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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 4 Nov 1959

Vol. 177 No. 5

Courts of Justice Bill, 1959—Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."
Debate resumed on the following amendment:
To delete "now" and to add at the end of the motion "this day twelve months."—(Deputies McQuillan and Dr. Browne).

When speaking here last week, I was making the case that district justices, by reason of the amount of business which they handle in their courts, and the fact that they are often the only representatives of the judiciary with whom the ordinary citizen comes in contact, occupy a position which makes it imcumbent upon us to get the very best men, and provide a salary which will attract the best men to the district court Bench.

I think it is not sufficiently known that 90 per cent. of the criminal work is done in the districts courts, and that 60 per cent. of the civil business is done in them also. In all cases, of course, the decisions of the district justices are open to appeal, but a very small proportion of their decisions is, in fact, appealed, particularly because of the expenses involved in taking any case further than the district court. Accordingly, I think the case for bringing up the salaries of the district justices to a level which will be reasonably in keeping with the prestige and importance of their position, is a compelling one.

Those of us who listened this afternoon to the replies at Question Time will recall that the Minister for Justice mentioned the reorganisation of the areas under the Courts of Justice Act, 1953. He mentioned that the reorganisation of the Circuit Court will be put in hands early next year, that consideration is at present being given to the rearrangement of the District Court areas, and that a scheme will probably be put into operation fairly soon. I think it is clear that because of this reorganisation, which in most cases will involve an enlargement of the court areas assigned to each justice, the justices will have more work to do than ever before. In saying that, I am not suggesting that they are over-worked at present. That is not the point. The point is that they will have more work to do when this reorganisation has been completed, and it will be of the same importance as the work they are doing today.

The attitude of the principal Opposition Party to this Bill is in distinct contrast with the attitude of the Fine Gael Party in 1953, and I commend to Fine Gael a few extracts which I propose to read from the speech delivered by the then Leader of the Opposition, Deputy J.A. Costello, a distinguished lawyer, when giving his personal, as much as his Party view, on the 1953 measure. I quote from Volume 141 of the Official Report, column 805:

I am standing upon the rock of principle. The principle of the independence of the judiciary is one that ought to be, in my view, the special care of every Deputy, irrespective of the Party to which he belongs.

He went on to say:

"I deprecate the kind of crosstalk that goes on occasionally in this House about lawyers and judges, their salaries and their fees."

Hear, hear!

I am glad the present leader of the Opposition commends to the House the sentiments of his predecessor, who went on to say:

"We have carried on down the centuries, and the reason why we cannot be done without is because we, the members of the legal profession and the judiciary, are the guardians of the fundamental liberties of the citizens."

Then—skipping a little bit—he continued:

"That is why the independence of the judiciary is such a fundamental one as to be enshrined in the Constitution as one of the fundamental Articles of the Constitution. It is a principle which was secured down the centuries at much trouble and great misery. It is a principle that we should stand for and it is a principle that should be maintained by every Deputy because it affects the fundamental rights of the poorest citizen of this State."

That is a very admirable sentiment to which we would all subscribe.

The only objection Deputy J.A. Costello raised to the terms of that Bill was the fact that certain extraneous or miscellaneous matters were introduced in a way that he regarded as somewhat confusing. At column 809, he stated:

"... the Minister has our support for this Bill because of the provisions in it in reference to judicial salaries..."

and went on to say that he protested against the device of introducing miscellaneous matters, mentioned earlier on.

He also said:

I know that to ordinary people, particularly to farmers who would be accustomed to the sort of thing that we get from certain Deputies about high salaries, even the salaries of district justices appear to be a matter of tremendous moment and that they are very high indeed. But these people have to keep up their own standards. They have to maintain the standards which are expected from them by the public. They have to keep aloof, and above all, they have to keep themselves free from not merely the actuality of corruption but from the possible breath of corruption. I am afraid that we may be very close to that unless something is done for the more lowly-paid of our judicial hierarchy. That is why I am speaking strongly on this.

These words, coming as they do from a distinguished lawyer, say in effect that even taking into account the increases that were given at that time on the recommendation of the committee, the pay given to the district justice was quite inadequate. I believe that is true, and I would therefore urge the Minister to have regard to the considerations advanced by me now and on the last day and most eloquently put forward by Deputy Costello in 1953.

I fully appreciate that in previous advances the lower-paid members of the Judiciary were given special consideration. The reason for that surely was that the level of their remuneration before the first increase in 1947 was simply ludicrously low. Even after 1953 it could not be described as other than subsistence level taking into account the nature of the work they have to do. After this increase it will, in my view, be still wholly inadequate.

In his speech, Deputy Costello would seem to favour my point of view rather than the point of view of Deputy Lindsay in regard to attracting ability to the Bar. I said on the last day, and I repeat now, that it is essential that ability should be attracted as well as integrity. I said I did not agree with Deputy Lindsay that the integrity of the Bench was such that it would continue no matter what you paid them. There is no reason to assume that we shall get the right kind of people even though they are people of integrity. Something more than that is wanted of a first-class judge or justice. Surely, our aim must be to appoint only first-class men to act either as judges or justices.

Over the years, since 1924, civil servants and others have—quite rightly —had their emoluments increased, not once or twice but very many times. This was quite right because the higher civil servants in particular have more work and more important work, possibly, to do now. They certainly have more varied work to do than they ever had before. They, therefore, become entitled to more money for that and because of the devaluation of money also. They have got at least some of what they were entitled to by way of increase. I do not know how many times their emoluments have been increased over that period, perhaps six or seven or eight times. The emoluments of the lower-paid members of the Bench have been increased only twice. I conclude by saying what I said at the beginning that, with Deputy Costello, I deprecate the jibes that have been thrown in this House at our judges. I deprecate the introduction of cheap propaganda about other members of the community in this case.

And the T.D.s.

——and also the introduction of Deputies' salaries. These matters are wholly irrelevant. This is a problem which should be considered by us in the most responsible fashion. The question of judicial salaries is one of the very few matters regarding salaries or emoluments which may be decided only by legislation. It behoves us to approach the framing of such legislation in the light of the fundamental considerations mentioned so eloquently by Deputy Costello, which I resurrected and to which I give my wholehearted approval.

I believe that we must do everything possible to ensure that the Bench continues to be occupied by the very best and the most able people that you can persuade to go on the Bench. Only if we do that and pay the Judiciary sufficient to make their calling in some way attractive shall we be doing our best to ensure that the fundamental liberties and rights mentioned in the Constitution, of which the Judiciary are the protectors, shall continue in full force.

I agree with a good deal of what the last speaker has said but I think there is a fundamental principle in this matter which was previously applied in connection with increases in the salaries of the Judiciary but for some reason or other it is not being applied in the present case. I refer to graduated scales.

I thought the Minister in his introductory speech last week made a sensible case for an increase in judicial salaries on the very relevant factor of the increase in the cost of living since 1953. With all due respect to the Taoiseach, I thought his intervention was unhelpful, to say the least of it. He gave the impression—which I am quite certain he did not wish to create but nevertheless created, in my mind at any rate—that unless these increases were paid as suggested—that is, at a flat rate of 10 per cent.—there was danger that the liberty and detachment of the Judiciary might be impaired. I do not for one moment subscribe to that belief because I believe that, even if no increase were voted by this House to the Judiciary, we could still continue to regard them as men of honour and competence, completely independent and detached in their judgments and assessments of the various cases that come before them.

For my part, if this increase proposal had been presented with a graduated scale I would give it my wholehearted support. I think there is a very strong case to be made for increasing the salaries of the district justices. I do not think a salary of less than £2,000 a year—particularly for a district justice with a growing family and faced with the necessity of travelling around to the various courts in his area—is adequate compensation and I would certainly give full support to a proposal to increase that by the 10 per cent. mentioned in this measure. I do not say that the same blanket increase should be applied to the higher-paid scales. Personally, taking the measure as it is presented, I must oppose it on those grounds. I do not know whether the Minister is open to any reconsideration of the matter. If he is—and I hope he is—I would ask him to apply to this increase the provision or principle included in the increases awarded in 1947 and 1953, a principle which, I think, is enshrined in the great majority, if not all, of the increases awarded in the case of civil servants, employees of public authorities and, in effect, in the case of ordinary employees in the various trades and undertakings throughout the State.

I think it is a sound principle that the body of professional men and workers nearest to the bread line should get the major consideration. I think it is not inconsiderable in this case. A great deal of irrelevant comparisons were made in this discussion. Although the circumstances of the day must influence the Government in having regard to the amount of money which can be afforded by way of these increases, I think that in a case such as this where we are contemplating giving increases in salaries to the Judiciary, we should consider the case on its own.

Irrespective of whether this is agreed or disagreed, I think this House will find that they are well served by the Judiciary. I would ask the Minister to reconsider the matter and method of this application and give consideration to applying the 10 per cent. to the lower paid district justices, and a very much smaller percentage to the higher paid, and in my view, having regard to the resources of the State, very well paid members of the Judiciary.

I did not intend to contribute to this debate. In fact, I did not think there would be any necessity from any point of view. I listened to the discussion and read the speeches made when I was not present in the House. I would want to have the analytical ability of some of the senior justices to make up my mind, if I were to take into consideration the various submissions without being considered facetious. I have been interested for the past 20 years in the cost of living index which has governed demands in the building industry in regard to matters of this kind. Accordingly, if the members of the Judiciary had a trade union and submitted a case for the same reasons, I wonder what would have been the attitude?

I was very impressed by Deputy Norton when he said that if justice were being done to everybody, the Labour Party would favour this Bill, but surely two wrongs do not make a right? There would certainly be no divergence between me and the sections of the community represented by Deputy Norton on that. It is a separate question.

I wonder would there be any question about it if this were left to a free vote of the House? If another motion were put forward again for the sections referred to, I wonder would we have the same situation with a free vote of the House? Then when the division bell rang, what would be the difference?

Like Deputy Russell, I feel that the difference between the salary of the Chief Justice and the others is something astonishing but that was decided in 1924. Surely, we are not to take a retrograde step now, bearing in mind the assurance of our Taoiseach at Oxford, which I applaud and in which I concur, that the social benefits would be retained? I support the Bill. I would not have risen were it not for the fact that many people might ask why I supported the Bill on the other submissions made. The other submissions, to my mind, have nothing whatsoever to do with this Bill. Irrespective of whether or not it was the Judiciary, the submissions were accepted and ratified by the Government on the cost of living index since 1939. That in itself would be sufficient to justify this ten per cent. increase. I think that is the farthest we can go. I should much prefer to see a greater increase given to the district justices but then I would fall down on the principle of the cost of living index. The cost of living has gone up. That was never questioned, as has been submitted, so forcibly, ably, and successfully submitted, by those who oppose this Bill.

In opening my remarks, I must express regret that the subject matter of this Bill was dragged into the political arena by some of the Deputies. Some of the speeches to which we listened in the House might have been quite appropriate to the election hustings but they certainly are not appropriate to a deliberative assembly of this kind. It is much to be regretted that people will stand up and utilise the terms of this Bill to bring in matters that are completely irrelevant to the Bill. They do it for their own particular purposes.

However, when Deputy McQuillan was opening his speech on the amendment, he referred to a couple of matters. One in particular to which he referred was that of conciliation and arbitration which he thought applied to the higher civil servants. If Deputy McQuillan had examined the matter more closely than he appears to have, he would have discovered that higher civil servants, that is, those with a maximum salary in excess of £1,200, do not have conciliation and arbitration applied to them. Naturally, the same would obtain in the case of judges. As has been mentioned here by some Deputies, the salaries of judges can be altered only by legislation and that means in fact, that they can be increased only by a vote of this House. Therefore, the question of conciliation and arbitration does not arise in dealing with judges' salaries.

I am glad, however, to know that Deputy McQuillan is not against the terms of the Bill. He favours the motion which is in his name and he suggested that a Committee should be set up to deal with this question. In effect, the motion standing in his name and that of Deputy Dr. Browne means that if that committee were set up, it would take 12 months to come to its conclusions. Deputy McQuillan said —Volume 177, No. 4, Column 539 of the Official Reports:

I move the amendment, Sir, not because of any actual criticism of what a judge or justice or any member of the Judiciary is entitled to. I want to get that quite clear. But, there are a number of points which the Government should consider in connection with this proposal and our aim in moving the amendment is to give sufficient time for our proposal to be examined and, if considered desirable, to be adopted.

At Column 540 of the same Volume, he said:

Of course, nobody for a moment suggests that the request of the Judiciary should be neglected or that their claims should not be listened to, but I do submit that at least the same rules should be applied to their claims for an increase as are applied to the higher ranks of the Civil Service and other State bodies.

I hope I have made it clear to Deputy McQuillan that the judges would not come under the terms of conciliation and arbitration.

If we take it that Deputy McQuillan was speaking for his Party, Deputy McQuillan and Deputy Dr. Browne disagree with Fine Gael and with Labour and are not against the increase but only against the method by which the increase is being brought about and, apparently, they would favour the setting up of a special committee, a suggestion which was taken up by other Members of the House, especially by Deputy O'Higgins, who stated in clear language that he was speaking for his Party and that they would vote against this Bill.

I am going to suggest that Deputy McQuillan and Deputy Dr. Browne were, at least, logical in dealing with this case and that Fine Gael were completely and entirely illogical. The speech that we listened to from Deputy S. Flanagan clarifies the position in that respect. It is very difficult for people on this side of the House to understand why, on this particular occasion, the main Opposition Party is taking up that attitude. I can understand Labour wanting to take up that attitude for propaganda purposes purely and simply. We listened to a tirade from Deputy Norton about this small increase, to which the judges are entitled, in my opinion, by reason of the increase in the cost of living. He dragged in the old age pensioners and tried to fling them in our face.

Deputy Norton in office and Deputy Norton out of office are two completely and entirely different people. If Deputy Norton has any doubts about what I am talking about, he has only to sit down and examine his own record when he was six years in office and see what he did for the old age pensioners during those six years and compare it with what was done by the Fianna Fáil Party. He will find that he was not stating the facts when he talked in the manner in which he did talk. As I described in the beginning, he was making a speech that was more applicable to the hustings in the thick of a hot election rather than to the matter before the House.

The only material change which has taken place since 1953 in circumstances affecting the Judiciary as a group, or any section of the Judiciary, is the increase in the cost of living. It should be clear that the question now for consideration by the Government and the House is the question of what compensation, if any, judges should get because of the increase in the cost of living. It is very limited in scope; it does not involve any new principle and does not justify another Select Committee of the House, for the simple reason that all we are discussing here today is the question of whether we should give this ten per cent. increase in the salaries of judges or whether we should not.

Deputies have referred to the Select Committee which was set up in 1953 and the fact that such a Committee has not been set up on this occasion. The reason should be perfectly clear. In 1953, a Select Committee was set up to examine a number of questions that applied to the increase in the salaries of the Judiciary: the question, first of all, of the amount of the increase; secondly, the question of pensions for judges; thirdly, the question of whether the widows of judges should be entitled to a pension and a further question as to whether or not judges should be entitled to something in the nature of a death gratuity. None of these questions is involved in this Bill.

All these principles were decided in 1953. They have not to be decided now. We are not considering these principles. We are not, in effect, giving an increase to judges in their salaries for any purpose other than the purpose of meeting the increase in the cost of living. That is really all that is being undertaken in respect of this Bill and there is no necessity, good, bad or indifferent, to set up a special committee to sit down and waste its time and to waste our time, because we would have to wait until its decision was arrived at to decide whether or not judges should get this increase.

I may have been doing an injustice to the Judiciary by making the Government themselves decide whether or not this increase should be given to the Judges. I do not mind saying that if my recommendation had been accepted, they would have got more than the ten per cent. recommended in this Bill. That would have been merely on the basis of justice for the Judiciary. However, the Government decided—taking into account that any increase given to the Judges as a result of a vote of this House would be permanent and could not be affected by a reduction in the cost of living in the future—that, instead of giving 15 per cent., which would meet the cost of living in present circumstances, they would give only ten per cent. I am satisfied—and I am sure any fair-minded Deputy would be satisfied—that if this matter went to a Select Committee of this House, they would say: the cost of living has gone up by 15 per cent.; surely the way to meet the claim is to give an increase of 15 per cent.

Deputy Norton and other speakers referred to increases for other workers. It is no harm to remember that since the end of the Emergency, workers have got no less than six rounds of increases, and just before I introduced this Bill I saw where preparations were being made to have a seventh round. When we compare the six increases secured by workers with the two received by the Judges, we can hardly say we are playing fair with the Judges. I regret that certain Deputies did not consider that aspect, but I am glad a number of Deputies did do so and dealt with the matter very fairly.

I concluded from the early stages of Deputy McGilligan's speech that he was in favour of this increase, but, later on, he created the impression— and I am sure I interpreted him correctly—that while he was in favour of the increase, he thought the time was not ripe for presenting it. The criticism that the present time is not opportune for the additional expenditure involved sounds strange coming from the Opposition benches. I had thought that argument was the special stock-in-trade of Governments and not of members of the opposition. It is all right for the Government to suggest in an effort to avoid giving something demanded by the Opposition that the time is not opportune, but it sounds strange coming from a leading member of the Opposition, even though he did express himself as being in favour of the increase.

If I interpreted correctly Deputy Lindsay's concluding remarks, he thinks the rate of increase proposed is unduly generous and that something much less would be adequate compensation for the increase in the cost of living. How he arrived at that conclusion makes me wonder. As I have said, the cost of living has increased by 15 per cent. and if we were to do justice, we would give the Judiciary an increase of that amount. I have already given my reasons why we have not done so.

Criticising the timing of the Bill, the Labour and Clann na Talmhan Members referred to the country's economic position. Deputy McGilligan mentioned the repercussions which he feels would follow up and down the country. Presumably he is referring to the possibility of claims being made later on by various groups of workers throughout the country. I feel there may be some but there will be no great number. As I have already said, workers have kept up with the increase in the cost of living by following up each rise with a further round of wage increases.

Deputy Loughman in the course of his speech referred to an interesting matter not mentioned, I think, by any other Deputy. He said "Even the £8,000 which the Chief Justice will get will be very seriously cut by income tax." I suggest that that figure of £8,000 is either a typographical error by the printer or a misstatement by Deputy Loughman. I think it is a typographical error because earlier on the Deputy referred to the Chief Justice's salary as being £5,300.

In view of the Deputy's reference to income tax I was interested to know how much of the increase will be recovered by the State in that way, and when I went into the matter I made a rather interesting discovery. The proposed increase for the Chief Justice is £485. That is the gross amount he would be granted. In actual fact, as a result of income tax, he will get £219. Indeed, if he has any private means or income from other sources, the increase will be reduced by a greater amount. The President of the High Court and Supreme Court Judges would get £370 under this increase, but the actual amount that will be received after deduction of income tax is £185. The Judges of the Circuit Court would get £257, of which £148 would be the net amount. The State is handing out a certain sum of money with one hand and taking it back with the other. Speakers have referred to exorbitant increases. One speaker referred to the £350 which the Chief Justice will get. In effect, the Chief Justice will not get £350. He will get the figure I have just mentioned.

I think it was Deputy Russell who said that he would have preferred a graduation of the amounts rather than a flat rate all round. I am, I think, interpreting the Deputy's remarks correctly. The position is that formerly circuit court judges and district justices got two increases—one in 1947 and another in 1953—and they were paid a higher percentage increase than the other members of the Judiciary. Because of the increases these two categories got formerly it was decided that it would be more just to give a flat ten per cent. increase all round on this occasion.

The reason we came to that decision is that the percentage increase which the Chief Justice has received to date amounts to 21 per cent. Supreme Court judges and the President of the High Court got 23 per cent; High Court judges and the President of the Circuit Court got 30 per cent; Circuit Court judges, 51 per cent; the principal justices of the District Court got 67 per cent; metropolitan justices, 71 per cent; and ordinary justices, 75 per cent. If we were to go on increasing salaries at that rate, in course of time, we would find ourselves putting the lower categories on such a high percentage rate that the position would become quite unfair to the other members of the Judiciary. When Deputies digest these figures, they will find that, in dealing with the position as we have done, we are dealing with it in a fair and reasonable way.

Did Deputy Flanagan not answer that point when he said that the district justice started at such a low level the apparent percentage increase is really not comparable with the increases received by the higher paid members of the Judiciary.

I think we must look back in time and examine the position when the salaries were originally fixed. In 1924, a special committee was set up to examine the rates of pay of members of the Judiciary. The judges operating then were those who had been operating under the old British system. It was decided apparently by the committee that those who succeeded them should get a rate of pay fixed at £1,000 less than their predecessors. That was based on the salaries paid to judges in Great Britain. I think the Lord Chief Justice at the time in Great Britain was receiving £8,000. It was decided that his counterpart here should receive half that salary. The salaries of the members of the Superior Courts as a whole were fixed at half the rate obtaining in Great Britain. That ratio has been maintained practically ever since. At the moment the ratio is not quite fair because some time ago judges in Great Britain and Northern Ireland got increases which put the ratio out of gear. Indeed, I do not think that even this proposed increase will restore the ratio. We are still not doing full justice, but, taking everything into consideration, we believe we are doing all that is reasonably possible in our circumstances at the moment.

The Minister mentioned that one of the reasons influencing the Government in giving this flat rate increase was that the higher percentage increases in the case of district justices and judges of the Circuit Court have created a position, or might create a position, which would call for redress.

That is so.

The Minister wants to adjust the position now.

We could not continue doing it on a graduated scale.

I disagree. This is a very fundamental matter.

The Deputy may not make a second speech at this stage.

I maintain that district justices would not be receiving anything unreasonable if the Minister were to propose giving them a 15 per cent increase. The percentage increases could then be scaled down to 10 per cent, or even 5 per cent., to the top men and that would, I suggest, still preserve the very substantial differential. There is a very big difference between £4,000 for a Supreme Court judge and less than £2,000 for a district justice.

I do not think I can add anything to what I have already said.

Am I entitled, as the mover of the amendment, to reply?

No. The Deputy has already spoken on the amendment and the seconder, Deputy Dr. Browne, has also spoken. The Deputy is not entitled to reply.

May I make one point on a remark which, I think, misrepresents the position? I am sure it was unconscious on the part of the Minister. He said we favoured the increase. What we favour is an investigation as to the necessity for the increase.

In view of the fact that the major Opposition Parties believe it is more advisable to reject the Bill forthwith rather than have a discussion on the question of setting up a Select Committee, we feel there is no support at this stage for our amendment for giving time to the Government. Therefore, we do not propose to put this matter to a vote of the House.

Question: "That the word proposed to be deleted stand part of the main question" put and declared carried.
Main Question put and agreed to.

When is it proposed to take the Committee Stage?

Is there any possibility of getting it now? It is not a Bill that lends itself to amendment.

Would the Minister put it down for this day week? Would that suit the Minister?

I want to make it clear that we did not press for a division on the amendment on the basis that the measure is being opposed in toto by the major Opposition Parties. We would otherwise have challenged a division.

I have put the question: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time" and that has been agreed. We are now fixing the Committee Stage.

I want to get it quite clear that an impression was created, in this House certainly and outside it in particular, that the major Parties, namely, Fine Gael and Labour, —and Clann na Talmhan incidentally, of which Party I do not see any member in the House—were opposed to it. We decided to support the rejection of the measure because we felt that sufficient support would not be forthcoming for the amendment to gain a vote in this House. Five Deputies are necessary to obtain a vote but support was not available to Deputy Dr. Browne and myself when moving our amendment. We felt in those circumstances that the major Opposition Parties intended to take the step that was apparently the theme of the speeches, namely, to move the rejection of the Second Reading.

The Second Reading has been agreed to by the House. We are now discussing the question of the fixing of a date for the Committee Stage.

I do not agree to the Second Reading of the Bill.

On a point of order, if you Sir, have decided that the Second Reading has been agreed to by the House, the Deputy is entirely out of order.

The Minister has not been in this House for the past fortnight and he comes in now to cause more disturbance.

The Deputy's memory is very short.

I presume we are recorded as being opposed to the Second Reading?

The Deputy gave no such indication. I put the question to the House in the ordinary way and it was agreed to. We are now discussing the date of the Committee Stage. That is the only question before the House.

What do you mean by the "House", Sir? Do you mean the Opposition and the Government?

Committee Stage ordered for Wednesday, 11th November, 1959.
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