuing their studies in this matter. I hope that is not so, and that the Minister will be able to say it is not so or, alternatively, assure the House that it will not be so in future.

It is my belief that we are a long way behind in the matter of penal reform. We are not alone in that. It is a subject which is engaging more and more study in all the countries of the world and about which some social consciousness is gradually developing. Probably the Dutch are farther ahead than any other country in Europe in the matter of penal reform and treatment of criminals. They have recently started an experiment in Utrecht under which recidivists of all kinds were given a share in the running and management of the prison. Those who are interested will find a complete report on the subject in the United Nations publications.

In the first instance it appalled criminals to be told that they were expected to take some share in the running of the prison. They were people who, for all or most of their lives, had identified responsibility with those in authority and whose acts were directed, therefore, against the idea of responsibility. It took them a long time to realise that they themselves could form part of the organisation running their own prison.

There was a very curious result. After a week or two of the operation of the prison committee, the members came to be identified by the rest of the community in the way that the criminals had previously identified the prison doctors, matron and nurses and a new system had to be worked out under which the inmates elected a committee on a three-monthly basis. Again, obviously, this created disadvantages because when a difficult decision came up in about the third month, the committee inevitably tried to postpone it until the next committee came into office.

In any event, the time came when the idea of responsibility was absolutely accepted. Indeed, the time came remarkably soon when the doctors, matron and those responsible for the prison had to step in and prevent the committee from exacting most fearful punishment on inmates who had broken some of their rules. They had caught on too comprehensively. The fact remained, however, that a few of those recidivists, murderers, exhibitionists, all sorts of hardened criminals, were able to be released in a short time. At first, they were released on their word to do casual work and they returned at night. Eventually, it was possible to release one or two of them permanently. As it is a young experiment, it is not possible to say at this stage to what extent it will prove successful.

Also in Holland, there is a very advanced system of psychiatric treatment. This includes treatment for people who are accused in courts and who plead some form of mental disturbance. These are sent immediately to a sort of clearing house where they are kept for a short period, usually a week, ten days or two weeks, during which time preliminary investigation of their mental condition is carried out under expert psychiatric direction. A proportion of these people will be found to be chancing their arm' and they will be sent back to face trial in the ordinary way. The others, depending on the form of mental disturbance they are found to be suffering from, will be sent to suitable psychiatric hospitals for treatment.

That is a branch of penal reform or treatment of accused persons which deserves more attention here. The difficulty of course, about all these things is that they are very expensive. Still, it does not do any harm to direct attention to them and to hope that provision will be made in the future. With the continued progress in the eradication of tuberculosis, premises hitherto required for T.B. patients are becoming vacant. I would suggest that some of these premises, perhaps one to begin with, might be taken over by the Department of Justice for the purpose I have mentioned.

Deputy Esmonde mentioned a pet subject of mine, the question of Summer Time. Of course, the Minister will very rightly refer to a commission which reported in 1941 or 1942. In the report, there was a good deal of talk about double Summer Time which was then in operation and it was stated that double Summer Time certainly would not suit this country. That is accepted. Irrespective of the report of that committee—in this, I am quite frankly inviting public reaction—I believe that we should not have Winter Time at all in this country and should persevere all the year round with what we now call Summer Time. I cannot see that that would involve any hardship whatsoever to any section of the community and I am absolutely certain that it would have advantages for quite a few sections.

It would serve to brighten our dismal winters, apart from anything else.

That is one of the things it might do.

The E.S.B. might object.

Why not have winter time all the year round?

No; I would advocate summer time all the year round. The argument that it suits us to have the same time as England is absolute codology. Nowadays, with the enormous amount of traffic that flows to and from England and the Continent, adjustments in timing are mere routine and cause no difficulty whatever.

I suppose I should refer to the amusing attack on my profession made by Deputy Sherwin. All I shall say about that is that the sentence on the poor boy who was committed to Marlborough House should have been commuted to a month in the Public Gallery in Leinster House listening to Deputy Sherwin talking about lawyers. The punishment would have been nearly as severe.

There is one last matter to which I can refer only very briefly and rather obliquely. Certain things that have happened in recent months have confirmed and impression I have had for a very long time that the present deposition system as operated in the District Court, in certain cases, is a bad one and should be dispensed with. A cardinal principle of justice is that a person should have a chance of a fair trial. We must be very jealous to ensure that everybody, no matter who he may be, should in all circumstances have a fair trial and that everything that a Minister or a Department can do to ensure that the man will go in with a fair chance will be done. I have various suggestions to make in this regard. I shall make them privately to the Minister. I content myself now in making the statement I have made. I know that the Minister will understand and I hope that he will act along the lines suggested.

I would not take part in this debate where it not for the fact that, when speaking on this Estimate last year, I raised a matter with the Minister to which I received a reply which indicated that my belief of what was happening was wrong. He challenged me to prove my assertions. The reply also indicated that regulations of the Department of Justice prohibited Guards from doing what I suggested they were then doing. I made a statement about the practice, as I alleged, of police officers going to schools, taking out children and questioning these children; on occasion stopping children in the street and taking them to the barracks without either the knowledge or consent of their parents or any adult representative. I have not got in my possession at the moment a copy of the letter which the Minister wrote to me following this debate last year but I presume there is one in the Minister's office. The letter alleged that I was wrong, asked me for proof and stated that the Guards were in actual fact prohibited from doing what I alleged.

I was quite happy with the Minister's assurance and, as far as I could, I indicated to him where I felt the practice had been attempted. I supplied an unsolicited statement from a lady in Galway substantiating the claim I had made in regard to my own constituency. I was quite happy to leave the matter there but to my surprise this week I received a letter from the Minister indicating that he had made further inquiries, which certainly it was his duty to do, but from which I grasped that he has quite changed his mind. He says the practice of questioning children without their parents or some adult people being present to protect their interests, is one which, although not evil or wrong in itself, could lead to abuses. He goes further and says that, because it is not wrong in itself, he feels he should not prohibit it and that there may be special occasions where children may be questioned by police officers without their parents or an adult representative being present.

Let me say at once that I disagree completely. I disagree that the public interest would be served by taking children to make statements and putting them in a position where they are without protection. If that means of securing evidence and information is to be adopted by the Guards I suggest to the Minister that little value will be gained because the crime they will be investigating will be of a trivial nature. There will be so little gained that it will be out-weighed heavily by the fact that the abuses can be covered up by giving a Guard that power. I suggest to the Minister that he should prohibit any attempt by police officers to secure information from children of tender years, or where they are not fully mature, unless they are protected by the presence either of their parents or guardians or somebody who would take the place which a solicitor takes in the case of an adult.

I feel very strongly on the matter and while I know the Minister, in the final analysis, must endeavour to compromise, by giving permission to Guards to do these things only on special occasions, I would appeal to him to issue a regulation indicating that under no circumstances should a signed statement be taken from any person who is under age which could be used in the courts to convict either himself, or other people, without having the advantage of an adult person present to protect his interests. I know of cases where children, either due to confusion or pressure, have made statements which they signed and which were completely contrary to the truth and later were used as evidence against them in the courts. Because of the fact that they were signed, they were refuted only with great difficulty. I simply intervene to appeal to the Minister to give the matter his further consideration.

The first question with which I should like to deal is the question of the appointment of district justices and members of the judiciary. It is an extraordinary thing to me that for the most humble position in this State it is essential for people to undergo interviews and examinations while for responsible positions such as those of a High Court Judge, a Supreme Court Judge, a district justice and such positions, there is no necessity whatever for an interview or an examination. It is accepted that we have the Local Appointments Commission functioning in a reasonable fashion. To my knowledge it is about the fairest system that can be devised. Before that Appointments Commission professional people must go. They must be screened, examined and tested for responsible positions in this State. The aim is to ensure that the people best qualified in every respect will be appointed to whatever positions they have in mind, but for the administration of justice, which, in my opinion, is one of the most important matters in this State, it is not necessary to go before any interview board. It is not necessary that these people should be screened by any responsible authority. All they need is to be a card-carrying member of a political organisation.

I do not suggest for a moment that our district justices and our judges are incompetent or ignorant men, but I do say that the system of appointing them is one that leaves the law and its administration open to contempt and suspicion on the part of the general public. It may be no harm to emphasise in this House that there is a good deal of cynicism amongst the people with regard to what we will describe as justice in this country.

There is an old saying that there is one law for the poor man and another law for the rich man. Very often, we find in practice that that statement is borne out in fact. If an individual has money, he is in many instances able to pursue his point to the limit in the various courts of law and win simply because he is possessed of the necessary finance. If he is a poor man, however, unless he happens to come across a philanthropic solicitor or a barrister who is not interested in a fee, his chances of success in a just case are negligible because he is unable to go ahead.

Deputy Sherwin dealt with cases of this kind. Deputy Sherwin comes from a constituency where there are very poor people. He knows intimately how they have to fight their corner in this tough battle for existence. I was very much surprised in this House when I heard him give specific cases of hardship which we know to be true, and when there was a general air of levity on the Fianna Fáil benches. The whole matter was treated as a joke. What shocked me was the fact that the cases put forward by Deputy Sherwin did not impinge upon the consciousness or mind of some of the Deputies listening. I think I could forgive many of them— I presume they were only half listening—but when Deputy S. Flanagan comes along and refers specifically to the contribution of Deputy Sherwin, I think it is no harm for us to take up the cudgels on behalf of Deputy Sherwin, although he is a man who is well able to stand up for himself. I do think that, when he gives specific examples of how injustices can be perpetrated, it is the duty of every member of this House, particularly the members of this House who have legal training and knowledge of the injustices which can be perpetrated, to help in every way possible to reinforce the arguments put forward by Deputy Sherwin and help towards a solution of the problems.

Deputy Sherwin rightly said that there were "chancy" gentlemen in the law. Of course, there are, as they are in every profession in the world. We have allowed the law profession, the members of the legal fraternity, too much power. This House has handed over to these people far too much power to deal with their own problems. It would appear that this House is prepared to hand over to the legal profession powers which should be solely vested in the State and in the courts. We know that to-day the legal profession has become a vested interest in many respects. We know to-day that, as a result of regulations made under powers passed in this House, it is practically an impossibility for a poor man's son to make his way to the highest positions in the legal world. It is wrong that that should be in operation in this country.

I would advocate to the Minister that all appointments to the Bench be made on merit and not on "pull". We have a society outside this House, the Law Library, which is a seething cauldron of waiting, hoping and listening for some vacancy on the Bench. There is no question down there of Mr. So-and-so being entitled to it on his experience, training and knowledge. When the vacancy occurs, we all know the argument starts as to whether Mr. So-and-so is a supporter of Fianna Fáil, a supporter of Fine Gael or some other political Party. We know the final test will be whether he is an ardent, loyal supporter of organisation "A" or "B".

When we have appointments made on that basis, is it any wonder that we have cynicism? We are all brought into this. Members of this House will be smeared by criticism outside. The members of the Garda will be subjected to criticism. I think that we can limit a lot of that criticism if we start with the Department of Justice itself and ensure that it makes its appointments strictly on merit.

Deputy Dillon, and, I think, Deputy Esmonde and others said that rumours had reached them that political influence was being used to persuade members of the Garda not to do their duty. I hear that criticism regularly. I find it very difficult at times to trace back to the source the various rumours that arise from time to time. I am amazed at times at the beliefs that members of the public have and I try very often to find out how they came to believe certain things that to me seemed to be completely fantastic. Now and again, a certain amount of evidence comes which enlightens me.

I can give an example of a specific case I had of a man who came to me and told me he was "pulled" by the guards for drunken driving. This man told me he had already been with a Fianna Fáil Deputy. The Fianna Fáil Deputy told him he was very sorry he could not do anything about it, as it was not a matter for the Attorney-General, but that if the Attorney-General had to handle it, he, the Fianna Fáil Deputy, would ensure that there would be no prosecution. That statement was made to me. I asked this individual: "Are you serious about it?", and he said he thought it was funny.

When that type of mentality is displayed, is it any wonder that the criticism is being levelled outside this House that the members of the Fianna Fáil Party have woven a path to the Attorney-General's office, in order to ensure that prosecutions will not take place?

Some of us do not even know him. I would not recognise him if I saw him.

To Deputies in the Fianna Fáil Party who, in my opinion, are above that, I say that members of this House will all suffer when that type of belief is in the public mind.

I do not believe it happened—the case the Deputy gave.

I do not think the Minister for Justice has control over the Office of the Attorney General. It is the Vote of the Minister for Justice that is before the House.

As far as the Attorney General end of it is concerned, it all impinges on the question of justice. I am dealing broadly with justice.

It may be desirable to deal with justice, but it can be done only in so far as it is relevant to this Vote.

The Deputy is dealing with the raking up of mud.

The Minister would be well advised not to draw me any further, if he does not wish to bring embarrassment on himself.

The only matter which falls for discussion on this Vote is the administration of his Department by the Minister for Justice.

I agree, Sir. I am trying to see that injustice is not committed and to prevent it in the future. It is a well known fact down the country at the moment, in various areas, that it is highly desirable for clients to employ solicitors who are known through their relationship to be associated, perhaps, with higher members of the Garda Síochána, or the legal profession or members of the Bench. When I raised this matter, my opening remarks were to the effect that I believed that, if we adopted the proper system of appointment for members of the Bench, we would put an end to many of the abuses which exist to-day. There are members of the public to-day who will approach Deputies and ask them to use their influence with either judges or district justices.

Surely the Minister cannot prevent that?

Nor the Deputies.

Surely there is some scope on this Vote for airing grievances with regard to the administration of justice?

I allowed the Deputy a good deal of scope when he said the Deputies are asked to approach justices and judges. Surely the Minister cannot be held responsible for that?

If the Minister has no say in the appointment of these justices or judges, then the general public will not be of the opinion that it would be beneficial to approach a Deputy who may, through his political organisation be closely associated with the particular justice or judge. That is what I am pointing out. If the judges and district justices were appointed in the very same way as doctors or engineers, through the Local Appointments Commission, this horrible business would not arise.

I want to make it clear that any person who approached me in that respect got an explanation from me as to what, in my opinion, was my civic duty. I often found that these people left me rather cynically, feeling that I was too lazy to do something on their behalf. These people, in my opinion, who approach people of political Parties do not think this up out of thin air; they have heard that other people have done it in other localities and the word has gone round: "You should see such and such an individual because he is associated with District justice So-and-so; both of them are members of such a political Party, or were at one stage." Let us cut that out. It is not fair to the district justices themselves, it is not fair to this house and it is not fair to anyone else.

The only other matter on which I want to say a few words is the question of the detention camp. All members of this House and the general public are very glad and happy to know that there are no men interned here in this part of the country at the moment, without trial. Having said that, I do not for one moment propose to pay any compliment to the Minister or give him the slightest word of thanks——

I might be shocked if the Deputy did.

——for having opened the doors and allowed these young men out. I can say this, that it was force of circumstances that induced the Minister to take this action. It is only a few months—a very short time, in fact—since the Labour Party had a motion here, signed by all the members of the Labour Party, in which they sought to have the question of internment without trial discussed here. The Minister and his Government objected to the discussion of that motion. The Ceann Comhairle, in his wisdom, whether he was right or wrong—he is entitled to do so—ruled the motion out of order.

If, at that stage, it were the Government's intention to release these men, it would have been a very simple matter for the Government to have said: "We are about to release these men; the situation has changed so much that we find now there is no need to lock up the young men." But was that the case? How had circumstances changed so much, as far as the Government were concerned, over the past six months? Have those circumstances changed on the far side of the Border? Has there been a general release in the Six Counties? Two things have happened. First, the Court in Strasbourg dealing with Human Rights has had this under consideration; a case has been stated there; and our Government find it quite possible that they will be seriously embarrassed as a result of what the Court in Strasbourg may do. The fact that they may be seriously embarrassed by that has made them decide to release the internees, in batches, so that the general public will not take too much notice. That is the first point—the question of the Court at Strasbourg.

The second point is the awkward position that was likely to arise over the referendum and the Presidential election. It would be a terrible embarrassment for the Taoiseach who, in 1925, advocated the very same policy as is being advocated by these young men to-day, to be faced at a Presidential election with the interruptions and the arguments put forward by the friends and the supporters of the internees. He should not have to undergo that embarrassment again, because, let us remember this: when Fianna Fáil won the last general election, there was not one word from them about internment camps. There was not one word to indicate that it was intended to set up the camp down on the Curragh.

The inter-Party Government dealt with this problem in the fairest way it could be dealt with, namely, trial before our courts and, if the individual was found guilty of breaking the law, certain penalties were imposed. The present Government were not satisfied with that. Sixty-three men who were sentenced and had served their period in Mountjoy for offences against the State were, on the termination of their sentences of six month's imprisonment, taken by truck form the "Joy" and immediately interned. That internment of those men who had already undergone punishment for alleged offences would not be ratified by any European court dealing with the rights of the human individual, and this Government know that.

What I want to say to the Minister is that now he has released those men, it is time we got rid of that disgraceful legislation which enabled him to take those steps. Let us show we are serious about this matter. Do not let the Minister, or the Taoiseach, come into this House and say: "The camp is empty now but we have the gates open and we will fill the camp again if——" I wonder what the "if" is? As you sow so shall you reap and I think, as far as the Government are concerned, they will reap what they sowed over many a year.

When members of this House, myself and others, speak and condemn this Government for their attitude to all this, we are told here that we support certain campaigns. We are told that the fact that we criticise the Government for their actions means we support the campaigns which have been conducted in the occupied part of Ireland. Not necessarily, but what we do believe in is pointing out to Fianna Fáil that all these young men are doing is imitating the example set by the present leaders of the Fianna Fáil Party. It is very hard to criticise and blame these young men if that is in the version of Irish history they have swallowed. I do not think it is fair on our part to condemn them if, every day of the week, that same outlook is being driven into them. They are being indoctrinated day after day.

Some people here have talked about the question of the censorship of films. At the moment we have a censorship on literature, but I think, as far as some of our daily papers and Sunday papers are concerned, it would be no harm if we had a little bit of censorship imposed, especially on the papers owned by the Taoiseach and his son.

The Deputy is not discussing the administration of the Department of Justice.

I am discussing the question of young men who were interned and where they got the training, where they got their ideas of violence, and where they got their ideas of attacking the North. I suggest that many of them got their ideas from the Sunday Press which is the organ of the Fianna Fáil Party.

The Minister for Justice has no connection with any organ of the Press in this country. I think the Deputy is not discussing the administration of the Department of Justice by the Minister for Justice.

I think the Minister is responsible for censorship and as such, I suggest——

The Deputy is not going to prove the Minister for Justice has any connection with any organ of the Press. He is discussing a certain organ of the Press.

All I can hope is that the Minister will discuss it with his Taoiseach in the hope that something may be done with regard to the type of history that is being printed in that paper every week. It is an incentive to young men to take the line of approach that has been taken during the past few years.

If the Government find they have what they describe as an emergency, and that they have difficulties to face with regard to peace in this part of the country, they can resort to the courts. So far as the figures that were given of young men who were brought before the courts are concerned, it is clear there was no difficulty with regard to getting evidence, and having successful prosecutions of the cases. Convictions were obtained in 90 per cent. of the cases. How then can the Government reconcile that with the argument that the courts were not able to function in connection with offences under the Offences against the State Act? I do not want to go into this in too much detail because I think it might be more relevant to the Vote for the Department of External Affairs, but I do think that the full story of what is happening at the moment, in connection with the behind-the-scenes discussions, North and South, should be made available to the public.

They should be told the reasons that prompted the extraordinary visit of the British Ambassador to that part of the country—what prompted him to go North to occupied country for discussions there very recently. We have not had any statement from the Minister on that.

The Deputy is not serious, is he? I have no control over the British Ambassador.

I do not suggest that the Minister has any control over the British Ambassador, but I am afraid it looks very much as if the British Ambassador had control over the Minister. That is what I am afraid of. The extraordinary position that presented itself to the public was that the British Ambassador in Dublin——

How does this arise on this Estimate? I cannot see any connection whatever. If the Deputy thinks he can drag anything he likes into the debate on this Vote he is making a very big mistake.

I am trying to deal with this question of the internment camp.

The visit to Northern Ireland by the British Ambassador has certainly no connection whatever with the administration of the Department of Justice.

Has the visit of the British Ambassador to the Irish Government to protest at the Irish Government's release of the internees not something to do with the Department of Justice?

The action of the British Minister has nothing whatever to do with the Department of Justice. It has no control over the activities here of the British Minister or his Embassy.

I am suggesting that it would appear to the general public that strong representations were made to the Irish Government by the British Government not to release the internees. The first the Irish nation knew of these strong representations by the British Government was when Mr. MacMillan paid a courtesy visit to Belfast to have a discussion with his Tory pals up there. While there he announced that his Government in London had made representations to the Irish Government——

I cannot allow the Deputy to proceed on that line. The Deputy may discuss only matters with which the Minister for Justice is concerned in his administration. The Deputy will desist from that line of argument or resume his seat.

I shall not resume. I understand that the Minister was responsible for the release of the internees?

The Deputy will not put conundrums to the Chair in that fashion. He will either discuss the motion before the House or resume his seat.

Yes, Sir. I am not interested in putting conundrums or puzzles to the Chair. I am interested in extracting from the Minister information about the release of the internees.

The Deputy will discuss the administration of the Department of Justice by the Minister. He is not doing it now.

There is an old saying that one should count up to ten before speaking, especially when one is slightly irritated. I shall leave the general question of internment until we deal with the Taoiseach's Estimate. I repeat, however, that there is a great deal of relief among the general public that the young men have been released. I do not know whether there is any use in appealing to this Minister to ensure that the camp is wiped out and that the Act under which it was established is revoked. I suppose the best way of getting that done is by appealing to the general public. Unfortunately, this Government did not put that before the public when they were at the hustings in the last election.

A number of Deputies spoke about the increase in crime and the system gradually being brought into operation of closing down a number of barracks in the rural areas and depending on the squad car for the administration of the law. Personally, I think we can have too much of this so called modernisation as far as the squad car is concerned. The best man to uphold the law is the man on the spot to see that the law is kept. The local Garda has his ear to the ground. He is respected by his neighbours, the farming community, workers, business people, teachers, and so on. He is a respectable and liked member of the local community and he knows what is happening in the rural areas. The replacement of that Garda by the squad car which comes occasionally is not a wise move.

I would suggest to the Minister that he would hasten slowly in that regard. I do not offer myself as an expert on this but I think—and I presume it is being done—that the advice of the Garda is being sought on a matter such as this. The Garda officers are experts in this matter and their advice should be accepted by the Minister when making a decision in this connection. Some people may argue that it is essential to have the squad car to enforce the licensing laws. But that still can be put into operation and made to serve an area of from 20 to 30 square miles. Perhaps when the new licensing code comes in, it will be of such a nature that there will be no breaches of that law in the future. It is my belief that the Minister and his advisers will ensure that whatever legislation is introduced will be such as will have the support of the community at large.

At present the licensing laws certainly have not the respect of even the most eminent citizens of the State. From the top down, our leading citizens think it is a great thrill to be in a pub after hours and to escape by the skin of their teeth out of an upstairs back window. The most prominent personages in the State would not be above jumping a six foot wall to get out the back way when a raid has taken place. All sections of the community have little regard for the licensing laws. The Minister should take the widest possible view when giving us the treat of discussing this matter in the House. He should not be too much alarmed by the strong arm methods being used at the moment by vested interests to have their case sympathetically dealt with. What we want is legislation that will meet with the approval of the rest of the citizens.

The Deputy is probably aware that he should not advocate legislation on the Estimates.

The final point I should like to deal with has to do with the conditions of the Garda themselves. I think the Minister is about to remedy one of the grievances of that excellent force—the fact that they have not been allowed to exercise the franchise. It may be suggested that I am advocating legislation. I am not advocating legislation. I am advocating the remedying of grievances and I am not suggesting any particular type of legislation. I hold that it is vitally essential that we should have a contented police force. In order to have a contented police force we must give the police conditions as good as those enjoyed by other sections of our community. We must give them equality with other citizens. One of the rights the ordinary citizen enjoys is the right to vote. At the moment the Gárda Siochána are in the same position as lunatics; they are deprived of the right to vote.

Numbers of young men are leaving the Garda. This is a disturbing feature and I should like the Minister to tell the House why the number is excessive. In every sphere one will find individuals who will be dissatisfied but the drain from the Garda in the last few years has been phenomenally heavy. Money is spent on the training of these young men. That money represents a loss from the point of view of the State. The services of these young men are apparently very valuable to other countries. If it is a question of finance and conditions generally, we should spare neither finance nor anything else in order to keep these young men at home. It is notable that morale invariably improves when conditions improve. Very often a member of the Garda, dissatisfied with his lot, goes around with his head down: he is not interested in the welfare of the community. He is certainly not as interested as he would be were he both happy and contented. In order to bring about a reduction in crime and keep up the morale of the police force generaly good conditions are the first requisite. The Minister is a reasonable man and I appeal to him to ensure that the utmost is done to improve conditions generally for the Gárda Siochána.

There is just one point I wish to raise on this Estimate, and that is the oath as administered at present in our courts. I have had to appear as a witness in civil actions on a few occasions. I have been appalled by the loose—almost contemptuous— manner with which the oath prescribed by law was not only taken but administered. Something should be done to bring home to all concerned the sacredness of the oath. According to the Cathechism which was taught to me an oath is "a calling on God to witness that what we affirm is true". The ease with which people call upon Almighty God—the God of Truth—to witness what they know to be untrue is almost frightening. I am well aware that the State cannot stand guard over each individual conscience: one cannot make men moral by Act of Parliament. But the more laws we make the more ways the criminal, or the criminally-minded, will find to circumvent them.

I am sure, however, that in the matter I have just mentioned the State can create conditions which might possibly lessen the incidence of perjury. We could, for instance, change the form in which the oath is administered. It should be possible to do that in a way which would bring home to witnesses the seriousness of what they are doing. I have in mind the form of oath used in some countries a century ago and I crave the indulgence of the House while I read it:—

"I do solemnly appeal to God, as a witness of the truth and an avenger of falsehood, and shall answer for the same at the great Day of Judgment when the secrets of all hearts shall be known, that the evidence that I shall give in the case now on trial shall be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help me God, upon penalty of eternal damnation of my soul should I swear falsely."

One would never tell a lie after saying all that.

I think the Deputy is on rather dangerous ground.

There are cynics who will, no doubt, find much to object to in all this. But surely, with the faith that is in us, we can afford to disregard the cynics. Cynicism and expediency have brought the world to the brink of disaster on more than one occasion. The procedure I suggest might admittedly take a little longer but, in a matter so serious as this, a few seconds taken to swear in a witness would be time well spent.

We are, or we presume to be, a predominantly Christian people and we should do all we can to uphold Christian principles. If the oath as at present administered is to be taken simply as a matter of form, then it would be better to dispense with it altogether, because the use of the oath in such a manner is nothing more than blatant hypocrisy.

"The fear of God is the beginning of wisdom." Let us, in this young State, show that we have at least the beginnings of wisdom by refusing to call upon God to witness a lie—indeed, by being afraid to do so. In that way we shall demonstrate our abhorrence of perjury and our conviction in the principles stated in the Preamble to the Constitution on which all our laws are based.

I sympathise with the Minister in having had to increase the vote for his Department this year by £185,000. In his opening statement he said that £151,000 would go in Garda pensions. No matter what Minister holds office, he will be faced with the problem of an abnormal number of retirals because the men who joined on the establishment of the Force are now reaching the retiring age and they must get their pensions and their gratuities. Added to that is the question of replacing them. These replacements will represent a certain drain on the Vote.

The most alarming part of the Minister's statement was his reference to an increase of 18 per cent. in indictable crime in the year 1958. In 1957 there was an increase of 12 per cent. The situation is a serious one and it is no consolation to tell the people that the same ciriminal trend is apparent in other European countries. We are an isolated island far removed from the hub of European civilisation and we should be able to repel any criminal trend either from within or from without. The Minister could not give us the cause for this criminal trend. I do not think it is traceable to any one cause. I think there are many causes for this deterioration in our national standards in recent years.

Poverty and unemployment have been mentioned as being largely responsible. I do not think the poor are the greatest law breakers. The percentage of crimes committed by such people is very limited. Unemployment may have something to do with crime. The frustration of a man who cannot get work and who has a family in want may sometimes make him act in desperation. I think the films have an influence on some crimes perpetrated here at present, especially by young people. There are also those who have misdirected ingenuity, a hankering after stunts, a hankering to be classified as heroic, and they are always out for sensationalism. Sometimes they test their ingenuity by committing crimes. Quite a big number fall into that category. The question is posed: has our system of crime detection weakened, the system that has stood the test down the years?

I am not casting any reflection on the personnel of the Garda at the moment. I think it is an excellent force in every sense, but I wonder is the system now applied to the detection of crime able to meet the challenging menace of the present day. The squad car has been talked about in this debate and I was gratified to hear so many adverse comments on it because I think there is no police method as effective as the foot patrol system. When we had that we seemed to be much freer from crime than we now are and the present trend began to show itself with the advent of the squad car. That type of patrol often defeats its own purpose because if it goes on regularly it can be timed. The car will be seen and heard approaching and seen leaving a particular area and criminals are always on the lookout for that sort of thing.

We have many young Gardaí leaving the force today and surely they could very well patrol our roads and streets with pedal bicycles. They would be all the better for it. The Garda life is often described as a sort of lackadaisical life and I think these young men would be more physically fit if they engaged in more vigorous exercises in their police activity. There is evidence also that the patrol system had the advantage that men on a regular patrol in a certain area of city, town or countryside become familiar with the people who live in these areas. They know them by appearance and are suspicious if a stranger comes into the area. That is an advantage for crime detection. It was advocated in this debate that more men in plain clothes should be used in crime detection especially in the larger areas, Dublin, Cork and other places. I think that would be an admirable system whether they do it on foot, on bicycles or on motor cycles. Coming in plain clothes they will always steal a march on the criminally-minded people about to carry out some crime in the area.

The Minister told us that most of the crimes are committed in Dublin. That is all the more extraordinary when he says that the force has been maintained up to strength in Dublin. It is more remarkable still when the Dublin people have been so alerted and have taken special precautions in recent years because of the outbreak of crime in the way of greater security of premises, stronger locks and so on. But in spite of all these precautions crime still goes on. Is it because the Garda are not getting the co-operation from the public that we would expect? One conclusion we may draw from the present situation is that we cannot afford to reduce the strength of the Garda. Wherever else we might effect economies I think the Garda should not be touched. We might effect economies in the Army or in other cases but in the face of present trends I think it would be very unwise to cut down the present Garda strength.

There has been much comment about the closing of barracks in the countryside. Immediately a station is closed there is a storm of protest to the Department or the Minister. These barracks have become accepted as institutions in the locality and the people appreciate them, realising they are there for their security, benefit and protection. They have a certain amount of admiration for the Garda and do not like to lose them as associates in the area and also because of the work they do in the community as an insurance against crime or violence of any kind.

I also think it would be unwise to reduce the Garda in isolated areas to one individual. I do not think in the present age an individual would be too plucky in going out to investigate a crime by himself. He should have at least one man with him on all occasions. If the Garda is to be whittled down to one person in an area I think it will destroy its efficacy in that area.

Another cause—I may be held up by the Chair if I mention this—for the outbreak of crime is the ready application of the First Offenders' Act. I may be on thorny ground here but we have been reminded to-night of the Shakespearian phrase: "The quality of mercy is not strained." I am all for mercy but where there is premeditation and deliberate intent, and crime is committed in a deliberate way, I do not think a criminal should get away too easily under any system.

That would not be a matter for the Minister.

I am just referring to it. The Minister has been criticised because he has not been more lenient in mitigating sentences imposed on drunken drivers but I was very proud to hear him say that in no instance did he mitigate the penalties no matter what representations were made to him. I think he was wise and sensible to do that and it was far better than to make fish of one and flesh of another. The drunken driver is a potential murderer. These may be hard words but while I pity the young man who may get into trouble and drink to excess in a particular case, at the same time one must consider the lives and the safety of others which he has in his hands, depending on his conduct on the road. We cannot be too lenient. We must consider the safety of the greater number.

Accidents on the roads have been referred to here very frequently. We must remember there is a good deal of reckless driving on the roads to-day. Some visitors to Dublin—I saw it recently on the papers—said that we Irish were the worst drivers and the rudest. That is a frightful record but I think it is deserved in many cases. We lack courtesy and we pay no attention to the rights of other road users. Organisations like the Safety First Association, the Automobile Association and the St. John's Road Courtesy Club, have done quite a lot in the way of advising and cautioning people, and trying to make them a little more courteous to other users of the roads. They are to be complimented on that. They are voluntary bodies. During the winter the A.A. went to a great deal of trouble to give information about the condition of the roads over Radio Éireann. They were most helpful to motorists and they should be complimented on that. The next point with which I should like to deal is the question of itinerants. One cannot appreciate the plight of people who are at the mercy of these itinerants unless one lives in a locality in which they camp. The people living in those localities pay rates and taxes and are entitled to the maximum protection for themselves and their property which the State allows. They are harassed from morning to night by visits from these itinerants. Worse than that, some of them have horses and ponies and they trespass on the farmers' land. That is quite a common thing in the vicinity of Cork. I am sure Deputy MacCarthy will bear me out that the farmers often wake up to find five, six or ten horses in their fields, in their crops, their corn or their hay. That is very wrong and these people should be made amenable to the law. They break all the laws of the land. Their children are not compelled to go to school and if the Garda issue a summons against them, they immediately move off to some unknown destination. It is too costly and fatiguing a process to try to locate them and bring them to court.

My greatest objection to them is the filthy condition in which they leave their camping quarters. It is a common thing in Cork and, I am sure, in the suburbs of Dublin, to find the places where they have been camping full of rags, and straw, and irons, and papers, and filth of all kind. In this country we place so much value on tourism that that is a state of affairs we should not allow to continue in our society. Surely the officials of the Department of Justice are not so bereft of ideas that they could not draw up a code of rules to which those people would have to conform. I hope the Minister will, at some stage, do something in order to remedy that situation in which so many of our people are harassed and annoyed.

I should like to compliment the Minister on some remarks of his in Dublin last week. At the passing-out parade of new Gardaí, he told them that their success would depend on the support and cooperation of the people amongst whom they would live. He also told them that he hoped they would live up to the traditions that the Garda had established in this country of dealing with the people with absolute impartiality. I venture to suggest that the word "courtesy" should be added to that. A national force built up on that basis is bound to succeed if it conforms to the traditions of the force since its origin.

I was here for most of the debate and I do not wish to repeat what other Deputies have already said but I should like to support some of the remarks that were made. It appears to me that the patrol car, or squad car, has no friend in this House. I would respectfully draw the attention of the Minister to the fact that it is a failure. It is regrettable that crime has increased to the extent it has increased in the past two years. Crimes of violence have increased and, in my opinion, they are encouraged by the pictures, and by the fact that people in Hollywood consider it entertainment to show pictures of one man beating another over the head with a pick-axe handle or something like that. When what they call "coppers" appear, they are shown as being beaten up and shot down like dogs. These pictures are not the type which should be shown to children or indeed to adults. The Minister should ensure by a much stricter censorship, that these pictures are not shown, and that pictures, the whole plot of which is based on beastly brutality, are cut out. In the matter of crimes of violence, we can always judge by what happens in other countries and we can learn lessons from what has happened in other countries. We have had such crimes here. Members of the Garda have been beaten up and assaulted, and ordinary citizens have been beaten up and assaulted. Pleas are then made for many of the blackguards who commit these crimes and they get off with a light fine, even though they may have inflicted very serious injuries on the Garda or members of the public. In my opinion, the reason for many of these crimes is that the criminals get off with a light fine and have nothing to be afraid of. I should like to draw the attention of the Minister to what has happened to the race riots in England. They have disappeared because they were put down by severe punishment. Unless we realise that there is only one way of enforcing the law, that is, by severe punishment for breaches of the law— those who are guilty of brutal crimes of violence will continue to commit such crimes.

The amount of punishment is not for the Minister to decide.

If it is not for the Minister to decide who is to decide it?

The judges and the courts.

I suppose it is as well for us to say what we think here; perhaps the judges do occasionally read the papers. Deputy Cummins has just spoken. He came in here about 5 o'clock. He is a young Deputy and he sat too far back. He rose to speak several times, but the Chair could not see him because some of his colleagues were bobbing up and down in front of him. He got in late in the day. I think it was his maiden speech and, but for that, a few of us would have been hard on him. He was on very dangerous ground when speaking of the administering and taking of oaths. I shall leave it at that.

I suppose we have all broken traffic laws at one time or another, but I see great danger to life at times of big sporting fixtures arising from the great volume of traffic on the roads. On these occasions, squad cars should patrol the roads. If one happens to be coming to Dáil Eireann on the day of Naas Races, Punchestown Races or the Curragh Races, it is quite an adventure because cars do not come around the corners in ones but in bunches They all seem to be charging along to "get on" the first race. On one occasion, on the road to Dublin, I went with some friends into a well-known hostelry and saw some people there on their way to the races. It was just about 2.30 and the first race was at 3 o'clock. One man said: "We had better be going now.""No, we will have another," said another man, and they had another, and another, and then they went out to their car to go down to "get on" the first race, and God help the people coming against them.

Squad cars should patrol the roads wherever and whenever there are big sporting fixtures. If there is a big football or hurling match or a race meeting in Dublin—I may be bringing some of my own constituents to book because they will be coming up with me for the cup final next Sunday—it would make for greater safety on the roads if there were an odd patrol car here and there to stop us from racing one another to get to the football pitch.

The problem of itinerants has got completely out of hand. I do not support Deputy Manley as far as tourists are concerned. I am talking about the ordinary working farmer, his wife and family. They are terrorised by these itinerants. Near Waterford City, there are whole areas where fine farms are practically derelict, with fences smashed to pieces and all the gates torn down by itinerants. Farmers are unable to provide sufficient grass for their cows because these people put 10, 15 or 20 horses in the field at night. This matter has been raised every year since I became a Deputy and nothing seems to have been done about it and I submit to the Minister it should dealt with as quickly as possible. Some kind of rule should be made. I do not suggest a commission because that would take ten years, but there should be consultation with farmers' representatives, with the people down the country and in the vicinity of Dublin as to how this should be dealt with.

Lastly I wish to compliment the Minister on the release of the prisoners. The internment of these young men in the Curragh placed him in a very difficult position and I am very glad he made up his mind to release them. I am sure it was a great relief to his own mind to have them off his hands and I hope the necessity will not arise for a long time to put any of these lads behind bars.

It is only right that this House should devote a considerable amount of time to the discussion of this important Estimate. The Department of Justice covers a very wide area and I should like to place on record that, in regard to the manner in which the Department is administered, the Minister has been extremely courteous to public representatives and to those who had occasion to make representations to him.

I wish to make special reference to the Garda Siochana. No doubt the Minister will agree that a certain amount of uneasiness prevails throughout the country and that that uneasiness is not without very great cause. That uneasiness was referred to in the Minister's opening remarks on this Estimate, in relation to the unsolved murders. In a small country like ours, it is not outside the bounds of possibility that the trained and efficient officers of the Garda should be in a position, with the co-operation of the general public, to solve these serious crimes. It casts a very great reflection on the Garda when there are three unsolved murders which were committed around the same period. I am of opinion that the Garda are trying to cloak something or that no serious effort is being made to solve the crimes.

A number of representations have been made to the Minister asking for certain changes to be made. I addressed a communication personally to the Minister some time ago in this matter and I told him I would be prepared to give him the name of one Officer of the Garda who, if he were put into one of these areas where those unsolved murders are under investigation, would within six weeks produce some results. The reply I received from the Minister was that he had every confidence in the Gárda and was not prepared to make any changes. There is serious criticism of the Garda throughout the country in regard to their handling of those investigations. Those who are responsible in the Technical Branch or whoever the people are who are in charge of efforts to solve crimes of this nature either do not know their job or do not realise the vast amount of serious criticism the Gárda have come in for in this respect.

As regards the Garda generally, the older men who joined the force in 1923, 1924, or 1925 are men of experience. They are the men who established the force and are looked upon with a great deal of respect. I am sorry to say the same courtesy and the same devotion to duty does not seem to prevail among the younger members of the force as prevails among the old-timers who love their job.

Notice taken that 20 Members were not present; House counted, and 20 Members being present.

The younger members of the Force would be well advised to take a leaf out of the book of some of those old-timers. It might be better, rather than enter into any criticism of the manner in which they discharge their duties, to leave it at that and to say it is a pity that the standard set by the old-timers who are now going out on pension and leaving behind them the good record of establishing a police force this country can be readily proud of is not being continued.

I want to refer to the closing of Garda stations and to make a special reference to a situation in my constituency in which the Gardaí have been evicted from the barracks. It is an extraordinary state of affairs and one which I feel has not been properly handled by the Garda authorities. In the village of Ballickmoyler, County Laois, the Garda barracks were owned by a private individual. I do not know the merits or demerits of the correspondence or the case as it was being dealt with between the Department of Justice and the owner of the building but it was a disgrace and a shame that the Gardaí had to be evicted out of the Garda barracks. I hope the Minister will make some reference to it when he is concluding. Between the town of Carlow and the town of Stradbally—a fair distance— there is no Garda barracks. There is a post office in Ballickmoyler. There is a very wide area in respect of which the general public are alarmed at the absence of Gardaí. Once Gardaí are in a district it is always a guarantee that crime will not exist to the extent it would if they were not in the area.

I am told that alternative housing accommodation was offered to the Garda authorities in the area but that the Department declined to accept it. I still want to know the cause of the delay in view of an emergency that exists in this area. I want to know why arrangements cannot be made to provide some accommodation for Gardaí in a district such as Ballickmoyler. A representative committee, in addition to the parish priest, was set up to make an approach to the Department of Justice in this matter. I cannot say whether the Minister received the deputation personally but I can say that on the occasion on which the Gardaí were evicted from Ballickmoyler Garda barracks, a good deal of protest from the general public was aroused.

In the Ballickmoyler district, various camps are set up by travellers. In the past, there has been a good deal of larceny, particularly of farmers' property. In a case such as this, and particularly in a district where the people always had recourse to the Gardaí and where there was full co-operation between the Garda authorities and the general public, it is nothing short of a disgrace that the people of that area should now find that if Gardaí are urgently required in the event of an accident or a robbery or in any case in which the assistance of a Garda would be required they either have to get in touch with Carlow, Ballylinan Garda barracks or Stradbally Garda barracks while their own barracks are empty and Gardaí who were there are now scattered all over the country.

I hope that, even now, the Minister will not look upon Ballickmoyler as a place where the Garda barracks has been closed permanently. I am sure other Deputies for the area will give the Minister the same information on the matter as I am giving him. The people in the district are perturbed at the present situation. I promised the local committee that I would raise this matter on the Estimate here. I promised them that I would air the grievance of the farmers in the district who are very displeased at the attitude of the Department of Justice in this matter and who feel very much the loss of Gardaí in the area.

The Gardaí were a source of strength and security to the people in the district—particularly in a country district such as that in which the post office has to handle sums of money for old age pensioners and other parties. It was always a security to have Gardaí in the district because it is a remote country area. The general public feel that Gardaí were very useful and convenient in the district and that they would not have any serious crime while they were there.

I hope and recommend very strongly that the Minister will take action as soon as possible and that steps will be taken to ensure that a Garda barracks will be set up in the area again and that Gardaí will be on duty there once more.

The question of the internees at the Curragh was raised here, I am sure, by Deputy McGilligan and, I understand, by Deputy T. Lynch. I think it is wrong that any person should be detained without trial. Our people have confidence in the courts. The decision of the courts should be final. No man should be interned or imprisoned unless he is found guilty of an offence by the courts. It is difficult enough to encourage the respect for the courts to which they are rightly entitled and it would be wrong for the Government to follow the line of casting people into either internment camps or prison without first giving them the benefit of trial in the ordinary courts.

With the approach of the Presidential Election and the Referendum, I trust that the internment camps are empty. Even when these elections are over, I hope no effort will be made by the Government to intern certain people. I do not say for one moment that if people break the law they ought not be punished. If they break the law they should be punished. This House is the governing body. If this House makes laws then it is up to the citizens to fulfil the laws laid down by this House and administered by the courts and officers of the Department of Justice. I feel that no person should be interned either in prison or in an internment camp unless he is first given the full benefit of the services of the courts which are available for him.

Portlaoise Prison is in my constituency. Many years ago, I had occasion to refer to it in this House time and again. The conditions in that prison now are different from what they were ten or twelve years ago. Life in the prison is now made attractive for the prisoner. I have inspected the prison. I have been to the kitchen. I have seen the hygienic conditions under which the food is prepared for the prisoners. I have seen the high standard and excellent quality of the food made available for them. It is only right that Deputies who receive complaints or hear grievances should inquire into them and, if such has been the case in respect of Port Laoise Prison, I am sure they would, on application to the Governor or even to the Minister for Justice, be given an opportunity of visiting the Prison to see things for themselves. If I had not seen for myself the amount of food made available for the prisoners, the high quality and the variety of food being prepared, in addition to the spotlessness and cleanliness of the institution, I do not think I could ever have realised how much is entirely to the credit of the Governor and the staff there.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Thursday, 16th April, 1959.
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