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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 2 Dec 1959

Vol. 178 No. 5

Committee on Finance. - Intoxicating Liquor Bill, 1959—Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

When I was speaking on this Bill before the adjournment last week I was referring to the position of the six day licensee. Under the Bill if it becomes law as it stands, the six day licensee will have to face intensive competition and is also likely to lose the customers he has at present because of the extension of the Sunday opening. The Taoiseach, when he spoke in this debate, told us that the Minister would bring in proposals. I can only hope that these proposals will be helpful. We have been told that uniformity is one of the great principles of the Bill and there should be uniformity as between six and seven day licences.

I also referred last week to week-day closing and to Sunday opening in the early afternoon. What I said was misquoted in one of the daily newspapers but I was accurately recorded in the reports of this House. My conviction was that one and a half hours were ample time in the afternoon and that the opening hours should be from 12.30 p.m. to 2 p.m. I have not been approached by anybody in connection with this Bill but during the week-end I made it my business to talk to people who are consumers in a moderate way. They were all of the conviction that the present hours of week-day opening were quite sufficient. I thought myself that 11 p.m. should have been the latest time for opening on week-days. I make that comment now, in the hope that when amendments are being brought into the Bill they will be amendments to meet that point of view.

There is a tendency in modern life for entertainment and amusement to be prolonged late into the night. If we pass a Bill for later opening of licensed premises, we shall add considerably to that tendency. Efficiency is injured and impaired by late hours and it would be a bad thing for us in this country if we were to extend that tendency which is already so marked. From my own knowledge I am aware that there is gross abuse of the licensing laws in the case of dances in licensed premises and in clubs where there is a licence for the sale of drink. I do not know how the Minister can effect control over these places but it is a matter which we should look into now. It is a difficult matter but there must be some way of preventing abuses of this kind.

The Taoiseach, when he was speaking, talked about getting public opinion behind this Bill. I think that the traders themselves should be of one mind on this matter and that, in their own interest, they should pursue a uniform policy. Anybody wanting a drink in this country under the existing laws can get it at the present time in a great many places. I hope that that will not be the case in future and if we could get the traders themselves into that frame of mind it would be very helpful.

Another way would be to prove to the country that there is realism behind this Bill and, to do that, it should be left to a free vote of the House. I must express my profound disapproval that in a matter of this kind, affecting our social life, we should put on the Party Whips. In many places to-day politicians are looked upon as one of the evils of modern life. I should not like that we should deserve such an appellation in this country but, when men are forced to go into the Lobbies and vote against their own judgment and their own convictions, we cannot help it if we get that description from the people. In a case like this, if we are at all sincere about it, the matter should be left to a free vote of the House. What is the Government afraid of? During this long discussion there has been almost perfect unanimity about the main principles of the Bill and any amendments put forward can only concern the details of the Bill. If the measure is defeated I do not see why it should make any difference to the Government. Such a defeat should not bring about a general election or the downfall of the Government. We should be generous enough to make that gesture in this instance and leave this Bill to a free vote of the House.

Any Bill introduced in this House on the subject of licensing legislation in my experience, extending over thirty years in the House, has produced very deep cleavages of opinion, has shown marked divergencies of view and sometimes has produced pretty contentious legislation. I remember in 1926 or 1927 the Intoxicating Liquor Bill produced quite considerable demonstrations of anger and heat both inside and outside the House. With the effluxion of time, the battle has become less strenuous but even the discussion on this Bill has revealed certain definite cleavages of opinion as to the best method of tackling the problem. That there is a problem to be tackled I do not think anybody will question. Our legislation in some respects is out of date. The circumstances of our times have changed rapidly with the result that some aspects of our social legislation are not only outdated but indeed do violence to intelligent thinking as to what should constitute intelligent licensing legislation.

The bona fide trade is an outstanding example of that. It originated in the days when there were no motor cars and no bicycles. It assumed a weary traveller on foot, or on some horse not renowned for speed, passing through the country in the course of his business and stopping at a wayside inn to have a drink. But even then the underlying law said he was to be in the course of his travels and moving on. But of course in recent years with the advent of the motor car and the motor cycle the problem of the bona fide trade has undergone a complete change. Nowadays people decide where is the nearest bona fide house. They can usually get to one within three or five minutes in fast cars which are used at night on relatively clear roads. They do not intend to go on but deliberately intend to go there, have a drink and, unlike the wayfarer of old, they have no other business. When they have consumed sufficient or when closing time arrives they just reverse the car and go back to the spot from which they started.

In fact, the bona fide trade is carried on for those who have the privilege of spending a late night provided they live either three or five miles from the public house which they select for their custom on that occasion. Bona fide trade and the use of the term has no meaning in connection with the houses undertaking that kind of business. As I said, these houses are now used for the venturesome and the thirsty, in order to quench their thirst in the speediest possible time and they have no significance either in our social life or licensing regulations. I do not blame the people who run these houses. By and large, they are an estimable collection of people, and I have no complaint whatever about them. I think they have a pretty tough job trying to handle people, many of whom arrive at these places having given some of their custom elsewhere before they arrive. I imagine it is just that curious cupidity in human beings that induces many people to go to those places late at night when, on reflection next morning, they would probably decide it would have been much better if they had gone home and not gone for this near midnight drive to the local bona fide house.

The owners of these houses cannot in any way be reprimanded for the business they have carried on. It has been a legal business. So far as one can see, the houses have been kept in very good condition. In fact, very substantial sums of money have been spent in improving the amenities in these houses in order to make them more attractive to those who are likely to be customers. Therefore, if we are thinking of abolishing the bona fide business, it ought not to be done merely because a feeling of derogation has enveloped the owners. The case for the abolition is not because of the status of the owners, which I think is unquestioned and is high, but because the type of trade carried on no longer has any real meaning, especially in relation to the circumstances under which that type of trade was originally devised. Therefore, I think that there would be general agreement with the viewpoint that in the circumstances of today there is no longer need to maintain this bona fide trade or the special privileges associated with it. I think that the problem can be dealt with otherwise and the Bill does that in a certain manner, to which I shall make reference later.

I come now to the Sunday opening. I am rather afraid that there was a lot of loose thinking when the hours of Sunday opening, 1 to 3 and 5 to 8 in the winter and 5 to 9 in the summer, were decided on. Dublin city is one example. It is undesirable that you should have licensed premises open while religious services are in progress. That ought to be avoided if at all possible. But, if you open public houses in Dublin, or in the country for that matter, from 1 to 3 o'clock, there is a fair chance, a pretty good chance, that a number of folk will go into these public houses at 1 o'clock and not come out until 3 o'clock. I think that is a fair assumption.

Is that a thought that appeals to the members of this House? Is that something that is desirable, or something we ought to combat? After all, the desire of a man who goes into a public house, to spend the hours between 1 and 3 o'clock in it on a Sunday, should be surely to get his lunch but, if he goes into the public house because the argument there is attractive, the beverage is attractive and the company magnetic, what happens his wife and children? His lunch has to be kept for him. If he does not come in until 3.30 p.m. it is destroyed, and his wife and children are frustrated in what they intended to do on Sunday evening. If he has spent two hours in a public house and then eats his dinner, that gentleman's inclination is to go to bed for the evening and not take out his wife and children. I say that that is a fair probability and I ask is that something to be encouraged? I do not think it is.

Sunday opening hours, which are calculated to play so much havoc with the domestic arrangements of the family, are something we ought not to encourage in this House and, if I have to choose between giving a man facilities for drinking between 1 and 3 o'clock on a Sunday, and trying to help his wife and children to get their meal over so that the domestic arrangements may run to a reasonable schedule, I am on the side of the wife and children because I do not think the man who spends two hours in a public house on a Sunday is the best person to do the reasoning. I think the wife who wants him home for lunch about 1.30 p.m. is nearer the target of intelligence than the fellow who stays in a public house from 1.30 p.m. until 2 p.m., and forgets how to count after 2 o'clock. Therefore, I think what we ought to do is shorten the opening hours on a Sunday.

Quite frankly, I think that an opening of one hour on Sunday from 12.30 to 1.30 p.m. is enough. Sunday is not the last day of the human race. The man who wants a drink on Sunday has had an opportunity of drinking until 10.30 p.m. on Saturday night, and again has the opportunity for drinking on Sunday evening, and for the whole of the following week. I think an hour's opening is sufficient, though I do not believe I would object violently if it were extended from 12.30 to 2 p.m., though I prefer 12.30 to 1.30 p.m. as calculated to get a husband home to his lunch in good time to take his wife and children out, or to participate in the normal routine of an Irish family on Sundays.

The proposed evening hours are from 5 to 8 p.m. in the winter, and from 5 to 9 p.m. in the summer. That means that in winter time you will have a five hours' opening for drinking on Sundays and in the summer time six hours' opening. Remember this is the day when the ordinary man is free and he has these six hours to drink, or five as the case may be, and it is the time of the week when he has some money in his pocket. Does the House think it desirable to provide six hours' drinking facilities on a Sunday for a person who has some money, which will disappear very quickly, if the opportunity is provided over the week-end festivity? He has longer for drinking on a Sunday than he has on a weekday because on weekdays he will be working until 6 o'clock; he will get home between 6.30 and 7 p.m., have a meal, and from 7.30 to 10 o'clock is free to do his drinking. On Sunday, with no work to do and no restraint on him to earn his living, he will have five or six hours' drinking if he so wishes.

I think the Sunday opening hours from 5 to 9 p.m. are bad because if a person travels some distance to have a drink between 1.30 and 3 o'clock he may leave the public house about ten past three, join in a discussion outside, waste the time until 4 o'clock, and then say that it is not worth while going home and having to come back again for the night session. Very likely he will hang about, discussing any matter that passes the time until 5 o'clock, and he is likely to go back again for the night session from 5 to 8, or from 5 to 9 o'clock.

Imagine the impact on a household when the husband and breadwinner is being afforded these facilities while the wife and children know he is free only on Sunday to share their company and take them away for some little relaxation. I think therefore it is a mistake to have opening from 1 to 3 o'clock. The most I would argue for is an hour from 12.30 to 1.30, perhaps to 2 o'clock, though I would prefer 12.30 to 1.30 p.m. I say that the three or four hours' drinking sessions on Sunday evenings cannot be defended, unless it is claimed that the wife and children of the fellow who has a few pounds or a few shillings at the week-end do not count. To contemplate Sunday opening of five to six hours in 1959 is against all prudence and all modern thought. The Minister should examine this matter again.

I should like to cater for the fellow who travels to a football match which finishes at 5 o'clock, so that he might get a drink before he goes home, but frankly I would give him a short session to make sure he does go home. Apart from that, I think it would be good enough if you did not open the public house until 8 o'clock on Sunday evening, until perhaps 9.30 or 10 o'clock at the very most. Five o'clock to 9 o'clock is far too long and I think the Minister should reexamine this question. We are providing facilities which are not wanted and for which there is no real demand.

On the question of Sunday opening, I have always felt that the man in the country had as much right to certain facilities under the licensing code as the man in Dublin. Up to now the man in the country has been treated as a second-class citizen and, though this Bill provides some remedies, I think the remedies are far too liberal. Nevertheless, I do believe that the man in the country is entitled to Sunday opening but with hours in which prudence is much more evident than in the hours suggested by this Bill.

The present position regarding Sunday opening in rural areas is, of course, a vicious business. I know that in my own constituency on a Sunday people walk or cycle three or five miles to the next stop, to get a drink where they are bona fide, and on their way they pass people from the next town coming to the one they have left in order to get a drink. Does anybody know anything more crazy than that? The present position is absurd. I believe there should be Sunday opening in the country so that the man in the country will be treated equally and in no way more unfairly than the man who lives in one of the four boroughs which have Sunday facilities.

I turn now to week-day opening. The present opening hours are from 10 a.m. to 10 p.m. in winter and from 10.30 a.m. to 10.30 p.m. in summer. This Bill proposes to have winter opening from 10.30 a.m. to 11 p.m. and from 10.30 a.m. to 11.30 p.m. in summer. I should like to know who is asking for these opening hours. I live in this city. I move around the country to a very considerable extent. I have never been asked by anybody to sympathise with him on the injustice of the present opening and closing hours. I know of nobody who has demanded these proposed new hours. I see statements in the Press from the trade unions opposing it. I get circular letters from the licensed traders saying they are opposed to it. I know of nobody who wants to have a publichouse open until 11.30 p.m. in order to satisfy his appalling thirst.

Has any responsible body asked for this opening until 10.30 and 11.30 p.m.? If so, they ought to be identified. I have met no single person who has asked for this late opening. I do not know of any organisation which has asked for it. If people have asked for it, then they ought to be pushed out into the open so that the public may know who it is that asks for an opening until 11.30 p.m. I know this is a recommendation of the Commission. I think the Commission did not know what they were doing when they suggested an opening until 11.30 p.m. In this city, transport closes down round about 11 o'clock at night. It is proposed in this to keep publichouses open until 11.30 p.m. I do not know what purpose will be served except that everybody will consume the maximum amount of liquor. Is it seriously suggested that anybody in this city or in the rural areas cannot have his normal liquor needs satisfied by 10.30 p.m. or 10 p.m. at night?

The only argument in its favour that I have heard is the suggestion that late opening will attract tourists. Anybody who offers that argument is presuming on the stupidity of those to whom he advances it. Has anybody ever set out for a holiday abroad and, before departing, looked up the licensing laws of the country he proposed to visit to find out until what hour he could drink at night? The argument is absurd. People do not visit a country for the purpose of drinking or for the purpose of being able to stay in a licensed premises as late as they like at night. Other considerations influence the tourist. So far as the tourist is concerned, he will enjoy his holiday better if he consumes whatever he needs about 10 p.m. and retires early so that he can resume his spirituous activities the following morning, if he feels so inclined.

I know of no case to support an 11.30 p.m. closing. If there is any case it is a case perhaps for a slightly later closing hour in certain rural areas where men work on the bogs so long as daylight lasts. Very often they are a long distance in from the main road and, if they have been saving turf up to 9 o'clock or 10 o'clock on a summer's evening, it is not unreasonable that they should get a drink at 10.30, 10.45 or even 11 o'clock. Where, however, people live in areas surrounded by publichouses I see no case whatever for an extension of the opening hours. Any increase in the hours will only make serious inroads on the normal family routine. It is not desirable that people should leave publichouses at half-eleven at night. That will not promote domestic happiness. It is not desirable that such people should be turned out into the street at 11.30 at night to make their way home any way they can, particularly in a city like this where the night traffic is not at times of the most edifying character.

I suggest the Minister ought to have second thoughts about late week-day opening. I see no reason for it in the city or in the larger towns. The only argument I can find in its favour is in the case of the man who works late on the bog and who might naturally like a drink before he retires. He is the only person who excites my sympathy in this matter. The man who finishes work at 6 o'clock or 7 o'clock can get a drink until 10 o'clock; there is no case whatever for him.

I regard this Bill as similar in character to the curate's egg—good in parts, and bad in parts. It is good in so far as it eliminates the bona fide trade. It is good from the standpoint that it brings urban and rural areas into alignment. It is bad from the point of view of Sunday opening hours, which are far too generous and are unwanted by the prudent. There is no case for later opening on week nights. The Bill should be substantially amended. Because of the virtue in portions of the Bill, I propose to vote for it, with the reservation that I shall vote for amendments on the Committee Stage which underline my outlook.

I should like to say a few words on this very important piece of legislation. When the Bill was first introduced I shuddered at the thought of thousands of publichouses in the city of Dublin open until 11.30 p.m. I had a vision of hundreds of men who would normally have left these places at 10.30 p.m., comparatively sober, staggering home at midnight with disastrous consequences for themselves and their families. On more mature consideration, however, and having listened to the various arguments put forward on both sides of the House, I now see that my fears were more or less groundless. To my mind, the inveterate drunkard will remain a drunkard irrespective of whether publichouses close at 10 p.m., or not at all. Equally, the temperate man, the moderate drinker, will remain moderate and temperate no matter how late publichouses remain open. I would not suggest that we should leave them open all night. There are men, not particularly fond of drinking, who sometimes find it difficult to leave congenial company. For them, a closing hour is very essential.

Although I am a Pioneer, I am acquainted with the inside of a good many bars and lounges in the city. It is obvious that a new type of drinker is evolving. The modern publican is not solely concerned with dispensing drink. He is looking more to the comfort of his customers. He is providing brightly lit and attractive surroundings in which men and women can gather and spend a pleasant hour, or two. In his travels through Ireland, H.V. Morton found the Irish pub little more than a squalid drinking shop. We are getting away from that now and, in Dublin anyway, we are approaching nearer what, to my mind, is the ideal set by the traditional English country inn, where drinking is not a vice but a pleasant social activity, the effects of which are anything but evil.

I think we can discount the criticism that every Irishman who drinks is a drunkard. If we were to take the figures, I am sure we would find that an Irishman is as temperate as any man in the world. The Bill has been criticised on the grounds that there is no public demand for extended hours. I think such a criticism is hardly valid. A Government which decides to await public clamour before introducing legislation would very quickly find itself in difficulties. I believe it is the duty of a Government to recognise the country's needs so that it can meet those needs. If there are anomalies in existing laws it is surely the Government's business to rectify that. The anomaly with which we are concerned and which is the source of evil and scandal is the bona fide traffic. That is recognised by all responsible persons and the Bill seeks to abolish that with the least possible hardship to all concerned.

There is one point in the Bill which could cause great concern to the Church authorities—the Sunday closing hour. I do not think that hour should be fixed at 9 p.m. I think that 8 o'clock is the usual hour for Church ceremonies to commence and the State should be prepared to give the small concession involved to the religion which the majority profess. It is impossible to get complete agreement on a measure such as this because of customs and prejudices which have been built up. To my mind such agreement would be impossible but the hours of trading mentioned in the Bill are at least worth a trial. If it is found that they are a cause of scandal or open to abuse, they can be changed.

The most important aspect of the Bill—and it cannot be too often stressed—is that it replaces a law which had been treated with utter contempt and I think there is hope that this new legislation will have the full weight of public opinion behind it. It is essential that the public recognise the necessity for rigid enforcement of the law envisaged in the Bill and only in this way will the Bill bestow any benefits, social or moral.

As I am supporting the Bill I feel obliged to give some reasons for doing so. For some years past the Tourist Board and Bord Fáilte have expended vast sums of money to attract visitors to this country and they have done a very fine job. Take the case of any member of the House who finds himself obliged to entertain some of those visitors. For an evening, possibly, he suggests the Abbey Theatre and, after a couple of hours of pleasant entertainment, they come out at 10.20 or 10.30 p.m. Someone suggests "a bite to eat" and it is not always convenient to bring such visitors home with us. It may be inconvenient and we decide to go to one of our very fine restaurants for a meal.

They close very early also, except in a few cases.

I have a fair experience of both licensed premises and restaurants, I can assure the Deputy. At 10.30 or later, while visitors may have the best of our food they cannot have a bottle of wine. The licensed premises are shut. Surely no one will suggest—although Deputy Norton has so stated—that when we go abroad as tourists or visitors to the Continent or elsewhere we retire at 11 o'clock?

I approached the Minister for an extension of hours during 1957 as Chairman of the Tostal Committee at the request of many owners of those restaurants and I was advised of this legislation. Despite the point that the additional hours may bring about greater consumption of liquor or affect the particular individual to whom Deputy Norton referred at great length, I do not believe that if a person does not want to take more drink than he should take, the fact that the premises are open will have any effect on him.

Deputy Norton makes the case for those outside the Four Courts; I intend to confine my remarks to Dublin but I have a vast knowledge of rural Ireland and every county in it. On a Sunday night not very long ago I remember going down a dark street—it would suffice for a blackout during the war years—and entering a licensed premises. There were so many people there that I wondered if there was anyone who could not get a drink. Admittedly, they were transgressing the law but we must also remember that some of them, when lucky enough to get in may be afraid to come out.

I agree with Deputy Norton that from 12.30 to 1.30 or 2 o'clock on Sundays would be more advantageous from the domestic point of view. I disagree with Deputy Cummins that religious services take place at 8 o'clock. So far as I know they take place in this diocese at 7.30 and I believe that is also the hour in most other places in order to allow cinemas and other entertainments to carry on. I think the same thing applies in the country except that in a few places film shows are delayed until 9 o'clock. The abolition of the bona fide trade has been approved, not merely because of those who come and go but also because of the selling of liquor for consumption off the premises at the latest hour. If there is a complaint regarding the 11.30 closing I can see it only from the point of view of those engaged in the licensed trade, the assistant who has to find his way home at that late hour, but I hope, relying on the efficiency of C.I.E., that some arrangement will be made to get over that difficulty.

I welcome the Bill. I think it is many years overdue and I firmly believe that were it not for the tact and discretion exercised by the Gardaí regarding breaches of the licensing laws, instead of giving increases to the judges we would have to increase the number of judges.

It was not my intention to intervene in this debate but, as so much has been said and so many views have been expressed, it would appear that it is incumbent upon those of us who have responsibility to express our views on what is clearly a very controversial and difficult subject. May I, at the outset, say that, notwithstanding all the comments that have been made about the Commission, they are to be thanked for a very good job? They presented a Report which clearly showed that they gave the matter considerable attention and that their recommendations were based on the evidence submitted to them. Whether we agree with the recommendations or not is a question which does not arise. We must thank the Commission, and I do thank them for their energy and for the excellence of the Report. I do not agree with many of their conclusions but that is their business and I am entitled, as well as everybody else, to my opinion.

There is one comment I should like to make in reference to the Commission. Everybody who was in favour of extending the licensed hours— traders and others—was represented before the Commission by counsel and solicitor. The ordinary people who have no great interest in the matter other than the common good, such as the Total Abstinence Society and others, were not represented by counsel or other legal advisers. Therefore, the evidence was weighted in favour of the interested persons and the Commission, therefore, were biassed by the weight of evidence given by the vocal interests on whose behalf evidence was submitted.

I heard Deputy Corry say here that the Pioneers' representatives signed the Majority Report as if their signatures committed all the Pioneers and as if it was something to be sneered at. I do not think that was a reasonable line to take. I presume that the Pioneers' representatives on the Commission came to a decision, as they said, on the evidence before them. Whether you agree or disagree with their view, is an entirely different matter.

No matter how good the Commission were, the responsibility for what we are doing to-day is not theirs. It is that of the Government and the Dáil. The Government are primarily responsible for the proposals now before the House and it is they who are taking the responsibility. The Taoiseach has gone as far as to say that he proposes to keep on the Whips. Therefore, they are adopting the proposals as Government proposals and putting their reputation and the Parliamentary life of the Government at stake. The Government are making this a matter of confidence once they put on the Whips although members on every side of the House know that this is a Bill which should not be subject to the Whips and in respect of which every Deputy should decide the matter according to his conscience and the wishes of his constituents in so far as they are in keeping with the moral law and do not violate his conscience.

I, therefore, open my remarks by appealing to the Government—and I do not often appeal to them—to reconsider this matter of the Whips very positively. I ask them to approach the matter in an open, reasonable way, accepting, as I do, that each side of the House wants to do what is best for every section of the community, the licensed trade, the public, who are consumers or customers. I was often a customer myself and know all about it.

May I ask the Deputy a question?

No, not until the Deputy speaks himself and then he may ask me any question he likes.

That is not very sporting. The Deputy should let Deputy Loughman ask a question.

The Deputy was too courteous in asking permission.

When a Deputy is making what he considers a reasoned case, another Deputy should not ask a question until he is finished. He should then put the question and let him answer it. It breaks the trend of one's discourse when a question is put while one is speaking. It is not in accordance with friendly relations.

Most Deputies would not ask permission at all but would put the question.

Perhaps the Deputy would ask the question?

The first speech I heard on behalf of the Fine Gael Party suggested that the Party were going to vote against the Bill. I took it from that speech that they were to have a Party vote on it. Is that right?

The Government having brought in the measure, presumably were putting on the Whips. Some Deputies speaking for Fine Gael said that, because of the hours and so on, they were voting against the Bill but they did appeal for a free vote——

——and there was an appeal for a free vote, on Committee, on the various sections. I am appealing now for a free vote.

A free vote means nothing except to a majority Party. It does not mean anything to small Parties.

There are Deputies on the other side of the House who, I believe, if there was a free vote, would vote differently from the way the Government ask them to vote. I am perfectly satisfied that that is the case. The Minister may decide to have a free vote. If he does, he will be going a long distance towards getting something in this House which could result in there being respect for the law and in enforcement of the law, something I am afraid we would not otherwise get.

It has been well said that the bona fide traffic, as we know it, has been abused. I subscribe to the view expressed by Deputy Norton a moment ago that the bona fide trade is no longer what it was intended to be. When the bona fide trade was established, the law was that a traveller could stop at a public house and not only seek but demand entrance and get a meal, if he so needed, as well as a drink because he was legitimately going to and coming from some place of business. It still obtains in some places that a meal can be had at these inns or other places that keep open to cater for this trade but everybody knows that there are many people who travel that far and no further. That, of course, is non-observance of the law. I do not know if the man on the door still asks the person who seeks admission: “Where are you going; where are you coming from; or where did you sleep last night?” Apparently all he is asked is: “How far have you come?”

It is a rather difficult matter to deal with the bona fide traffic. It appears that everybody on the Commission was in favour of its abolition but I fear that its complete abolition will beget other abuses. I do not know how it will be dealt with and I am not in a position to make a recommendation on it.

On the question of hours, with which Deputy Norton properly dealt, the hours proposed in the Bill are unreasonable, but the Government have signified their intention to be reasonable in accepting amendments on this question. There is no doubt that the proposed period at midday on Sunday is far too long. In my opinion, the old custom of Sunday closing in the rural areas should be observed. I do not think we should open either on Sunday or on St. Patrick's Day. I am satisfied it is not in the best interests of the country to do so. Who are the people who want it? Deputy Corry told us he required it because he wished to hold a meeting in a room upstairs in a public house. I do not think that is a valid reason why there should be Sunday opening. Anyhow there is that tradition of Sunday closing. Many people have expressed the view that it should not be departed from except for very grave causes and I do not think sufficiently grave causes exist to permit general Sunday opening to take place between the hours proposed. On the Committee Stage I shall have something to say on that.

When I was a youngster and in middle age and fairly well on to the present day, any unnecessary servile work on Sunday that extended over two hours was a grave matter. There is not a country Deputy listening to me who does not know well that unless the weather is bad the saving of a crop on Sunday should not be undertaken. We got permission, if the weather was very bad, to work for two or three hours on Sunday. Yet in this Bill we are legislating to put the shopkeeper, his wife and family and his employees to work for six or seven hours on Sunday. After two hours, it was considered a grave matter but it will not be a grave matter for the licensing trade to work for seven hours. We are going to change the moral code by legislation.

We are not changing it. The situation exists already.

The Deputy knows thoroughly well that there has been a tradition in his county of making poteen for Christmas. It is a bad business and legislation to give permission, because you know it is there already, will not make it good.

They make some in the Deputy's own constituency.

And we are experts at it. It is not bad stuff we make, like that in Roscommon. We can make first-class stuff.

We can make it better in Galway.

I do not think we can discuss the merits or demerits of the various poteen makers' activities. However, legislation will not make that right because it is a very serious menace. Who made it or how it was glorified in song or in story does not make the position any better.

The Government should carefully reconsider the whole question of Sunday opening. I agree with Deputy Norton that if Sunday opening must take place, the midday opening should be only for one hour so that a man can go home to his wife and family. If the Sunday opening takes place from 1 p.m. until 3 p.m., it will be 3.30 p.m. before they are out. They will stand outside for a while instead of going home. The next opening is at 5 p.m.; an hour and a half will not be long slipping by and people may get in to warm themselves in between and there will be breaches of the law.

If we must have Sunday opening— and I am only accepting this as the lesser of two evils—it should be from 12.30 p.m. to 1.30 p.m. and from 8 p.m. until 10 p.m. There is a difficulty about sports fixtures such as football matches, and so on. I suggest that in those cases the publican should make an application to the Superintendent of the Garda Síochána to obtain an exemption order so that he can open for the event. Instead of the publican being put to the trouble of going into court, this simple procedure could be adopted and in that way you would cater for the needs of the people. I am satisfied that if this Bill is passed the six-day licensed trader will be extinguished. If there is Sunday opening and he may not open on Sunday at any time, he is put completely through the ropes. I suggest that as there are only over 1,000 of them all over the country—we got the returns of various counties to-day—the Government should give the six-day publicans the same facilities as the seven-day licensees on paying the additional licence fee or perhaps more if you like. On payment of the additional fee they would have the same facilities as everyone else and then the law of supply and demand would extinguish those who did not look after their business. They would fade out. If the six day licence man improves his place of business and if the other man continues to carry on business in an undecorated and unvarnished place he will go under.

On the question of measures and the stamping of bottles, I think that the proposal to have them unstamped is unreasonable. It means that anybody who wants to sell short measure can use smaller bottles. It is bad enough to have to pay the price that has to be paid at the moment without getting less for what is paid. There should be no change in the law in that respect.

Whether Sunday opening comes or not, I think that Deputies should have read the debate that took place when the Bill for closing on St. Patrick's Day was going through the House. If they did so, they would vote for the retention of the present position as regards St. Patrick's Day, Good Friday and Christmas Day. It may be argued that it is a reflection on us that we have to be restricted on that day more than on any other, but everybody knows that some people, when they get a few drinks, are such that their patriotism will outweigh their discretion and they become very vocal. It is just as well to leave the thing as it is.

Deputy Cummins said if we are not satisfied with the operation of these proposals we can alter the law. Everybody knows how hard is to do that and we can all see how difficult it is to alter the law at the present time. The Government should carefully reconsider this whole matter, keeping in mind the views expressed by very important people in this country, of all shades of opinion, on this question. If the Government insist on putting on the Whips and forcing this matter through as a Government measure they will be doing something that will react upon them and upon the country. They should carefully reconsider the matter and then let each Deputy stand upon his own responsibilities so that no Deputy will be in a position to say: "My Party decided to do so and so. I could not vote against the Government, I could not let my Party down". Neither should any Opposition Deputy be in the position to say that he had to obey the Party Whip.

In conclusion I want to say that I cannot see how Deputy Norton, having said so much against the Bill, can now propose to vote for it. He was trenchant and clear in showing up its faults and failings and then he says that he is going to vote for it, reserving the right in committee to vote against certain aspects of it although he knows that it is doubtful, once the principle of the Bill is accepted, if the Chair will allow him to move certain amendments. Remember that the principle of the Bill is two-fold—the abolition of the bona fide trade and the opening of public houses on Sunday. These are the two main principles of the Bill and I doubt if it would be in order, once the Second Reading is passed, to change the principles. You are going to come up against a very difficult position in that regard. It will be quite relevant for the Minister to say: “These are the principles of the Bill and you voted for them. Why are you now voting against them?”

For the last three weeks I have listened to the debate on this Bill; what I missed of it I have read in the reports. I start off by appealing to the Minister and the Taoiseach to have a free vote on this Bill. There are many good things in it against which I would find it very hard to vote. There are some other things in it against which I must vote and therefore I appeal for a free vote. There is nothing political in the Bill in any way and it will win no votes for Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, Labour or any other Party, no matter what the final decision is.

Listening to the debate of the last three weeks, one would imagine that the man who took a drink was a criminal. I do not think so at all. To listen to some Deputies who do not come from rural Ireland one would imagine that everybody in rural Ireland wants to disobey the law. Such is the view of Deputy Larkin of the Labour Party but such is not the case. One would imagine from him that if you go down O'Connell St. at eleven or twelve o'clock at night you will find everybody lying by the wayside blind drunk. I have gone through the city streets at that time and I have not seen that. One would imagine that if one went down the streets of Galway the same thing would apply. Such is not the case at all. A foreigner in the public gallery listening to Deputies might be inclined to think we are a crowd of cannibals. Such is not the case at all. So far as our people are concerned, both in the rural areas and in the cities, they have no cannibalistic impulses at all. Therefore, I would ask Deputies to lift the debate on this Bill above that low level.

I appeal to the Taoiseach and the Minister to have a free vote on this Bill and I do so for many reasons. I think the Fianna Fáil Deputies are the greatest hypocrites the world ever produced. They all have congratulated the Minister on bringing in a Bill which we all know was necessary. The Minister brought in the Bill as a result of a report of a commission which was set up. May I pay tribute to that commission? They did good work and they submitted their report. Everybody knew a change in the licensing laws was necessary. Was there ever a time when a Guard did his duty but some Deputy, no matter on what side of the House he was, went to the Minister for Justice of the time and asked him not to take any heed of the report of the Guards in that area? Did not every single one of you do that? Because the guard or the sergeant in the area did his duty, not alone did Deputies want to get the thing quashed but they wanted to get him changed to Belmullet or some place where he would never be heard of again. Is that not the truth?

I am a person who takes a drink. I am not one of those who, like Deputy Doherty, want to legalise the making of poteen. I am not one of those who would congratulate the Minister on bringing in a Bill we all know had to be brought in. The Fianna Fáil Deputies did so, but they want amendments. However, the Taoiseach says "This is the Bill; take it or leave it." That is the reason I am voting against it. I want certain amendments. Some Deputies may think little of Deputy Corry but I think a good deal of him. People in the rural areas are entitled to as much, if not more, than people in the cities.

I am sure Deputy Killilea will agree with me that the Sunday opening hours in the Bill of 1 p.m. to 3 p.m. are ridiculous. Last Mass is generally over at 12.15 p.m., or 12.30 p.m. at the latest, except when the celebrant is an old Parish Priest who preaches a long sermon. Why keep the people waiting around until 1 o'clock? I am voting against this Bill because the opening hour on Sunday is too late. Instead of the hours from 1 p.m. to 3 p.m., I am proposing an amendment that the hours should be from 12.30 to 2 p.m. I think one and a half hours would be good enough.

Deputy Killilea will bear me out that the people of North Galway are hardworking and honest. After a hard week's work these people are entitled to their pint of stout. I agreed with Deputy Corry on that point long ago when no one would listen to him but, instead of from 1 p.m. to 3 p.m., the opening hours should be 12.30 to 2 o'clock. That is long enough though probably many people would like a few extra pints. If those were the hours, they would leave the public houses and get home to their wives and families in good time.

The Taoiseach has said that we must take this Bill as it is, but I shall vote against it because the Sunday opening hours are 1 to 3 o'clock instead of 12.30 to 2 o'clock. With regard to Sunday evening opening, everybody knows that the proposed hours, 5 to 9 o'clock, are ridiculous. Why should there be such lengthy hours on Sunday evening? The people who turn up at 7, 8 or 9 o'clock on Sunday evening are not people who want a drink. They are the youth of the country on their way to dances and, in my view, they are people who should not get a drink at all. At their age they should not be taking drink. Where there are football matches of one kind or another, the publicans can always get exemption orders. The proposed hours are too long; I would suggest that one hour would be enough, from 6 to 7 o'clock.

My third reason for voting against the Bill concerns weekday opening. It is proposed that public houses remain open until 11.30 p.m., but it will be 11.45 before publicans get customers out of their premises. The Government have been talking about increased production by workers and farmers, but everybody must realise that the farmer or worker who is put out of a public house at 11.30 p.m. is not so fit for a hard day's work next morning. The present closing hour of 10.30 p.m. is late enough.

I do not know much about conditions in the city and I am sorry that Deputy Larkin is not present. I listened to him last week; I imagine that transport facilities in the city would stop at 11.30 p.m. That is the hour when it is proposed that city workers be put out on the streets by the publicans. The reason they are put out is because they have no more money to spend. It happened to others as well as to me, and I think that 10.30 p.m. should be the extreme limit.

I do not usually indulge in long speeches; I try to relate the facts as closely as I can. I again appeal to the Minister, if there is any use, to have a free vote on these issues. I would like to join with Deputy Kitt on behalf of six-day licensed houses. They are shops in which groceries, twigs, brushes, salt, sugar and tea are sold, and if they are deprived of Sunday opening they will lose their trade to local business rivals. It is all right for the Taoiseach to say that if two seven-day licences were extinguished one would be added. I think that is what he said though I did not read his speech carefully. The House knows that cannot be done. The seven-day licensed premises are on the right side as far as this Bill is concerned and there is no hope that any of them will surrender their licences. The result of this will be that the customer of the six-day licensee will go elsewhere with his custom and the six-day licensee will go out of business. For that reason I appeal to the Minister to give the same advantage to the six-day licensee as is being given to the seven-day licensee in this measure. There are not many such licence holders and, because their number is small, the problem ought not to be incapable of solution.

I have given the reasons why I shall vote against this Bill. I believe the hours proposed for Sunday opening are ridiculous. The hours should be 12.30 p.m. to 2 p.m. and not 1 p.m. to 3 p.m. I believe that opening from 5 p.m. to 9 p.m. on Sundays is ridiculous. Why stay open until 9 o'clock? Why start at 5 o'clock? Our people are not so fond of drink as all that. I would give one hour— 6 p.m. to 7 p.m. That should be enough.

The Bill before the House embodies three new principles as compared with previous legislation of a similar character. The bona fide trade is to be abolished. The hours are extended and the Sunday opening is changed. So far I have not heard anyone complain because of the abolition of the bona fide trade. Everybody is in agreement on its abolition. For many years there has been no such thing as a bona fide trade and 97 per cent. of the drinking done after 10.30 p.m. in summer was illegal. People travelled long distances for one purpose, and one purpose only; their only object was to secure drink. That was illegal, and so they were not bona fide at all. We shall not be doing any injustice to anyone in abolishing the so-called bona fide trade. Ninety-eight per cent. of the drinking done after closing time was illegal anyway. We shall have no regrets on the score of abolition.

The Minister proposes to extend the hours on week-days. I do not think he is wise. There is no necessity for the extension from 10.30 p.m. to 11.30 p.m. in summer time. I do not believe there is any demand for such an extension from the licensed trade nor do I believe there is any demand for such an extension from those who want drink. There will be very serious opposition to the proposed extension from the rest of the community who appreciate that such an extension is bound to do damage. Licensing laws are enacted for the general welfare of the community as a whole and not for the purpose of serving the limited number who need drink. It is a pity that, almost on the verge of 1960, we should need licensing laws or restrictions on the sale of drink. Perhaps we are not yet sufficiently mature to be able to restrict ourselves and not abuse the use of intoxicating liquor. I believe that 25 years from now the Dáil will be legislating to repeal all licensing laws because the people will then be sufficiently mature and have sufficient self-discipline not to abuse the use of intoxicating liquor.

I might mention that the strength of the Garda throughout the country is growing smaller every day. Villages where one had four Gardaí five or seven years ago are now manned by one Garda, tottering around waiting for his number to come up. The Minister says this legislation will be severely administered. There are no penalties of any kind mentioned in this Bill. If the Minister believes that, with a decreasing police force, he will be able to enforce this legislation, he is making a big mistake. I believe penalties which would command respect should have been incorporated in this measure. At the moment nobody cares two hoots if he is fined 2/6d., 5/- or 10/-; he does not feel he has broken any law, moral or of any other type. That will continue until such time as the Minister takes his courage in his hands. I have not heard one Deputy suggest that the existing penalties should be made more severe, either on the licensee or on the person found drinking on his premises after hours. The licensee is not always to blame when people are found drinking after legal closing hours.

The public who demand from the publican to be allowed to remain on his premises after closing hours are the people who break the law and are responsible for the non-enforcement of law as it stands. I suggest to the Minister, especially in regard to Sunday opening if such opening is to become a fact, that he should provide severe penalties for breaches of the law, and that he should provide them in this Bill before it becomes an Act. Otherwise, this measure will meet the same fate as its predecessor. Why are the present laws not in operation or why are they being ignored? It is because the penalties do not deter anyone. That is why the laws are ignored or brought into disrepute. You cannot have licensing laws without severe penalties. Such penalties would injure nobody but would act as a deterrent to prevent the public remaining on premises after hours and prevent the owners from allowing them to remain. It would give an added incentive to both parties to ensure that the law as passed by the Dáil and Seanad would be respected.

I do not believe there is any demand for week-day opening up to 11.30 p.m. I think it is too late. I agree with other Deputies that the present closing hour is late enough. I do not know what the Minister will finally do. Workers and farmers, with a day's work to do, must get up about 7 o'clock or before 8 in the morning and they should be on the way home before that morning. If the public houses are open until 11.30 the men will not be in bed until the new day when they must work again. They cannot have it both ways.

It seems inevitable that we are to have Sunday opening. More is the pity. I wonder if there is much demand for it? Everybody knows there have been abuses of the law on Sundays. It is the recognised thing for publicans to have a great many people on their premises illegally. This measure is brought in to make it legal. I should imagine that the public demand is possibly from one per cent or two per cent of the population and all the legislation and all the cost is being undertaken to restrict that one or two per cent from getting too much alcohol. The cost will be colossal.

If there is to be Sunday opening from 1 to 3 p.m., I believe it is too long and that the closing hour is too late. One hour should be quite sufficient. The four hours proposed for the evening are also too long. There has been much talk about giving the country uniformity with the city but the city did not have so many open hours on Sundays up to this. I wonder if the Minister is wise in this proposal. He is setting out to chart new waters in proposing to leave so many hours of opening so that a small section of the community may frequent licensed premises and indulge in strong drink on Sundays. That brings me back to emphasise again that without prescribing penalties in this Bill, it is a waste of time passing it.

I want to refer to only one other matter, the six-day licensed premises. Those, like the Minister, who live in cities have no idea of the type of trading done in the country. It would be hard to find, outside the larger cities and towns, any house selling intoxicating liquor not also selling other goods. That must be kept in mind. The majority, 97 per cent. of them, do mixed trading. One thing I can see growing from this—and I remember making the same remarks on the 1952 Bill—is that you will have Sunday trade. People will not come into the towns on weekdays to buy goods; they will be too busy but they will come in on Sunday and buy groceries and clothes and other things they should have bought during the week. That would be bad.

If the people can get these goods in a seven-day licensed house that will certainly injure a six-day licensed house. Something is being given to the seven-day house in this Bill that they have never had before. If people start dealing for groceries and clothes and other things in a seven-day licensed house they will continue to do so. It would be a pity to see Sunday trading start. I do not know if it is there already. I am told butchers' shops can be seen open in the West of Ireland on Sundays. I do not know if that is a fact; I have never seen them. If that went on to any great extent drapers' shops would open next. They would have to do so to preserve their livelihood. That is something that should be carefully considered before the Bill is passed. Sunday opening is something that we know nothing about in this country and only time will tell whether we are doing injury or not.

I believe licensed premises should open on St. Patrick's Day. I see no reason why they should not. In the diocese of Ferns the shops all close on holydays, including licensed premises, and I have never heard of any abuse on those days when men were not working, whether rural or town labourers. Those days are observed as Sundays and there has never been any noticeable abuse. Many people can get drink in hotels, clubs or at race courses on St. Patrick's Day and the complaint has been made by the people who cannot afford to travel to any of those places that they could not get a drink or two on that day.

I hope that before the Bill leaves the House more consideration will be given to Sunday opening hours so that they may be curtailed and not amount to the six hours or whatever hours are at present in the Bill.

The extension of the total number of hours of opening in the week is considerable. If the Minister calculates an hour on every evening of the week and so many hours on Sundays, he will appreciate what the difficulties could be. I shall conclude by saying that if penalties are not provided as a deterrent to all and sundry, I am afraid this Bill will not serve the purpose the Minister has in mind.

I should like to make a few brief observations on the proposed change in the licensing law but, before doing so, I wish to express regret at the remarks made by Deputy Corry in relation to the Pioneer Total Abstinence Association. No man is a Pioneer against his will. I do not want to preach. Even though I am a member of that Association and have never taken a drink in my life, I am not a killjoy. The observations made by Deputy Corry are regrettable.

The Minister has introduced this Bill because the law in relation to licensing has been a failure and a farce. At present, any man who wants a drink, as long as he has money, will get drink and the more money he has the more drink he will get. He can join a club or he can travel far and wide and get it or he can bring it home. The law as it stands merely closes the front door and opens the back door. There is hardly a man in this House who will not agree with me. If I had my way, I would abolish all laws in relation to the sale of drink and after about 12 or 18 months the question would settle itself. Those who now want drink would get fed up because drink is sweet only after hours. The Irish like to break the law and to be against the law. Drink is like the forbidden fruit. If there were a 12 months' trial of complete abolition of the laws in relation to drinking, the problem would settle itself and gardaí who are now engaged on licence duty could be more usefully employed attending to vandalism of which, unfortunately, there is too much today and in respect of which there is great need for gardaí.

Any publican will tell you that when they get certain opening hours on Sundays the customers walk out when the door is opened. I refer to those who come in before the front door is opened. These people get greater pleasure out of being in when the front door is closed. If the publican was not prepared to allow them in on the seven days of the week he could close permanently.

I believe that there is need for some alteration in the existing hours but I would not agree with hours that would clash with the hours of religious services or with the housewife's arrangements. The housewife is worthy of consideration in this matter also. Tourist centres are entitled to consideration especially in regard to opening on Sunday evening. Young people can go to dances and the older people are entitled to have a drink. As a pioneer, I am not a killjoy. There should be concessions in tourist areas. The Minister for Transport and Power, at a recent dinner, stressed the importance of catering for visitors at tourist centres and meeting their needs. The hours provided in the Bill will curtail the hours at present allowed in tourist centres.

I find myself in agreement with Deputy Carty when he says that the "sing-song" at tourist centre—he was referring to Salthill, Galway, which is one of the major tourist centres—was the highlight. I completely agree with him. I have been in hotels, which were properly conducted. There was no drunkenness. There was a good spirit, not the spirit that comes out of the bottle. What are tourists to do in bad weather? They are entitled to consideration. They should be able to have a drink.

I should like to see the law in relation to young people enforced. I am referring to underage brats—that is the only way in which I can describe them-being supplied with drink. It is time that the law in that respect was tightened up. It is disgusting to see mere boys staggering out of pubs and such places. I do not like the looseness in enforcement of the licensing law in that respect.

The Minister has tried to please as many people as possible by this Bill. He will not succeed in pleasing everybody because he will step on the toes of many people by this Bill or by any other Bill that he might introduce. The Minister has my sympathy in regard to this matter because he would require one Bill for Dublin and another Bill for the country. By this Bill he will find himself in the position of being back where he started.

I must express my disappointment at the Taoiseach's views in relation to six-day licences. This Bill will be the swansong of many six-day licence holders and they will be forced into the position that they will have to break the law or go out of business completely.

As I have said, the Minister should try lifting the laws for, say, a period of 12 months and, by a system of trial and error, he will arrive at the stage where the problem will settle itself. The Minister has my sympathy in regard to this amendment of the law. As many of his own supporters have said, this Bill will require amendment in the light of experience gained within a certain period.

There is a certain rule by which, when the House adjourns, even if it is at 11 p.m., Deputies have another half hour or perhaps three-quarters of an hour in which they can go into the bar. The same rule should operate in regard to workers in the country who work late, and some of them work very late. What Deputies are not prepared to apply to themselves in the House should not be applied in the country. We should allow a little extra time for those workers in the summer time.

At the danger of repeating myself, I say that this proposed amendment of the licensing laws will affect the tourist centres because there is the right to keep open till 12 o'clock at the moment. The hotels there are properly conducted and I have not seen any drunkenness. We should bear in mind when we talk so much about tourism that the effect of this measure will be to close these hotels half an hour earlier. Let us not amend the law and make the situation any tighter than it has been.

I congratulate the Minister on having the courage to bring in this Bill. In doing so he is only acting on the judgment of the commission appointed by this House to inquire into the licensing laws. While I intend to support the Bill I, like other Deputies, reserve the right to vote for or against certain amendments which may be brought in in respect of later hours, and so on.

I come from rural Ireland and if we are honest with ourselves, or with the people who sent us here, we must recognise the fact that in rural Ireland over the years 40 per cent of the rural population has had to break the licensing laws in order to get one drink. They need not be heavy drinkers. The people who go to Mass at 10 a.m. or 11 a.m. on Sunday and who may reside three or four miles away from their church will usually go in for a drink with their neighbours and then go back home for lunch. They will not see that house till the following Sunday or until a fair day or market day.

I am shocked to hear Deputies speak about drunkenness. There is no drunkenness in rural Ireland and, if the Minister had the courage to permit public houses to open for 24 hours a day, I believe there would be less drunkenness elsewhere, because no sane or sensible person will take more drink than he can afford to buy. The average worker or small farmer going to a market or to church will take a drink or two and then go home. You will not see him in the public house again for a week or a fortnight. However, the laws that have been framed by this House prior to the introduction of this Bill enabled the wealthy classes in this country to drink from Monday morning until the following Monday morning and in doing so they break no law. The agricultural labourer or the small farmer, who has been saving his hay, cutting his turf or saving his harvest and working late hours at night-time in his fields, has to break the law to get a drink.

This Bill is long overdue as far as rural Ireland is concerned. I support the Minister in his efforts to make rural Ireland uniform with Dublin, Waterford, Cork, Limerick and all other places where people are not producing from the land and working long hours, as the rural people have to work. Under this Bill they will be entitled to have a drink on Monday night or Sunday night. I may not agree thoroughly with the Bill as it is actually before us. I would want to be very clear that the hours of the Sunday morning opening would not clash with any church service. I would also want to be clear that where in any town you have Gaelic or soccer matches or any other games, the hours of opening would not be too late, that is, as regards the first opening, say 5 p.m. or 6 p.m. as the case may be, so that the people attending those matches would not have to break the law to obtain a drink before they go home to do their usual evening work on a Sunday.

It is all right for the city dweller to speak about Sunday opening, about the hours being too long or too short. They forget the average rural person has to work on Sunday morning and Sunday evening. It does not matter what time you leave the houses open; these people still have to do their work.

When the licensing laws were first framed the bona fide trade was different from what it is today. Those laws were meant for a time when a three-mile journey was a long journey on a side car. By modern modes of conveyance, a three-mile journey takes only three minutes at the rate of travel of the vast majority of motor cars. It is wrong to see people who are living three miles outside any rural town coming into that town to enjoy a drink on a Sunday evening and to see the people who live in that town going out to the rural public houses beyond the three-mile limit to obtain a drink. That should not happen and that is what is happening under present legislation.

It is important that rural dwellers should enjoy the same facilities in regard to drink as city dwellers. I do not believe it will cause any more drunkenness because the man who drinks beyond his pocket will do so regardless of the laws that are in force. If the Minister provides for an opening hour of 12 o'clock or 12.30 on a Sunday morning I would have an objection if I thought it would keep some person from his Sunday service. However, I do not believe we would keep any good living person from carrying out his duty on a Sunday. The type of person who would go to a public house instead of attending to his religious duties would probably not be inclined to go to church at all. I do not believe that in supporting the Minister I am catering for that type of person. I am catering for the average hardworking farmer who is compelled by the present state of affairs to break the law on Sunday whether after Mass or on Sunday evening. Under our present law he cannot enjoy a drink unless he is outside the three mile limit. I am supporting the Bill because I believe it will help those people.

I would make an appeal to the Minister on one point. In rural Ireland there are a number of people who hold six-day licences. Under the present law the six-day licensee may be at a small disadvantage in that he cannot cater for the bona fide traffic but this new Bill will place him in a much worse position. His neighbours at each side of him who may have seven day licences will be able to open their doors and sell over and above board but the six-day licensee will have to cloak his trade, if he can get anyone to go in. I do not believe that he will get anybody to go in because no one will chance breaking the law if he can get a drink in the open. I appeal to the Minister to put the six-day licensee on the same level as the seven day man.

I do not know what the different fees are but if the Minister feels that the State would be at a loss as far as the licence duty is concerned he should give the six-day licensee the option of paying the difference. Give him a chance to open his doors during the same hours as the seven day man.

I have heard Deputies speak here making a case for particular areas and at the same time condemning the Bill. I have heard Deputies suggest that the hours for tourist centres should be extended. I believe that the Minister must cater for the whole country. You cannot have a licensing Bill for the tourist centres and not for the towns and districts leading to those centres. We would then be in the same fix as we find ourselves in at the present time. The Minister has faced the situation in such a way that I feel more or less sorry for him. It does not matter what Bill is brought into this House to deal with the licensing laws because you will always have opposition to it.

I heard a Deputy on my left advocate a free vote in the House and I agreed with him 100 per cent. I think it is a mistake that the Whips should be put on and that a member of any Party should have to vote for something in which he does not believe. The same Deputy, however, was not in favour of having a free vote for the members of his own Party and, as far as I can see, you will find the usual line-up on this Bill. Whether a Bill is good or bad you will find that the Opposition Parties will oppose it so that you never get an opinion freely expressed in this House. I can see why the Minister cannot give a free vote. If he did so, the chances are that we would have no licensing laws at all with all the amendments that would be put in from all sides.

While I support the Bill I reserve the right to support certain amendments. I do not agree that the hours either in Dublin or in rural Ireland should be 11.30 p.m. I think the people would appreciate an extension of the hours to 11 p.m. An extension to 11.30 is too late particularly in Dublin where the people working in these houses would not be finished until almost 12 o'clock, by the time they had cleared up. Then they would have to engage taxis to take them home. The Minister would be well advised to change the closing hour to 11 p.m.

I cannot understand the attitude of the Opposition to this Bill. The fact that the law is being evaded wholesale all over the country should be sufficient to induce every member of the House to support the Bill. As far as the proposal for a free vote is concerned, I do not think that I ever remember a free vote on the Second Reading of a Bill. There might be a case for it on some particular clause of the Bill if the Minister thought fit.

Why there should be opposition to the Bill when we all know that the law at present is unenforceable, I cannot understand. I am reminded of what took place when I was putting the 1943 Act through the House and I am glad to see that there is a different attitude to-day. I proposed to do away with the bona fide traffic. At that time drinking could go on until 6 o'clock in the morning and I felt that the whole bona fide traffic should be done away with. However, the majority of my own Party and of the Opposition objected and I now feel rather pleased at the change in the Opposition. The reason I felt that the bona fide traffic should be abolished was that while it was all right when there were no bicycles or motor cars and people had to walk, it is not so now. I am glad to see that attitude has been adopted.

I was on the Commission. When it was set up the attitude of our Party was that there should never have been a Commission at all. Our idea was to set up a Select Committee of both Houses and let these different interests come in and give their evidence. If that had been done, you would have got a practically unanimous report. However, the Dáil thought otherwise. There were bound to be all sorts of reservations such as we found in the Report. There were people there who were owners of bona fide houses and they did not wish to do away with bona fide traffic. As might be expected there was a majority report, a few who had reservations, and a minority report.

I am sorry that in the Bill the Minister and the Government did not agree to our recommendation that the hours on Sunday should be from 12.30 p.m. to 2 p.m. However, I think there is a change there now. I was not listening to the Taoiseach but I think he indicated that we are prepared to do that now. I think it is the general opinion that the hours from 12.30 p.m. to 2 p.m. would be better. Two members of the Commission, Messrs. Clear and Flynn, had reservations about 11.30 at night. I had a reservation, too, but I must confess it was a mental one. I felt exactly as they did, but I was convinced the Government would never agree to 11.30 at night. I suppose I should have put myself on paper, too. I remember saying to some of those who signed the report that the Government would not agree to 11.30 p.m. Now I find in the Bill that for four months of the year the closing hour will be 11.30 p.m. I think 11 p.m. would be quite late enough either in town or country.

As for the six-day licences, I do not know whether I would have got up to speak at all were it not that we are expected to look after the interests of our constituencies. In my constituency, in the town of Ballaghaderreen, nearly all the publichouses are six-day licences. Deputy Seán Flanagan made the case very well for treating the six-day people in the same way as the seven-day people. The seven-day people are getting something they never had before, the right to open to the townspeople. Consequently, they will do irreparable damage to the people who have six-day licences. That should not be the case. I hope the Minister will find some satisfactory way of dealing with the situation.

I do not know whether this business of extending the area in which six-day licences may be bought to the whole of the Twenty-Six Counties will meet the case or not, but I really think there is a case for giving them the right to open in the same way as the seven-day licence holders. It is well known in the west of Ireland, especially in Mayo, that the reason there are so many six-day licences is that, when the licences were given out, there was a sort of sabbatarian justice objecting to Sunday opening at all. In the town of Ballaghaderreen there are only six seven-day licences and fifty-six others. I would not be surprised if those six were bought when they were available. The position now is they are not available in the area, and whether extension to the whole country would meet that situation or not, I do not know. But there is a very good case for giving the six-day licence holders the same treatment as the others and I hope that the Government's mind is not closed on that matter.

I had intended waiting for the Committee Stage before making my contribution. Listening to the debate, however, I have come to the conclusion that there is a lot of hypocrisy in it and I should like to comment on it. It was freely rumoured that the Whips would be off the Government Party, but now a former Minister says that he never heard of that on a Second Reading. The rumour was so strong that the Taoiseach had to come in himself to deny that the Whips were off. If the Whips were off, I believe this Bill would be beaten. Some people have come in here trying to salve their consciences by flogging the bona fide people. People used to go out on foot or by side-car from Dublin, Waterford and other cities. We are told that it was breaking the law and we have heard a whole lot of abuse about it. I do not think it was terrible at all. The people going out to have a drink were over twenty-one.

I think it is very hard lines on those people, especially around Dublin—I cannot be accused of trying to catch any votes there—who spent a good deal of money on these houses and made them the kind of place to which you could bring a tourist. They sold good drink there and paid good wages. Some of the speeches here reminded me of the Salvation Army or some of these puritancial temperance missions. It was especially true of the Taoiseach's speech. He brought in the matter of religion and I thought that was going a bit too far.

I believe there was a need for Father Mathew here at one time. I have heard it said on the stage in one of our very fine plays that Father Mathew was an overrated man. He might have been all right in his own time and he might have been overrated, too. We are a very proud people. Sometimes we get sore with anybody who says anything against us, but, in a second, we can brand our whole people as "the drunken Irish," which we are not. We are legislating here for less than a fraction of 1 per cent. of our people.

From some of the speeches we have heard one would think that our people were locked up in terror on Sunday and could not get a drink in their local village. We all know that that is not true and that such persecution does not exist. It is necessary to have legislation so that people will not break the law. One would imagine that the people in rural Ireland have been living in a wilderness of prohibition. No such thing. Our people are no longer barefooted. The ordinary farm labourer or county council worker has advanced now to the stage of owning a motor cycle. Some of them are able to afford cars between them and they get into them, or use bicycles, to go to another town in which they can have a few drinks. I believe they will still do that even when the proposed hours are put into force, even though there is no necessity for it.

I was surprised to find so many things in the Bill that nobody seems to want, and I wonder who put them into it. The publicans do not want them. I went into a lot of public houses and asked both publicans and their customers what they think of this Bill, and I am here to reflect the opinion of my constituents. They seem to share the same view as the majority in this House, that Sunday opening should be from 12.30 until 2 o'clock and under no circumstances should the pubs be open until 9 o'clock on Sunday night. They believe the pubs should be closed at 7 o'clock. If it is made legal to open until 9 o'clock the pubs will stay open until then. They will have to, in order to keep up with the ordinary competition which exists between public houses, but they will not want to do that.

It has been freely said that this Bill was introduced as the result of pressure by hoteliers, people with hotels in the cities and in the tourist resorts, people with fully licensed bars who can stay open for the whole year. There is a legend about them and I think it applied to the county of Donegal, where a visitor is supposed to have asked the local Garda: "What time do the pubs close here?" and the answer was: "I think in October, Sir."

That was in Waterford.

It was supposed to be Donegal but it could be Waterford or in Killarney. Let us not be hypocrites about this thing. We all know that there are hundreds of hotels in the country into which it is possible to go at very late hours in the night and get drink. Nobody has said a word either for or against these, but everybody started shouting about the unfortunate bona fide traders.

With regard to the six-day licensed traders I do not think it would be very difficult to have a calculation made in the normal way regarding their change in valuation to seven-day licences, that is if they want them. They should be free to apply for seven-day licences and they should be given them. They should not be put at that disadvantage.

The Bill also proposes to make it legal to use unstamped bottles. That is the most extraordinary thing I ever came across. I think that it tends towards the integrity of the trade that the bottle should be a stamped measure, and I discovered from correspondence which I got this morning—I am sure other Deputies got it too—that the majority of reputable licensed bottlers do not want that. Again, I am reflecting the opinion of the licensed trade in my constituency, apart from the circular that I got this morning from a group that seems to represent a great many people in the country. I think the Minister should consider that matter, especially when there is no objection from the trade and when it is not costing the State anything. It is charged to him on the price of the bottles by the Irish Glass Bottle Company, the cost of having officials there to see the bottles are holding the true measure, and that they are stamped.

It can be said that milk bottles are not stamped. A pint of milk is sold at an average price of from 6d. to 6½d., while a pint of beer costs a half-crown or three shillings.

How much?

That is if you make up the price of small bottles of stout, if you make it up in that way. I miscalculated that, but it is a lot more than a pint of milk. I can make a mistake just like Deputy Moloney made a mistake when he was talking about "Sive".

It would cost 2/4d. anyhow.

A pint of good Murphy's stout would not cost you that at all.

But that is not bottled.

It could be put into bottles.

I am talking about the bottled stuff. I do hope that the Taoiseach will change his mind when this Bill comes to Committee Stage and that he will take the Whips off his own Party. It will be an experience for his own Party, for the rest of the House and for the country to see how his Party will vote on some of these sections.

There is another matter I should mention. I would like to see all public houses closed on Christmas Day and on Good Friday, because of the days they are. I do not see why public houses should not be open on St. Patrick's Day. I have said this before. If one or two people are not able to hold their liquor that is no reason why the rest of the country should suffer. In any case, if you close the public house by law on St. Patrick's Day we all know that people coming out of Mass in the country districts will go into it. They will pass through the yard in which horses used to be put up, walk through the stable and into a back room where they meet their friends, while the front of the house is shuttered, with perhaps one window left open to prove that there is nobody in the front part of the shop.

I am voting against this Bill, first of all because there is a lot of hypocrisy in it; secondly, because it is doing away with the trade of bona fide houses without thought of compensating them and, thirdly, because of unstamped bottles being made legal thus making it possible for people who might not have a conscience to sell bottles that would be eighteen to the gallon, or maybe even twenty to the gallon. Such bottles could be sold after hours at a time when people would not ask any questions. I shall not delay the Minister any further and I think he will have a chance of getting his Bill tonight if I sit down now.

I just want to say a few words in connection with something to which I do not think I heard any Deputy refer. In regard to the opening hour in the morning, 10 o'clock is a bit antiquated. Week after week, and day after day, in small towns applications have to be made to the court for exemptions. The fees to the solicitor in such cases amount to £3 3s. and £2 2s. stamp duty. There should be no need for that expense. In the country farmers sometimes have to leave home at very early hours. Sometimes they spend most of the night travelling to a fair. It should be possible for them to halt at some publichouse, rest their cattle, and get some refreshment for themselves. At the moment they can get no refreshment because no publican can afford an exemption to meet such cases, and he does not therefore seek an exemption. I think that the 10 o'clock opening came about as a result of all-night dances. We no longer have all-night dances. Dances now cease at 1 o'clock and there is no problem of people waiting about in order to get a drink. I think the morning opening should be 7 o'clock. There will be no abuses because the publican will open only when he knows he will get custom.

No businessman will open his house until such time as there is a fair prospect of trade. The publican is in the same position. He will not open his premises unless there is a prospect of trade. He will not get up and open at an unreasonably early hour in the morning any more than the draper, the grocer or the hardware merchant. Outside of a fair day, no publican will bother opening his premises at 7 o'clock in the morning.

With regard to Sunday opening, I support the view that 12.30 should be the opening hour, 2 o'clock closing. I urge the Minister to bring in an amendment to satisfy the wishes of the majority in that regard. Most of those who have said they oppose this measure have indicated that they are doing so because there is no general demand from either the public or the publicans for this long opening on Sunday, any more than there is any need for the late opening on week-days. There is no demand from the publicans for any sort of laws at all in connection with publichouses. I do not think they have ever been asked for their views or opinions about the licensing laws. It must be remembered that legislation is passed here because it is believed to be essential for the proper running of the country. In that regard, this Bill is intended to make the administration of the law in relation to the licensed trade more effective.

The Bill implements the majority report of the Commission of Inquiry. That Commission was set up by the Coalition Government. Yet, these are the people who are now opposing this Bill. I listened to Deputy Larkin the other night. I was amazed at the arguments he advanced. He said he had never been in a publichouse. Yet, he could tell me—I take a drink and I know a little about publichouses— what is done and what is not done in publichouses. He gave us a lecture on what Deputies should and should not do. I know that if the police raid a publichouse and a Deputy is found in that publichouse after hours he is treated no differently from anybody else, and rightly so. Deputy Larkin seemed to think that a Deputy could bring in anyone he liked into a publichouse after hours and the Garda take no action. He is very wrong in that, just as wrong as he is in his views about rural Ireland. He criticised rural Ireland. It was not pleasant to hear a member of the Labour Party speaking in the way he did about the people he represents—the ordinary working classes. He spoke about their ignoring the law. I know that the people in the rural areas obey the laws just as well, or perhaps better, than do the people in the cities and towns.

The Deputy is perfectly correct in that.

I welcome the St. Patrick's Day opening. That will legalise the position that has obtained up to this. Every section in this Bill is designed to legalise the position that obtains now. That should help the Gardaí in their enforcement of the law in future.

There is a problem where the publican also carries on business as a grocer, hardware merchant, or something else. Many people in the rural areas do not shop on weekdays. They do most of their shopping on Sundays. That has been the custom so long as I can remember, and that custom will continue in the future. I can see difficulty if these laws are to be enforced. If a publican was prepared to go the expense of sealing off the bar, then there would be nothing to stop him attending to the wants of ordinary shoppers on Sunday morning. The whole premises would be licensed, but the bar proper would be sealed off and no intoxicating drink would be sold on any other part of the premises.

Debate adjourned.
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