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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 10 Mar 1960

Vol. 180 No. 3

Committee on Finance. - Motion by the Minister for Finance—(Resumed).

When I moved to report progress last night, I was referring to the changing conditions in world trade and European trade, with particular reference to the liberalisation of trade in Europe. I should like to know from the Government what is their definite policy with regard to the changing market and the economic conditions which are presenting themselves to the world and in particular to Europe.

We have two opposing economic forces set up in Europe at the moment. While the Taoiseach repeatedly states in public addresses he makes in different parts of the country that it is essential for our industrialists to become competitive and to be prepared to work in this new liberal atmosphere of trade, at the same time he has made it clear that it is quite impossible for Ireland to be associated in any way with either of these economic blocs on account of the necessity of protecting our industries. I do not think anybody could gainsay that but, if industries are to become competitive, they must work more in competition in future than they have done heretofore behind a strongly protective tariff barrier.

I put it to the Taoiseach that he cannot have it both ways. He cannot stay out of economic agreements that may be made between other countries in Europe and, at the same time, expect our industrialists to become fully competitive while they continue to function behind a highly protective barrier. That does not mean that Irish industry in its infancy is not entitled to full protection to enable it to establish itself but it does mean the issue must be faced one way or the other. We must realise that circumstances are changing, that if we are to maintain our balance of payments, if we are to export to competitive markets, those industries must become competitive. While the assistance they get at the moment to encourage them to do that is desirable and helpful and, I am glad to say, is having a certain effect—I might add that this was initiated in the first instance by the last Government—if we are to be competitive we must, in some way, associate ourselves with these economic blocs, accepting the fact that these economic blocs will remain as vital forces in the economy of Europe.

The Taoiseach's policy is that we should function, in any agreement we make, under the aegis of O.E.E.C. That is all right if these two economic blocs unite and we come in to join them in a free trade area for Europe as a whole. In the meantime, I should like to draw the Taoiseach's attention to the fact that the six Common Market countries, the economic association which was set up some years ago, have found that their association has brought tremendous advantages to one another, that their economy is improving, their exports rising and their production increasing. For that reason they are disinclined to associate themselves with the other blocs.

The House would like to know exactly where we come in. The seven other countries, known as the Outer Free Trade Area, have formed a group with our principal customers, Britain, to whom the major quantity of our exports go. Do we intend to stay in isolation? Are we to wait until these two groups unite or are we going to seek a greater advance in our economy? The Taoiseach or the Minister for Finance might well answer that we are negotiating trade with Britain. I wish them every success in seeking that agreement but I might add that the results so far are negligible, although negotiations have been going over an extended period. I might also add that Britain, to whom we send the major portion of our exports, has been negotiating treaties and is in discussion with other countries who are economic rivals of ours.

Time is running out. We cannot stay as we are in complete isolation from other countries. A firm decision must be made one way or the other in the near future. It may be that the Government, as a result of the discussions which have been proceeding between their economic advisers and the economic advisers of the United Kingdom, will produce an agreement which will be of great benefit to this country and will re-establish our balance of payments. On a Vote like this, where we are discussing the policy of the Government and the future of the country for the next twelve months I should like to hear the Taoiseach tell us something about the agreements which the Government hope to make to further the economy of our country.

I should also like to suggest to the Government that balances of trade in Europe are against us. We have an adverse balance with almost every country in Europe, as was shown by the answer given to a question in the House yesterday. Our great difficulty is that we are a young State. We are building up our industries and our agricultural production and our difficulty is to secure markets for our products. One of the impediments to our solving that difficulty is that we are competing with countries which have been a long time in production. They have built up a fund of goodwill over the years, they have established certain markets and they are experts in marketing conditions.

Therefore, I feel that, in the ever increasing search for new markets, we cannot be blind to the fact that the world is going to see a new economic force coming into existence. I refer to emergent Africa which will come into existence either as a group of independent States or as a comity of African nations of some sort. There is an opportunity for this country. I have a feeling that the countries, from which these new States have secured their freedom, never treated them in the way in which they should have been treated; they were not given an opportunity to place their own people in employment because they were occupied countries. That, it seems to me, is where Ireland would come in.

There is in Ireland a huge fund of goodwill for these countries. The only relations we have with them are for their benefit in that we have thousands of missionaries in these countries who have been building schools and churches and attending to the general needs of their people. That is something to which the Government should give attention with a view to securing outlets for our products, not only industrial but also agricultural. Even if we are competing with old-established trading countries, we are competing with them in new countries into which the old countries have not had a direct entry up to the present. These countries have been dealing with them through some agency such as the Power which formerly held these new countries as colonies. I should like the Government to bear this suggestion in mind.

Recently we have heard of great statesmen who have felt it worth while to visit these new countries in order to win their goodwill. They did not go there for the good of their health. They went to further the interests of their own country. One thing which our Government might decide on this huge Vote on Account is to appoint some representative from Ireland to try to find a market, which would be readily available for our industrial and agricultural products. It may be that Coras Tráchtála is already doing something in that regard but, if they are, the results are not very startling. I think it is a matter that should be treated on Ambassadorial or Ministerial level.

We have heard a good deal about emigration in this debate. Emigration must occasion us all the greatest anxiety. No matter what we say, the fact remains that emigration is running at a high rate. It is not possible to establish the actual figures but people are leaving from every rural district in the country. They have always gone from some areas but they are now going at an ever-increasing rate, at such an alarming rate that in my own constituency, and I understand it is worse in the West of Ireland, the whole countryside is being denuded of young people.

There are various reasons for that, not all entirely due to Governmental action although the Government must share some responsibility for it. The exodus really started with the urge for better conditions and the desire to live in urban centres rather than in rural Ireland. Mechanisation has made employment conditions on the land not as good as they used to be and so the exodus began from rural Ireland to the cities. If we could stop the migration from the land, we would go a long way towards combating emigration generally. The people come to the towns from the countryside looking for employment; then they move to Dublin and ultimately they leave the country altogether.

We would be well-advised, when dealing with this matter, to take example from other countries. We are not the only agricultural community in the world. The other countries with large rural populations have had to face the same condition of affairs. They have met it largely by creating rural employment, by concentrating on the promotion of arts and crafts and by getting the people to work in their own homes making such articles as baskets, souvenirs and things like that. We are importing nearly half a million pounds worth of souvenirs every year. We are importing them from as far afield as Japan and even from behind the Iron Curtain. Those articles have some stamp on them which says that they are made in Ireland and those are the things that the tourists are buying.

That would be more a matter for the relevant Estimate than the Vote on Account.

I agree, Sir, but I want to make the point that Denmark, to take this classical example, has found herself faced with the same position and she has dealt with it by concentrating on local rural industries to keep the people at home. We should be able to do that here. If the Government would make an urgent drive and place funds at the disposal of people to develop such matters in rural Ireland, concentrating on the centres which are becoming rapidly denuded, we would go a long way towards keeping the people at home, towards solving the emigration problem and also towards correcting the adverse balance of trade that exists at the moment.

Another thing we must bear in mind is that marketing is essential for us. If we are to secure sales for our products we have to bring ourselves up to date in marketing. To do that we have to remember that we are competing with other countries which have 50 years' advantage over us in regard to the sale of products and the setting up of markets. We have to keep constantly in touch with outside influences to know what is required on the market and what is saleable. In that area I think we fall down considerably. We do not concentrate on the fact that things which were saleable some years ago do not to-day command a ready market.

I shall give one instance. There is an ever growing demand in the United Kingdom and in some of the powerful States within the Six Market Area— which has a considerable purchasing power—for processed foods. We have food here and we could process it but if we are to do so, it is vital to make the product attractive because we shall be competing with old established firms. I should like to stress that point to the Government—that it is necessary to make available as much money as possible for marketing.

I now come to Dublin. Although I am a rural Deputy, I am conscious of the fact that the unemployment situation in Dublin is disastrous. That may be largely due to the reduction in the numbers employed in the building trade. But it cannot be economic to give large unemployment donations to people which keep them at a fair standard of existence, nor is it satisfactory for the nation. It must ultimately end with people leaving the country to seek employment elsewhere. The building situation is a matter for another Estimate and, therefore, I shall just refer to it in passing by saying that there has been a reduction in building, no matter what any Minister or Deputy across the House may say. I shall leave it at that.

It strikes me also that it would be possible to give more employment in Dublin. It is a known fact that if anyone comes from rural Ireland to Dublin and wishes to park his car he can spend half an hour driving around the centre of the city trying to get somewhere to park it. I suggest to the Government that if they want this extra employment they could establish, either by overhead parking facilities or underground facilities, parking centres in the middle of the city literally for thousands of cars.

I do not think that would relevantly arise on the Vote.

It is a detail of unemployment.

Details of unemployment and of all other questions arising on the Estimates would not be relevant now.

I shall not dwell on the point. I am only suggesting to the Government what they could do to relieve unemployment in Dublin. If they borrowed or provided money for that purpose, it would mean the start of a constructive scheme because the fees they could charge would adequately pay for it. Dublin is the gateway to emigration. I tried to put the position to the House. Emigration begins in rural Ireland and moves on to the country towns. Then it goes to Dublin and from Dublin the exodus continues out of the country. Perhaps the Government will consider some of the points I have suggested. They may not agree with them but at least they are new ideas. They are a change from the old cut-and-dried policy.

To conclude, the Government seem to have based their policy on the Programme for Economic Expansion which they produced. That deals with every fact of our industrial and agricultural life. One thing stands out in it prominently. It is admitted within that document that no matter how much of it is put into effect, and no matter how successful it is, it will not solve the problem of unemployment. For that reason I ask the Government to do some very serious thinking. They have been three years in office. The longest period for which they can continue is something over one year, at the very outside two years. Let them produce a policy if they can to give the Irish people some return for the confidence they reposed in them when, three years ago, they gave them the largest majority that any Party ever had in this House. I submit that they have betrayed the electorate by their lack of policy, their lack of initiative and their lack of drive.

I think the reaction of most people, looking at the Estimates presented a few days ago by the Government, was that the country is performing what I described here two years ago as a financial Rake's Progress. Even though the Minister in his introductory speech gave what most of us would feel were reasonable grounds for the increases concerned— the greater part of which cover increases for various branches of the Civil Service, State officials, Defence and other sections of the administration—there is no gainsaying the fact that a jump of £8 million in the cost of running this tiny State is a very serious imposition if we are to develop a stable economy.

The sum of £123,000,000 a year does not, of course, represent the full cost of running this country. We have the cost of Central Fund services and the cost of the local government services. Added up, the Bill would probably approach the £170,000,000 mark which, for a population of fewer than 3,000,000 people, is a very substantial sum of money. I do not believe in restricting expenditure just for the sake of restricting it. I have always believed in an expansionist policy and if I were satisfied that the national income was expanding at a sufficiently quick rate I would be the first to suggest that these general increases were not alone well-earned but that they were necessary so that the general public, particularly the servants of the State, could participate in the rising trend of prosperity.

In our regard to ensure that the civil servants are properly remunerated, we must not forget there is another section of the community which, irrespective of what increases are given all round, still seem to remain at a level of perpetual depression. I refer to those who are recipients of our very miserable social welfare benefits. Anyone who desires to see the country make progress and look to the welfare of its citizens cannot but have some regard to the fact that we in this country have not acted fairly or justly towards the class of persons who cannot, through no fault of their own, provide adequately for themselves and their families.

A few days ago, the Taoiseach made what I regard as a very significant speech to the members of his Party in Dublin. In the course of it, he made a statement to the effect that it is not what may happen in Europe or outside that will decide the fate of our national economic progress but what happens here at home; that is entirely within our own control. I entirely agree with the remarks of the Taoiseach on that occasion, but I suggest that we at home must, of necessity, be conditioned by the happenings outside our own shores. As the Taoiseach is only too well aware, there have been, during recent years, very significant developments on the Continent of Europe. I refer to the recent creation of what are now known as the Common Market and the Outer Seven groups.

So far we, in this country, have decided that it would not be in our best interests to join one or other of these groups. That is a wise decision today. The Outer Seven is largely concerned with industrial inter-trading, and the question of agriculture is specifically excluded. The Common Market countries have integrated their economies very closely. It is their intention to put trade barriers, tariff barriers, around the perimeter of their countries against the importation of outside products. As the Taoiseach pointed out in this House on many occasions, we are at liberty to negotiate bilateral agreements with these countries, and these groups of countries, and if we can successfully do that, it is possibly the best policy, and not to make any decisions regarding the joining of any group at the present time.

The hope was also expressed by the Taoiseach that eventually these six or seven groups will melt away or come to some arrangement for a closer integration in the form of a European trade entity as a whole. It would be far more desirable that we should participate in such a wider group than take sides in the present set-up, which, as conditions stand at the moment, appears to be poised for a trade war. Whether we stand alone, as we are doing at the moment, or join the Outer Seven or the Common Market, there is one factor which I think cannot be overlooked and which the Taoiseach has stressed continuously since he came into office, that is, unless we make our export products, be they agricultural or industrial, efficiently and cheaply, and unless we provide a service equal to that of our competitors, we shall lose our export trade to our competitors on the Continent.

It is in the context of the Taoiseach's remarks that I should like to suggest to the Minister for Finance that this country cannot possibly continue to carry the ever-increasing load of State administration and, at the same time, become competitive vis-a-vis manufacturers on the Continent of Europe. We have, for historical reasons, a number of disadvantages in this country. It has been stated that there is no lack of capital for worthwhile projects, but there is a certain lack of know-how, a lack of really efficient top-class management, with very striking exceptions. There is a lack of education, science and technical education, and there is also, of course, above all, a lack of a traditional industrial outlook in this country.

These disadvantages will take time to overcome and, if we had plenty of time in which to overcome them, I have no doubt that eventually we would find ourselves as efficient economically as any of the other countries of Europe, particularly the small countries. The trouble is that we have not got the time, and unless a very early, genuine, and united effort is made to put this country on an efficient footing, I am afraid the present unwelcome trend in emigration is likely to continue. Whether we like to admit it or not, we form with Great Britain an economic trading unit. When we talk about emigration from here to Great Britain, we must realise that is made up largely of persons going from one part of this economic unit to another where there are more jobs offering, and jobs at higher wages. The same trend takes place within Great Britain itself. Persons leave the Highlands of Scotland and travel south. From this country, they cross the Channel and take up jobs in England.

That trend is bound to continue for many years to come. While we all deplore emigration, we should be grateful for the fact that a large number of our people can secure good employment so near to their homes. As conditions in England change, and as conditions change in this country and we can afford better opportunities to outside capital and outside entrepreneurs, this country will be able to entice English manufacturers, and other foreign manufacturers, to set up plants here to export to the European continent and elsewhere. If we want to entice that type of manufacturer in here we must be even more generous than we are at the moment in the concessions we offer to outside industrialists.

The Government could very well consider extending the concessions applicable to firms setting up industries in the Shannon Airport zone to the entire country, and certainly outside Dublin. If we were to offer 25-year tax free concessions to industrialists in general, it would have a very big impact on their decision to set up plants here. We might also consider some further enticement by way of reduced taxation. I know it is easy to talk about reducing taxation and the obvious reply of the Minister for Finance is: where will we cut down? That is a very difficult question to answer. I am slow to make a general suggestion without offering some concrete solution, but we might at least ask ourselves with regard to the cost of running the Army: can we, having regard to our economic position, afford to spend £8,000,000 a year on what is a nonproductive force?

Are we satisfied that the investments we have made in State industries, which are held out as an example to private enterprise, are worth-while? Are we satisfied that the £500,000 or £600,000 which we vote annually towards tourism is justified? Are we really satisfied that the income which is shown in our statistics as £34,000,000 or £35,000,000 is a genuine tourist income, or an income accruing from our own people coming back from England, or from the north of Ireland? I suggest that the time is opportune for a careful scrutiny of State investment in these various organisations and State and semi-State bodies to ensure that they are at least economic and self-sustaining. In saying that, I do not wish to leave private enterprise free of criticism. There is no doubt that private enterprise in this country has not to a large extent merited the term "enterprise". I quite agree with the opinion which has been repeated in this House on more than one occasion that where private enterprise has failed or is unable to do a job, the State has the right, and indeed the duty, to step in and do it.

At the same time, certain criticisms are levelled against private enterprise which are both unfair and unrealistic. If we accept that we shall have a mixed economy in the sense that part of the public services and part of the manufacturing sectors of the economy will be run by State enterprise, we should be prepared to accept that fact and to vote the necessary funds to ensure that the enterprise will give a fair return to the public and to the taxpayer.

If we delegate a section of the economy to private enterprise, we must allow private enterprise to operate freely. We must give them an opportunity, through reasonably low taxation, to accumulate capital so that it can be ploughed back again into the factory or business. While our rates of taxation are certainly lower in some instances than, say, in Great Britain, having regard to the state of our economic development and our industrial development, taxation is far too high. I can state from personal experience that it is practically impossible nowadays to accumulate capital for re-employment in a factory or in a business.

The Taoiseach has continued to issue grave warnings to industrialists and manufacturers with regard to the efficiency of their factories and the cheapness and quality of their products. In general, his words are right, weighty and well-timed. I suggest that all the exhortations in the world to manufacturers and traders to become more efficient, to become more conscious of the need for productivity and for expanding exports, will fall on deaf ears unless the Government give a lead in the efficient running of the country's affairs.

We Irish are a sceptical people by nature. We tend to let exhortations in one ear and out the other. However, we have the quality that, if given a genuine example, we follow it. In other words, if a person does what he urges other people to do, I think we will follow his example. I suggest, in this regard, that if we are to become efficient, low-cost producers, the Government must give a lead.

It is a sobering thought that, as of this date, we have a national debt of some £400,000,000. That is a substantial burden, having regard to the fact that when the first Government took up the running of this State in 1922, the national debt was nil. It is equally true that, in return for that expenditure, we have thousands of houses, hospitals, schools and various other institutions which would not have been built if we had not taken charge of our own affairs.

We have now reached the stage at which we must pay for this and the only way we can do so is by rapidly increasing our export trade, both agricultural and industrial. The American team of experts when describing us some years ago said we have infrastructure amenities which compare more than favourably with other countries. We have made tremendous progress on the political and social fronts. Unfortunately, our advance, on the economic and financial fronts, has not kept pace with that progress. It is now more than ever necessary that we should do so. For that reason, I again suggest to the Government that they have a grave responsibility in regard to the manner and effectiveness of their running of the country's affairs. Any suggestion of waste or extravagance on their part will only negative the Taoiseach's appeal to the country to get down to brass tacks, to work hard, to produce more and to become more efficient.

I mentioned that we are, in effect, an integral part of the trading unit comprising Great Britain and this country. If we accept that fact, we must, of necessity, endeavour to achieve closer economic association with Great Britain. The word "integration" has been used and those using it have been criticised for putting forward that suggestion. We may call it "closer integration" or "closer economic association." It seems inevitable that, for the mutual advantage of the two countries, we must have closer inter-trading relationships with our next-door neighbour. In saying that, I do not wish to suggest we should not look outside Great Britain for alternative markets, but I think a glance at the trading returns here over past years will indicate that, over the years, Great Britain has been our best customer and will continue to be so for many years to come.

In recent years, we have been exporting to Great Britain somewhere between £70,000,000 and £80,000,000 worth of goods a year. From Britain, we import about £100,000,000 worth of goods a year. A trade amounting to almost £200,000,000 between the two countries is a very important trade and one that cannot be overlooked in considering what our relationships will be with other countries in the years ahead. Any increase in our exports to Great Britain, whether agricultural or industrial, must benefit Great Britain in the long run. I am sure that fact was made very clear in the negotiations which the Taoiseach and his Ministers attended in London some weeks ago. If we could increase our agricultural exports to Great Britain by even £50,000,000 a year, it is certain that the greater part of that increased income would be used by us to purchase British goods.

I spoke recently in regard to the shipping services between this country and Great Britain. I think we are bound to find ourselves at a continuing disadvantage in regard to our trade with Great Britain, unless we improve on the present system of exporting goods to Great Britain.

That does not seem to be a matter relevant to the Vote on Account. It will arise on the Estimate.

Very well. I wanted merely to ask if anything was being done in regard to the provision of a ferry service, or ferry services, between this country and Great Britain which I regard as an essential link in the trading relationship between the two countries. To sum up, there are two courses open to us: first, to accept the present position, to accept the fact that we are a comparatively poor country, that our national income is low in comparison with other countries, and secondly, to equate our standard of living with our national income. That means a general lowering of the present standard of living. There is no doubt that a certain sector of our people could lower their standard of living without any harm to themselves. There is no lack of evidence that a section of the community appear to be doing fairly well. There is also no lack of evidence that another section are doing extremely badly.

I suggest that all we want to strive for is the alternative, that is, to expand our economy, which means expanding our exports. We cannot do that unless we become more efficient than we are at present. Whether we do it in industry or agriculture, the same rules apply.

It is encouraging to see from last year's returns a substantial increase in the export of industrial products to Great Britain. That increase only barely made up for the drop in the total export of livestock. I hope this welcome trend, irrespective of any improvement in regard to our livestock exports, will continue. Indeed, I think that offers one of the best hopes of increased employment in this country.

I should like to conclude on the note on which I began. If the Government want the people to work harder and to produce more and if they want less waste and more efficient investment of available capital, the first onus is on themselves to set an example in that regard. I suggest, with all due respect to the Minister's assurance, that the bill presented to the country in these Estimates is far too large and some effort will have to be made to prune Government services.

Nobody wants to see social services reduced—they are bad enough as they are. I think there is room in some of the Government Departments and in some of the Government spending for a reassessment of their requirements. The Minister should undertake that assessment straight away so that, when presenting his Budget in a few weeks' time, he will be able to show directions in which he can bring in substantial economies. If he cannot do that and if every year there is to be shown an increase of £8 million, it will make the task of this country not only difficult but impossible in regard to expansion of the economy and increase in exports.

It is clear from the Book of Estimates which has been presented to An Dáil that the cost of operating Government services in the coming financial year will be greater than it was last year and, indeed, in any previous year. Deputies opposite have expressed concern about that fact. Their concern is fully shared by the Government. There is on us, however, the obligation, which we accept, to explain and justify that expansion in the cost of Government administration and services.

Deputies who have studied the Book of Estimates will see that the higher costs arise under three main heads. First of all, there is the higher remuneration to public servants of all kinds—civil servants, teachers, Garda and Army which, as the Minister for Finance explained in his introductory statement, will necessitate the provision of something more than £2 million additional in the coming year.

Secondly, there is the higher cost of social welfare services. That is due to the fact that the increases which we brought into operation last year in old age pensions and other payments which were effective for a part only of that financial year will operate for the whole of this year and will, therefore, cost more. That expansion in the bill for social welfare services in the coming year was, of course, foreseen when the increases were announced in the Budget Statement of 1959.

Thirdly, there is the increase in the cost of a number of services which are directly aimed at economic expansion and in such other services as the Agricultural Grant which have an indirect bearing upon economic possibilities. Allowing for savings upon some Estimates, it seems likely, subject to any further changes upon which the Government may decide between now and the introduction of the Budget, that non-capital current expenditure may in next year run about £5 million higher than last year.

I do not propose now to anticipate in any way the Budget Statement which the Minister for Finance will make on 27th or 28th April but it is a fact that the Government would not commit themselves to pay out more money for any purpose, no matter how desirable that purpose might be regarded by Deputies and the public, unless, when the taxation for the year was being arranged, we felt ourselves in a position to justify the higher expenditure on the basis of the general national interest.

With regard to this question of the increased cost of public administration, I think we, in this House, must face up to one of the facts of the situation. Successive Governments here have in large measure surrendered their freedom of action in respect of the remuneration of public servants by their acceptance of the various arbitration schemes now in operation. We do not suggest that there should be any revision of policy in that regard. The existence of these arbitration schemes confers advantages as well as disadvantages and it has been our decision heretofore that the advantages far outweigh the disadvantages. But we must recognise that disadvantages exist and the principal one, as was often pointed out at the time when the introduction of these schemes was under consideration here, is that by adopting them, to a considerable degree, we deprive ourselves of any element of discretion in respect of remuneration in these public services.

It is, I think, desirable that I should at this stage remind members of the Fine Gael Party that on one occasion, in 1954, when the Government were presented with an award by the Civil Service Arbitration Board involving the retrospective payment of increases and decided, having regard to the magnitude of the deficit anticipated on that year's Budget, not to bring the recommended increases in pay and salaries into operation until the beginning of the next financial year, the Fine Gael Party decided to make it a political issue. Indeed, when, some months later, after a general election, a Coalition Government came into office, one of their first acts was to repay retrospectively to each civil servant in the form of a lump sum the amount he had lost by reason of that decision of the Fianna Fáil Government to delay the operation of the increases recommended.

The Fine Gael Party at that time may have been thinking merely in terms of a useful election gimmick but they could not have been entirely unaware of the full implication of the policy they followed and of the decision which, ultimately, as a Government they implemented. I do not say that action made it impossible, in a legal sense, for any future Government to refuse to carry out in full any award of the Civil Service Arbitration Board, but we all fully realise that it made it extremely unlikely that that would ever happen and therefore it operated still further to reduce and eliminate the discretion and freedom of action left to Governments in respect of remuneration of public servants.

I should make it quite clear, however, that on this occasion the Government did not await an arbitration award. We settled the new levels of remuneration of public servants at conciliation level and we did that—despite what Deputy Dillon said yesterday —notwithstanding the fact that there had been no increase in the cost of living since salaries and wages were previously adjusted. We did not consider that a rise in the remuneration of public servants was required in order to offset rises in living costs such as justified previous increases in their remuneration. We did it because we recognised that wage rises were being generally secured in private employment and we considered that it would be unfair that public servants should not participate in that movement. We recognise that in all the circumstances which I have mentioned, we have to defend our decision to increase the remuneration of public servants not under the compulsion of an arbitration award but at conciliation level and, to that extent, by our own decision.

If, because of that decision of the Government, the Minister for Finance finds it necessary at the end of next month to come here with proposals for tax increases, it may not be a bad thing in the long run to have it demonstrated once again that pay increases must be paid by someone, either by the taxpayer in the case of public servants or by the consumers in the case of other employees.

The Government have been most seriously concerned by the possible consequences of the recent general round of wage and salary increases. Everybody recognises that this latest round of wage and salary increases is the first since the end of the war which was not occasioned by an increase in the cost of living. Let me make it clear that neither I, nor any member of the Government, nor any Deputy on this side of the House, grudges the workers concerned the advantages which they have secured by these increases. We knew that the national income had expanded somewhat, that the level of production in industry had improved and for that reason the country could stand some improvement in living standards without adverse consequence on the economy as a whole, but we were concerned very deeply by the social and economic implications of the fact that action outside the control of the Government has meant that the whole benefit of the improvement in the national income has been secured by one section of our people alone, the wage and salary earners.

Hear, hear! Not by the farmers.

We were, and are, particularly concerned by three aspects of this increase in wages and salaries. The first of these is the effect on the cost of living; secondly, the effect of a higher general wage level for workers and those employed in industrial and urban occupations, at a time when agricultural income is declining; and thirdly, the possible effect upon the country's export trade.

I have said here and I want to repeat, in view of what Deputy Dillon said yesterday, that there has been no increase in the cost of living since the beginning of 1958. The cost of living index number for mid-November 1959 was precisely the same as it was in mid-February 1958. For two years, the cost of living was stable. There were some slight fluctuations during that two-year period, but at the end of it, the cost of living was no higher than at the beginning of it.

When I was speaking in the Adjournment Debate last December, I said that there was no factor operating, or likely to operate in the foreseeable future, which could cause the upward movement in prices to be resumed, except a general increase in wages. That is now happening. Some weeks ago, I saw that Mr. Conroy, President of the I.T. & G.W.U., said that workers had got their wage increases and no increases in prices had followed. I do not believe that Mr. Conroy is really so naïve. I am quite certain he understands that the effect of wage increases on prices is always somewhat delayed. He spoke far too soon.

I think it is certain that because of these wage increases, some increase in the general price level will take place during the coming year. Some increases in prices have already occurred; others are certain to happen. I know that in many industries the effect of higher wages can be, and no doubt will be, offset, perhaps completely, by measures taken to increase the productivity of the workers employed, possibly in some instances, at the expense of employment, but there are other industries and other activities in which that will not be practicable.

Deputies have asked questions and made comments in the past few weeks about the recent increase in the price of bread. That increase in the price of bread was due solely to the increase in wages granted to bakery workers. Every Deputy knows, however, that bakery wages are not the only factor affecting the increase in the price of bread.

Does the Taoiseach mean the recent increase in the price of bread?

The recent increase. The price of bread is also liable to be affected by the cost of flour, and the cost of flour can also be raised by higher wages to workers employed in flour mills and, in our case, by adjustment in the bakers' grists—the higher percentage of dearer native wheat now going into the bakers' grists. We do not know yet what effect these factors may have upon the price of flour, but if there are changes in consequence of them, then the price of bread will be further increased.

All over the whole situation, it is inevitable that the effect of wages upon prices will begin to appear in the months immediately ahead of us. There is no good pretending that it may not happen. It is no point in suggesting that there is some action open to the Government which could prevent it happening. It is a complete illusion to think that workers can get higher wages without somebody paying for them. Higher wages which are completely offset by higher prices are of very little use to the workers. They are no better off individually and if, as may happen in consequence of the higher level of production costs which these wages may establish, that sales, either at home or abroad, should be reduced, then the effect is to reduce employment and disimprove the position of workers as a class. That has happened before. Nobody would for a moment think that what has been done should be undone, but we have to take full account of the situation and make, in so far as it is open to us to do so, the adjustments that will minimise the effects and enable the country's progress to be maintained notwithstanding what has happened.

There has been in recent weeks a very encouraging indication that the leaders of the trade unions recognise fully the importance of productivity, the extent to which their capacity to improve the living conditions of the members of their unions depends upon the success of the efforts being made to improve productivity. They are co-operating in measures which are in train to improve overall national efficiency and the level of productivity in many occupations. But it is of tremendous importance that understanding of the problem confronting the country which has been shown by these trade union leaders should be shared by the individual workers, that it should operate on the factory floor, that there should be throughout the whole labour force of the country a willingness to co-operate in measures designed to keep down production costs so that the benefit of higher wages will be made real and permanent and so that the prospect of a continued improvement in workers' conditions can be entertained.

In particular, the Government have urged and are urging on all those who are concerned with industrial management in any way to exert themselves to avoid any necessity for an overall rise in prices by increasing the efficiency of their production, by acquiring new and better equipment and by the avoidance of waste, to seek in every possible way to hold down prices and to carry their higher labour costs without having to effect corresponding increases in prices so that the benefit of wage increases to workers will be real, so that the danger of a contraction in trade may be avoided and so that the expansion in industrial activity which the country needs, if it is to cope with unemployment and emigration, will not be impeded.

It was, however, the effect upon agriculture of this recent increase in wages, and the implied threat of a general increase in the prices of commodities used in agriculture, which gave the Government the most concern. The fact that farmers were facing the prospect of higher costs from higher industrial wages, and were facing the obligation to pay higher wages to their own workers at a time when farm prices generally are tending downwards, could have a most discouraging effect. Every Deputy must realise, as most farmers know, that the prices secured by producers for many farm products are determined by market conditions. It is not possible to do anything to influence them. Certainly, the prices which farmers can secure for many of their products cannot be increased by the farmers' own decision. Deputies also, I am sure, realise that, by and large, the prices secured for exported farm products are not subject to our control; they are determined by world market circumstances.

In a situation in which farm incomes have tended to decline, while farm costs are now tending to increase, the Government have been giving a great deal of consideration to the measures which they could take to remedy or affect that situation. We realise that the decreases in farm income which took place in 1958 and 1959 were to some extent due to the abnormal weather conditions prevailing in each of these two years, and we can hope that, given more normal weather this year, an improvement in farm incomes will take place automatically. We do not think that hope alone is enough to encourage farmers to face up to the future and to work for the expansion of production in the future. More positive steps require to be taken.

There are, as the House realises, not many farm prices which the Government can influence by their own direct action. Very many farm costs are already subsidised from the Exchequer and, indeed, a large part of the total shown on the face of the Book of Estimates represents provision made for payments to farmers in respect of subventions to rates, subsidies to fertilisers, export subventions, farm improvement grants and so on. The Government have decided, however, that something must be done by increasing some farm prices on the home market and by increasing some farm production subsidies even though it means further complication of the Budget situation that we are facing and the possibility of further burdens on the tax revenue.

The measures that we can take, and should take, in this situation are at present under consideration and I expect we shall be able to make some announcement on the matter in the comparatively early future. I believe that the public generally will understand the need for action by the Government in relation to this situation. I am certain that the workers who have received wage increases during the past few months will not begrudge paying something more for some farm products to enable farmers and farm workers to get some benefit also, and that all our people will accept that the prosperity of Ireland can be built only on the welfare of our farmers, the security of our agricultural industry, and that we must accept as a community the obligation to do whatever is required in that regard.

I have said also that the Government have been very much concerned about the possible effect of recent wage increases and the rises in production costs resulting from them upon our export trade and our plans and our hopes for expanding exports. It is quite clear that unless the effect of these higher wages is completely offset by greater efficiency, by harder work, by all the measures which can contribute to improved productivity— measures to offset the higher wages bill upon the unit costs of production—our hopes for economic expansion can be entirely destroyed.

This country must aim at a very considerable expansion in exports however it is achieved. Our hopes of maintaining living standards which are comparable to those provided in neighbouring countries depend upon our success in the export drive. I said recently in a public speech that the fundamental cause of emigration is the fact that the national income is not now adequate to enable us to maintain all our people with a standard of living which they are prepared to accept. If we are to win our fight against emigration, the national income must expand and we can only expand the national income by increasing our exports.

On the other hand, as has been often emphasised, higher export sales are possible only if we can meet the prices at which our competitors are delivering the same products into the markets we are trying to serve. Anything which operates, or could operate, to price our products out of these markets, to make it impossible for us to maintain, much less expand our consignments to them, would operate to defeat the whole national effort and to make the continuance of emigration inevitable.

I have said that the national income is going up and the indications are— though final calculations have not been made yet—that the two per cent. increase in national income which we hoped to bring about last year was, in fact, achieved, if not something more than that, but that is not the only thing going up. What is also going up, and this is the correct interpretation of the movement to increase wages which has recently taken place, is the understanding of our people of what is an acceptable standard of living. In our case what is an acceptable standard of living is, by and large, determined by the conditions prevailing in Great Britain. It is reasonable to expect that workers who can considerably improve their circumstances by going to employment in Great Britain will be disposed to do so unless they can by their own actions achieve in this country comparable wages and conditions. There is nothing we can do about it and, therefore, we have got to accept that the conditions prevailing in Great Britain, in the much stronger economy of Great Britain, will determine the ideas prevailing here as to what are reasonable living standards, and suitable wage rates.

If, therefore, we are to bring about an improvement in employment and a reduction in emigration, we have got to secure such an expansion in our national income as will enable us to do that, notwithstanding the compulsion upon us to maintain here living standards not very inferior to those in Great Britain. These are our problems.

Hear, hear.

The progress that we as a community make in dealing with these problems will very largely depend upon our attitude to them, not the attitude of the Government, not the attitude of the different political Parties represented in this House, but the attitude of the whole Irish community. I am convinced that we can meet these problems, that we can in fact, in time, eliminate the economic causes of emigration provided we as a nation are determined to do so, but we cannot succeed—we cannot hope to succeed—if any important element in the community is determined to remain outside the struggle, or is unwilling to concede that success in that struggle involves some sacrifices by them as well as by others.

As Deputy Russell said a few moments ago in respect of unemployment and emigration, the expansion of industry is the main prospect of improvement. I believe that we have now got at this stage in our history opportunities of achieving industrial expansion which did not exist previously and which may not be repeated in the future, and it is important that we should face up to these prospects, not merely from the point of view of expanding the arrangements by the Government to ensure that they will be availed of but to ensure, as I said, that nothing done by any section of the community will prevent their realisation. I think it is probable, judging by the indications that are being given already, that this year will bring important developments in the industrial field but it is by no means certain that we will reach the very high and continuing rate of expansion that we require to deal with our situation. In this fight against emigration we are not yet certain of victory. It cannot be said that the achievements so far, substantial though they have been, are sufficient to guarantee our ultimate success and that is indeed the attitude which the members of the Government have tried to maintain in all their public utterances. We are not here seeking to claim that by reason of anything we have done national problems have been solved. Our anxiety and concern arise from the fact that we know they have not been solved yet and that a great deal more must be accomplished before we can feel satisfied that victory is likely to come to us.

The decline in population which is still proceeding is in itself a deterrent and a handicap to our economic expansion. The rate of emigration which is revealed by the available statistics is an indication of the inadequacy of the measures that we have adopted so far in this fight for economic expansion and national survival. We cannot hope to expand, however, unless we are prepared to invest in expansion.

A large part of the total shown in the Book of Estimates represents expenditure which is designed to facilitate the country's economic progress. If we are willing to abandon the prospect of progress, if we are prepared to throw in the towel or hoist the white flag, and let the future take care of itself, we could cut a whole slice off the bill for national administration, reduce taxation and sink quietly into oblivion. Economy is not the mere avoidance of expenditure. True economy is spending what is required to achieve the results that are aimed at and spending it prudently but adequately.

Deputy Esmonde earlier today and Deputy Dillon yesterday made some references to trade negotiations which are now in progress or in prospect. It is quite clear that if we are to achieve the economic expansion at which we are aiming through the development of export trade, then we must have the prospect of access to markets to which our exports can be sent, provided we can in those markets secure customers on the basis of the prices and qualities we offer. I do not think this is the occasion to make a general statement of Government policy in that respect. I will endeavour at the earliest opportunity to make a policy statement but when that may be possible is still to some extent uncertain.

In any event, I do not see that it will be possible to do what Deputy Russell has been asking for in the weeks immediately ahead of us, that is, to give a precise definition of the circumstances in Europe that will determine our trade prospects there for the future. The situation in Europe itself is far too fluid to enable us to fix a final pattern in our own trade agreements. I have said, however, that we need have no anxiety about our ability to get sales abroad provided we can so organise our methods of production and marketing that we can sell competitively.

Deputies have frequently spoken here about the disparities in our trade statistics with a number of European countries, that we import from those countries far more than we export to them. We have discussed that situation with representatives of the Governments of some of those countries and on many occasions they have said to us: "Well, what are you going to do about it?" They attribute these disparities to our own fault. They point out that there is access to their markets, free access for many of the products that we could sell there—not for all of them, I agree—and——

There is quantitative restriction on some of them.

——they suggest that the efforts we are making to avail of the opportunities which they have given us in those markets are insufficient.

We must not think of the European trade situation as being similar now to what it was immediately after the war, when our trade with every country was regulated by a horse trading type of bilateral agreement. That situation has long since passed. There is no country in Europe with which we have any substantial trade which is now operating on that basis. The whole trend is towards a trade liberalisation and the multilateral application of any alteration of changes in import arrangements. It will not be possible to reverse that trend, to go to any of these countries on the basis of bargaining for so much against so much. The most we can hope to get as a result of any negotiations that we may enter into is improved opportunities for selling our products in a comparatively free market on equal terms with other suppliers to that market. Therefore, our capacity to expand sales is, as I have said, dependent entirely on what we do at home to improve the efficiency of our production and marketing methods. It depends, at any rate, far more upon what we may achieve in that respect here than on any trade agreements that we may be able to negotiate.

That is going too far.

There is one other factor that I want to refer to before concluding. One of the reasons why the cost of Government this year will be higher than last year is that our social welfare arrangements will cost more. One aspect of our social welfare problem which has always disturbed me personally is the meagre character of the improvements that can be effected in them at very great cost. The relationship between the cost to the Exchequer and the improvement to the individual always appears to me to be completely disproportionate. We made a modest improvement in old age pensions and some other social welfare payments last year and provided for the cost for that improvement in last year's Budget. This year, because the higher payments will operate for a full 12 months instead of a lesser period, another £1,000,000, practically, has to be found by our taxpayers. I hope the country will always be willing to accept the proposition that when any expansion in national resources is brought about by increased activity in agriculture, industry or in any other economic field, some part of the added resources thus gained will be used to relieve personal hardship due to causes outside the control of individuals, the factors that produce poverty, in respect of which the State has in the past accepted in principle an obligation to intervene to help individuals at the expense of the community as a whole.

The Minister for Social Welfare is at present preparing proposals, which have already been indicated, for changes in the social welfare code which will be presented to the Dáil before the summer. Again I want the House to understand that the improvements which are possible will always be comparatively small and will always represent quite a heavy additional charge upon the community as well. Nevertheless that is the direction in which we want to go and the aim of the Government is to secure that as we make progress economically, as the national income rises, as the resources available to the community as a whole increase, some part of them will always be withheld from workers or from farmers or from other elements in the community in order to strengthen the bulwarks we have already started to build against undeserved poverty.

We cannot hope to do in the years immediately ahead all that we should like to achieve in that field but that is the direction in which we intend to move. I hope the House will always be prepared to support the Government in doing so and will not hesitate, if necessary, to vote the additional taxation which will represent the device by which the higher incomes of the employed and occupied sections of our community are drawn upon to support those who have no incomes at all.

As I said, I have no intention at this stage of anticipating in any way the Budget Statement the Minister for Finance will make later, but it will be obvious from the circumstances which I have described, the higher cost of current Government services which we anticipate, that we are facing a somewhat difficult Budget situation. However, I think I can say the Government feel they may be able to cope with the situation in a manner which will not operate in any degree whatever to reduce the country's prospects of economic progress during the coming year.

The most significant fact about this year's Book of Estimates is the size of the amount demanded and, having listened to the Taoiseach, the very small, in fact negligible, contribution this Book of Estimates makes toward solving the problems which affect the community. I listened carefully to the Taoiseach's speech and, no matter how one approaches it, it showed a pessimistic outlook. That pessimism was obviously produced because of a realisation that the facts of the economic situation are not hopeful. It should be remembered that just three years ago the previous Government were criticised harshly and continuously by this Government when in Opposition, although the demands we made on the community were between £13 million and £14 million less than the amount in the present Book of Estimates. It is indeed notable that in addition to that we had over £6½ million for food subsidies.

£9 million.

Agree upon the facts.

Probably when account is taken of the subventions provided for social assistance recipients, the total would amount to £9 million, as Deputy Dillon mentions. Therefore, the total demand which the community has to bear, allowing for the reduction in the food subsidies and the increase in the Book of Estimates, is a sum not less than £20 million greater than it was three years ago. At the same time the country is still faced with the serious problem of continued emigration, the large number still on the unemployment register, and with the various other problems to which the Taoiseach referred in the course of his speech.

I wonder has the Government ever considered to what extent they are the victims of their own policies. Yesterday the trade returns published in the newspapers indicated that, although exports in some cases were lower than in the previous year, in the main the balance of trade was favourable, that although the volume was up, the cost of imports was lower than in the previous year, that in fact over the last three years the import price level has tended downward all the time. It is true, as the Taoiseach has said, that since 1948, after a substantial rise in the cost of living between 1957 and 1958, up to recently the price level was stable. However, it seems to me we have now got into a domestic price inflation situation and if one is to take the forecast of the Taoiseach about agricultural prices for certain commodities in the near future, that price level is not yet exhausted.

Quite recently there was a rise in the price of bread, attributable to the last round of wage increases granted to bakery workers. In addition there has been a recent rise in bus fares, and now, according to what the Taoiseach has said, it is proposed in the near future to make some change in the prices paid for certain agricultural products. It is reasonable to assume that one of these products will be milk, which will affect butter as a product manufactured from milk. That in turn will press hard on the people who have already been affected by the increase in the price of bread and the increase in bus fares.

It is appropriate that we should examine the Book of Estimates, as Deputy Russell mentioned, to see where changes can be made or what reductions can be effected. Shortly after the Government were elected, the Minister for Finance announced in the course of the Budget Statement that it was proposed to carry out an exhaustive examination into the administration and cost of the Civil Service machine. Nothing has been heard since of that examination or of the results of it. The Minister made a passing reference, on one subsequent occasion, to the fact that the matter was under consideration or that certain action had been taken, but nothing has been achieved so far.

I agree with the remark of the Taoiseach that if wage or arbitration tribunals grant increases they should be accepted and that public servants, whether Civil Servants, Gardaí, Army personnel or teachers, should be adequately remunerated. But I am quite satisfied that the present position of the national economy does not justify the expenditure on the face of the Book of Estimates of £123,000,000 for the lowest population in our history.

There is something wrong in our approach to economic problems if we spend ever-increasing sums to administer the same, or a variation, of public services in a falling or static population. It is time that the cost, as well as the contribution, made by State and semi-State bodies to the community was examined in a realistic manner. On many occasions, justifiable tributes have been paid to the success of State undertakings but when tributes are paid, care is always taken to refer to the successful undertakings and no one ever refers to the unsuccessful ones or to the ones which continue to be a cost on the community or the Exchequer.

In that regard, everyone is a contributor. Everyone has to pay more in taxation to keep these undertakings going or to pay higher prices for commodities or for services rendered. Some of these bodies are providing services which must be made available to the community. On the other hand, some of them are rendering services which are described as being necessary for national prestige. The best national prestige we could have is an improvement in our all-round standard of living and a general improvement in the national economy. It is, I believe, the responsibility of the Government and of the House carefully to examine the cost of these undertakings and carefully to scrutinise, either at the behest of the Minister for Finance or the Government as a whole, the relationship between the cost and the services rendered by these State bodies.

It is hardly appropriate, in a debate such as this, to specify which bodies should be examined, but the responsible Ministers have a duty and the Government have a responsibility to examine the cost of these bodies and the services rendered by them in order not only to see that the community is getting adequate value for the money spent, but that the services and the work done are essential to the national welfare.

During this debate, and on many other occasions, talk has centred on the need for greater efficiency in agricultural and industrial production and a great deal of attention has been paid to possible changes in European trading conditions. I must say that the talk which Ministers of different Governments often are obliged to indulge in at meetings or functions organised by trade or other bodies seems to me to miss the point. People generally—and it is characteristic of human nature, whether the people are directors or managers of concerns or those employed in them—do not respond to exhortations to produce more efficiently or to work harder. Most people are obliged to work at a certain level and, in the main, the greater bulk of those engaged in industry or agriculture work as hard as they can. There are only two incentives which will urge people to greater effort. One is the possibility of greater reward and the other is the fear of competition. Other incentives lack reality and however we may urge people to produce more efficiently or more cheaply or to work harder, the incentives which will bring the greatest results are the prospects of a greater reward or the fear of competition.

So far as the first is concerned, we have some control over it here. The present level of taxation is agreed by economists to be too high and, judging from what the Taoiseach has just said, the prospect of any reduction in the immediate future is unlikely. I want to get the Government to consider the recommendation which was made in the first report of the Capital Investment Advisory Committee. They recommended that the question of changing the method of application of the agricultural grant should be considered. That report was presented to the previous Government just before the election and, while certain action was taken by the present Government, that recommendation was not acted upon.

If what the Taoiseach has said is applied in respect of certain agricultural commodities, while it may act as an incentive to the producer and may lead to greater output, it will have repercussions on the domestic price structure and will impinge on the very sections of the community whose position has already been worsened by the recent increases in the price of bread and higher bus fares. Those are the people living on fixed incomes, whether pensioners of one sort or another or people living on fixed salaries. If the situation has worsened for the poorer sections of the community, it seems to me that we are faced with the problem of trying to relieve the economic difficulties of the farmers, which have increased over the past few years and, on the other hand, of maintaining a price structure which will leave these commodities within the purchasing power of the poorer sections of the community and which also will not result in a further demand for wage increases.

It is true that price changes over the past 12 months have been entirely due to the domestic economic situation. Whether these price changes are brought about by wage increases or by direct Government action, the result is that there are increases in the price of foodstuffs and in the price of services and it is more difficult, because of these increases, for the weaker sections of the community to exist on the same pensions.

I believe that the present enormous burden of State expenditure and the expenditure by semi-State bodies has the effect of diminishing initiative. The economists who have considered this, no matter from what section of the community they were drawn, have repeatedly expressed the view that a lowering of taxation would provide the greatest possible incentive towards increased economic expansion and towards the realisation of the aim of getting increased exports.

We all share the aim and objective of trying to provide greater employment and of endeavouring to reduce emigration by providing jobs at home for those who at present seek work elsewhere but I was struck by a lecture which an economist delivered last year. In the course of that lecture he said that it would be possible to maintain a higher standard of living and at the same time have 200,000 fewer persons employed in agriculture than are employed at the present time. When you see that figure expressed in the form that he put it, you are struck by the size of the numbers, but if you look at the numbers who have left rural employment, agricultural employment, over a number of years, there is nothing very fantastic about it.

He does not mean that they will go in a year or two years but over a period, because of the interchange between this country and Britain and because of the influences which affect people. As a great many people here will inevitably tend to seek employment in Britain, where they can get higher wages and the higher standards to which they aspire, it is certain they will leave employment in agriculture. Whether they are small farmers or agricultural workers they will go to places either in Britain or elsewhere and get what appears to be a higher standard from the monetary point of view.

But when that fact is pointed out, as it was on that occasion by this person who was, as I said to him afterwards, free to say things that politicians might not say—free to express a viewpoint in a way in which others might realise that what he was saying was a very likely possibility and indeed a very likely result—it imposed on the community as a whole the problem of providing some means of inducing these people to remain here and of providing employment for them. One of the satisfactory results of the last few years, and indeed of last year, was the growth in industrial exports but it only matched—and in fact did not quite match—the drop in agricultural exports. No matter how one examines the economy for the past year, it seems that it was static, if not declining. The drop in the number of cattle exported was attributed in so far as I understood it, to two factors. One was the drought in Britain and the drought here which had an effect on the number of cattle which were in a suitable condition for sale, and the other was the effect of the bovine tuberculosis eradication scheme.

On that subject I want to say that the problem of eradicating bovine tuberculosis is a national one which depends for its success on the efforts, not only of the officers and officials of the Department of Agriculture but of the farming community as a whole. Rightly or wrongly there is an impression that all is not well with the methods which have been adopted, that the progress of that scheme is not nearly as rapid or as satisfactory as it should be and an incorrect impression is being created in Britain. All of that has militated against sales here and has had a depressing effect on the price of cattle for a considerable time. I feel that we should if necessary enter into consultations, in conjunction with the trade agreement, with the British authorities to see if there are any steps which we can take, or any changes which we can make in the methods of dealing with this problem which would, on the one hand, speed up the eradication of the disease and at the same time erase the suspicion that the system in operation here is not appropriate or adequate to deal with the problem.

As far as one can gather, the method employed, the technical application of the scheme, is as efficient as in any country in the world. The fact that we embarked on the scheme late and that many other countries had many years' start on us has, of course, aggravated the difficulties involved. No matter what the difficulties are, no matter what are the problems involved for those directly concerned, I believe that we should seek to erase from everybody's mind any suspicion that we are not wholeheartedly engaged in the struggle to eradicate this disease and show that we are prepared to take any and every step to eradicate it as quickly and as efficiently as possible.

During this debate, reference was made to the proposed changes in trade in Europe and the trade discussions with Britain. I do not accept that the present trading arrangement with continental countries is just as simple as the Taoiseach mentioned. I believe that on a number of occasions—and certainly one specific instance which comes immediately to mind is the lamb trade with France—we did not get the reciprocal rights under the agreement which we should have got and that in that particular instance administrative and other barriers were placed in the way. In so far as these trade agreements are generally concerned, in some cases administrative procedures were applied which created difficulties. Remember it is one thing when Governments are trading with one another; it is another thing when individual traders or groups of traders are trading directly with their counterparts in other countries and people are distracted if they find administrative and other difficulties placed in their way.

For that reason there is something wrong with a trading situation in which, so far as I understand it, last year we bought over £33,000,000 worth of goods from a number of European countries while they bought about £7,000,000 worth from us. There is something wrong with that balance of trade that requires examination. Many of the agreements have been in existence — some were probably negotiated in the early days and, in the main, they have tended to be renegotiated on the same basis—for nearly a decade. They were originally negotiated shortly after the end of the war, when trading conditions were difficult. On the other hand, it is not sufficient to say, as was said in reply to a Parliamentary Question, that the matter is under constant examination and review. That is a favourite device for giving the impression that something is happening, whereas, in fact, nothing may be happening.

In connection with the trade discussions with Britain, we have no desire to embarrass the Government, or to express views which would in any way create difficulties, or make the situation in any way more complicated than it is. These discussions have been continuing for a very considerable time. So far as I recollect, negotiations started last July. They were suspended during the British general election and restarted early this year. In view of the present very unsatisfactory level of prices for agricultural products, particularly cattle prices, it is reasonable to expect that the agreement, or whatever changes are made, will be concluded in time for normal trading to be continued during the course of the present year.

We have had two very difficult years from the point of view of weather. It is significant that the Taoiseach, in the course of a speech last weekend, referred to our trade with the British as the keystone of the arch. As I say, while recognising and sympathising with the problems of the Government, we are entitled, I believe, to expect that these discussions will be carried on and concluded as speedily as possible in order that both agricultural and industrial interests may be aware of the prospects before them on a definite basis.

This Book of Estimates provides a sum of £½ million extra for grants to health authorities. That, I assume, is on the basis of the existing £ for £ scheme which has operated for a great number of years, in fact since the Health Act was introduced. It is the universal experience of Deputies that the present health scheme is unsatisfactory. Whether that is because of administration, or because of the fact that it is two-tiered—partly the business of the local authorities and partly that of the Government—or whether it is because the system is an extension of the old dispensary system, is difficult to say. No matter to which part of the country one goes, whether to a rural or an urban area, one is approached by a number of individuals with complaints about not getting benefits to which they are entitled, or with complaints that others have got benefits in similar circumstances. It is impossible, in all cases, to know the actual facts.

I believe the time has come when we should have a re-examination of the whole system of health administration. The present system is not providing benefits, in many cases, for the most needy, and is certainly not providing benefits in any way commensurate with the cost of the scheme. Reference has been made to the very serious difficulties of old age pensioners, and others. These difficulties have, if anything, been aggravated, because the weaker sections are always hit first and hit hardest by any change in price levels. There were recent changes in the price of bread and in bus fares and, while many old age pensioners do not travel very far, nevertheless, they are greatly affected. In addition, I understand there is likely to be a further increase in the price of bread in the near future which will impinge very heavily on the recipients of old age pensions and social welfare benefits. In the main, the recipients of these benefits are old people or sick people.

The administration of the health scheme, as I have said, requires to be examined with a view to providing as far as possible for those who are in need, and to eliminate, where necessary, either those who are in receipt of benefits and should not be, or unnecessary administration costs and expenditure.

The total of this Book of Estimates is staggering. It is a very sombre thought that it is approximately £20,000,000 more when account is taken of the food subsidies and increases within the past three years, at a time when the economic outlook is as was portrayed by the Taoiseach this morning in the indications he gave of growing competition in foreign markets, and more serious difficulties at home in respect of prices of commodities to all sections of the community.

In these circumstances, it is reasonable to ask: what efforts have the Government made during the past three years to carry out the undertakings they gave after assuming office, that they were carrying out a radical examination of the whole cost and structure of State administration, with a view to providing a type of administration, or scheme, which would cost less and provide more efficiently for the needs of the community? I believe nothing has happened in that regard, that the Government have not implemented their undertakings and that, in fact, during the past three years—and particularly during the past 12 months— our economy has declined. The economic prospects of the nation are by no means as attractive or as rosy as some Government spokesmen paint them.

Listening to the Taoiseach this morning, I thought the views expressed by him were not only pessimistic but that the economic outlook for the country and the community as a whole was by no means attractive. I believe if we examine carefully the headings I have mentioned, and if care is taken to explain the situation to the interests concerned, farmers, industrialists and trade unions, we shall find all sections of the community prepared and anxious to play their part. It should be put to them that the battle for economic survival, the battle for economic improvement, needs a combined effort by all sections, but if the effects of wage increases are passed on to certain sections in order to compensate for the increases granted, in effect we shall have a domestic price inflation.

So far as one can deduce from the figures published, that is the situation this country is facing at the moment, and it is a very serious situation. If we realise that, at the same time, we have had the advantage for the past three years of favourable import prices, and favourable circumstances generally from the point of view of trading, and if in those circumstances we find the economy mainly stagnant, it is time to ask what efforts and what changes have the Government made in the administration of the State, and what changes have they in mind, in the economy as well as in the structure. Unless some changes are made, fewer and fewer people will be obliged to carry a greater burden. We shall find that we are in a circle which gets more and more difficult with heavier demands being made on all sections of the community and with fewer people to bear a growing burden as time goes on.

I am surprised and sorry that the Vote on Account shows no increase for the Department of Social Welfare for the poor who are dependent on that Department. In the Book of Estimates, there is no sign of any improvement in the lot of the aged and infirm. Even though all sections of the community and every member of this House say they desire to see the old age pensioners, the widows, the orphans, the blind, the sick and the infirm get some sort of an increase to tide them over the present hard times, nevertheless the Government and all Governments down through the years have been very mean in their treatment of the poorer sections of our people. Even though the Book of Estimates does not reflect any increase for these people, I hope and trust they have not been forgotten.

We are all aware that, with the continuous increase in the cost of living, all sections of the community are finding it harder and harder to live each year. In such circumstances, I wonder if we are entitled to call this a Christian country when one considers the plight of our old age pensioners, who receive 27/6 per week, the widows, the orphans, the blind, the sick and the infirm. Surely they are the very people who should receive first consideration in any Vote on Account in an Irish House of Parliament?

I agree with Deputy Cosgrave that the people who were originally intended to benefit under our health services are not getting the services intended for them. The ratepayers are contributing £15 million per annum and the taxpayers a like sum towards our health services. I regret to say that the people whom the Health Act was originally intended to benefit are not getting the treatment and the care envisaged for them when that Act was first brought into force.

Since the Health Act came into operation some years ago, the insured worker pays 2/8d. per week and the employer another 2/8d. per week. Yet, if that insured worker has to go to hospital to-day and is not the holder of a medical card the hospital will charge him at the rate of £3 10 0 per week. The man who is not the holder of a medical card but who has been paying his insurance of 2/8d. per week for years back must pay that sum of £3 10 0 per week while he is in hospital. I believe the Health Act was originally intended to help such persons.

Before the introduction of the Health Act, the position here was that the worker was, roughly, cleared by his insurance and the hospital was gaining a certain amount, as well, as it was entitled to do. The hospital could claim £5 5 0 per week from his insurance company. I do not know how it is working at present. I do not know whether or not the insurance company, which is not now liable to pay the hospital, is paying money in respect of the insured worker into some fund under the Health Act. However, I do know that the worker who should be getting the benefit of the Health Act is now worse off than he ever was because he is getting no treatment whatsoever such as was originally envisaged for him.

When the present Minister for Finance was Minister for Health he met a deputation consisting of chairmen of Munster county councils. At that time, I was Chairman of the North Tipperary County Council.

I am afraid the Deputy is going into a lot of detail which would be more appropriate on the Estimate for the Department concerned.

The figure for the Department of Social Welfare has been reduced. I was making the point that we are not getting the benefits which we should get under the relevant Acts. With reference to the deputation I was speaking about, the Minister made a statement—maybe he genuinly believed what he was saying—that when the Health Bill would come into operation it would not cost the ratepayer in any county more than 2/- in the £. In my county, we are now paying 9/4d. in the £ and we are still not getting the services.

The insured worker, the small shopkeeper, the small farmer, and so on, who used to receive some service under our health system as we knew it before the introduction of the Health Acts are completely cut off now and, while they are cut off from benefit, their means of livelihood have been reduced substantially. I come from a tillage area. I can assert that the means of livelihood of those people have been reduced substantially in the past few years.

We depend solely on tillage. Consider the price of wheat. It has been reduced. I am led to believe that this year barley and wheat will be controlled and that each farmer will be allotted a certain acreage. Barley is almost unsaleable at present. Last year, our beet output was reduced as far as the tillage farmer is concerned by 12½ per cent. which represents roughly 14,000 to 15,000 acres. As a result of the attitude of the Irish Sugar Company, for which all the Ministers claim they have no responsibility, the acreage under beet this year will by law be further reduced.

I am pointing that out to show that the financial position of people who are called upon to carry the main burden of this Vote on Account is being reduced year by year. The Taoiseach or some Minister should make a statement sometime in this House in regard to State-subsidised bodies. When any member of this House puts down a question, either in relation to the Sugar Company or Bord na Móna, the Minister concerned informs the Deputy that he has no function whatsoever in the matter.

That matter does not seem to have any relevance to the Vote on Account.

There is one Act—the Undeveloped Areas Act——

I am sorry to interrupt the Deputy but criticism of legislation is not relevant on this Vote on Account.

Apart from the Vote on Account, the Minister in the Estimates which he will bring before this House should take cognisance of the condition of the poor. He should examine carefully the plight of the people in receipt of social welfare benefits and make decent provision for old age pensioners, the blind, the sick and the infirm.

I know that many of the increases before us in the Vote on Account are increases that no Government can or should avoid. We, in the local authorities, have to meet our responsibilities as far as our employees are concerned. The Government have to do likewise in regard to their employees. Civil servants have got a good increase and while they are entitled to that increase, I believe that the poorer elements in our community should be our first concern. Their conditions should be brought into line with those of the rest of the people in this country.

When the Taoiseach sat down this morning after concluding what in my opinion was the weakest speech I heard him make since he became Taoiseach, such members of his Party as were present cheered. I interjected at the time and asked what in the name of goodness this cheering was about. It certainly could not have been cheering for any ray of hope that might possibly be discovered in the content of the speech. It might have been for the method of delivery and, indeed, it probably was for the only outstanding characteristic of the speech—a masterpiece of economic back-pedalling.

It was, as I have said, a weak speech; not alone that it was a weak speech delivered by an extremely uneasy man. I believe that there are grounds not alone for my own part but from the very content of the speech itself for that uneasiness. It was, indeed, a strange contrast to the speeches made up and down the country within the past few weeks which carried in the newspapers such headings as: "Bright future ahead"; "Difficulties overcome"; "We are rounding the corner towards economic prosperity." All of these phrases are calculated, I suppose, to give hope to a people deluded and, at the same time, to provide a certain amount of cover-up of failure.

No amount of verbiage, however well-composed or delivered, can convey to the heart and mind of any man or woman in this country at the moment a conviction that the story is other than it actually is. The cheering Deputies on the opposite side this morning must know as well as I do that fairs and markets in this country for some considerable time past are considerably dead affairs. They must know the difficulties with which our first producers, the agricultural community, have to contend. They know of all the other difficulties, with which the Irish people—industrial, agricultural, professional and other sections—are meeting in their day-to-day struggle for existence.

No amount of talk, however forcefully uttered, can explain away the fact that the cost of living has risen to a degree beyond the capacity of the average wage-earner to meet. When we talk about the cost of living and, as the Taoiseach put it, the inevitable effect that wage increases must have upon it, we must not confine ourselves to an examination of things of the moment. We must, as in all other aspects of examination and investigation in any walk of life, look for a first cause.

The first cause that gave rise to a clamour for increased wages, increased scales of pay and increased salaries was the removal of the food subsidies in the Budget of 1957 following hard upon the similar policy of the Budget of 1952. The results achieved by such financial manipulation are having their very serious effect on the economy of our people. It does not matter how hard the Taoiseach tries to deny the case now that wage increases are responsible for the present state of the cost of living.

He must in conscience, just as everybody else must and as everybody else knows, go back to the first cause. The first cause, as I have already said, emanated from the disastrous Budgets of 1952 and 1957 now so thoroughly entwined with the economy of the country that it will be extremely difficult for this or any other Government to overcome the difficulties created thereby.

It is significant in relation to the cost of living that in February, 1957, the index figure stood at 135 points, that in November of 1959 it had risen to 144 points and, that of the 197 items included in the calculation of the cost of living index figure, 149 items had increased in price up to November of last year. Food itself went up 11.5 points; clothing, 2.4 points; housing, 7.6 points; drink and tobacco, 10.1 points; durable household goods, 2 points; other goods and services by 6.6 points. Those are things that did not happen as a result of wage increases, as the Taoiseach well knows.

Related to the cost of living, of course, are the twin problems of unemployment and emigration. Many times, and particularly before the last general election, the Taoiseach himself said that the acid test of any Government was employment and emigration and in order to rectify the situation which the Fianna Fáil Party decried as appalling at that time, they were not satisfied with phrases that might merely catch the public imagination. The Taoiseach himself was never satisfied to survive in history by a phrase, by something that might go across, such phrases as are quoted in relation to great public men of former times and of the present time in other countries. The Taoiseach would never be content to do a thing like that. He put on paper, as the official spokesman of the Fianna Fáil Party, that he had a plan in relation to unemployment, a plan which could begin "at once," meaning when Fianna Fáil assumed office, to put 100,000 people into new jobs.

Either that was a plan capable of implementation or a plan to collect votes. It could not be both in the light of what has happened because between the years 1957 and 1959, according to official figures, the number of people in insurable employment had fallen by 32,000. And now, after almost exactly three years in Government, there is not a trace of one of those jobs out of the 100,000, let alone what might be considered a relatively fair share of the 100,000.

The Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance speaking the other evening said that no serious Deputy would contend that these jobs could be produced overnight. I could not agree more with the Parliamentary Secretary when he says that, but three years have passed and three years cannot be described, by any measure of time, as "overnight" and not one of the jobs has been produced. We are driven then to the inevitable conclusion that this plan was enunciated in Clery's ballroom not as a plan for the economic betterment of the country but as a plan to delude the people into giving their votes to the Fianna Fáil Party. That is the kind of thing which reduces public life to the standard to which I am afraid it has been reduced in this country. That kind of conduct is perpetrating a fraud on the electorate. It was successfully perpetrated and the people now know the results.

Emigration could also be stopped, according to Fianna Fáil at that time. The Taoiseach stated in Thomas St., Dublin, on February 22nd, 1957:

The country could not afford to keep workers idle or drive them to emigrate. Unemployed workers could not be expected to wait until long term plans brought them permanent benefit. Fianna Fáil had, therefore, decided that employment on works which the Government financed, must be increased at once.

That was his plan for employment and halting emigration. What are the figures? In reply to Parliamentary Questions in the British House of Commons relating to the two years 1957-58, it was authoritatively revealed that 106,365 Irish persons applied for insurance cards in Great Britain for the first time. We have no figures as yet for 1959 but there is no reason to think, in view of my personal knowledge and in view of the knowledge of any observant Deputy, particularly a Deputy from the country, that the figure for 1959 of the people applying for new insurance cards in Britain for the first time will be any less than the appalling figures for 1957 and 1958.

If any doubt could be cast upon those figures there is another way of checking them, and I do so in relation to the West of Ireland, from the register of Dáil electors. In April, 1957 in Mayo, there were 81,855 persons on the register of Dáil electors; in April of 1959 that figure was 78,818, a drop of 3,000 in two years in the number of those on the register and entitled to vote. They did not all die; many of them went to Britain, America, Canada and it is safe to assume that they brought with them in many cases their whole families, many of them of an age at which they could not possibly be on the register of electors but who could remain at home if they had work. The same is true of the counties of Sligo, Leitrim and Galway, and I am sure if anybody cares to take a statistical trot into the other counties, the picture will be pretty much the same. With such an appalling flight from the land, as we see in our everyday life and from these figures, it is no wonder that the Taoiseach's speech this morning was the weak speech of an uneasy man. It is probably a tribute to his inherent honesty that he showed such weakness and uneasiness. It would be a good thing if such a spirit of apprehension for the future were to be disseminated by him along the whole of his Front Bench and even into portions of his Back Benches.

This whole Vote on Account is but a foretaste of our budgetary situation. It is the balance sheet of the nation and carries with it the inherent reflection of the Government's capacity to govern, because, of course, it is the Government who are responsible for its preparation. I agree with the Taoiseach when he says that good economy is spending what is required. It most certainly is if you have the necessary amount to spend on what is required. Due regard must be had to the people's capacity to pay that amount, because every penny of this Vote on Account has come out of the people's pocket.

Year after year, we see the trend of an increasing amount being sought to cover the cost of governing a declining population. That, to my mind, does not appear to be consistent with the maxim of spending what is required. I should have thought that less spending would be required for fewer people and more spending for more people. I do concede straight away that there will be certain aspects of the economy making large demands upon the State income, but, by and large, in a country such as this, we must take serious cognisance of the flight from the land. When people leave the land, in spite of all this talk about machinery, less land will be worked and the inevitable result will be less production. The words written by Goldsmith years ago are just as true to-day as they were when he said:

But a bold peasantry, their country's pride,

When once destroyed can never be supplied.

Have the Government any plans whereby the people who have gone away will come back, namely, that they will be supplied again? Is there any indication that anybody is coming back as a result of the Government's plans or planning? I do not think so. If we are honest and watch the flow from Dún Laoghaire, Rosslare, Cobh and Shannon and Dublin Airports to Great Britain, Australia, America and New Zealand, we will see that our people are going. Admittedly, some of them do not have to go but they are going because their hopes have been dashed and their faith dimmed by the lowering standards in public life.

It is interesting and encouraging to hear of the increase in our industrial exports, but not so interesting and not so encouraging, when, as Deputy Cosgrave pointed out, one compares that increase with the decrease in our agricultural exports. I make no apology for reiterating what the Leader of the Opposition so often says and which cannot be said to often: in the last analysis, we are all dependent on the land and what it produces. There is a lot of talk about protection and competition, the era of protection being well-nigh over. I should like to see that era divided into its two appropriate component parts—the era of protection for the good and the era of patronage for the not so good. I think the era of patronage should be finished forthwith. If protection is necessary for the good, I would continue it for a little longer; but, by and large, I think our industrialists have had sufficient time in which to equip themselves to compete in the markets of the world.

I noticed that the Taoiseach made no attempt to refer to the interesting point raised by Deputy Esmonde in relation to the new community of African states likely to come into existence in a short time. I read in some paper recently that a young Dublin man who is in Ghana says there is a considerable market for Irish products there. I forget his name now, but he had been home and said he felt there was a great field for development there and that he was doing what he could in that regard. When one considers that the population of Africa at present stands at 235,000,000 people and that it is estimated that in about 30 years it will have increased to something over 500,000,000 it must be a vast potential for a successful export market.

At times like this, it is usual to refer to the social services under the subheads of old age pensions, widows and orphans' pensions, blind pensions, health, insurance benefits and such things. It is regrettable that it cannot be seen from these Estimates that there is anything great in store for these people. I agree with the Taoiseach, however, that it is a matter of personal concern that the expenditure of a great amount really confers so very little benefit on such a large number. But I think the time has come for a revision in that regard, a revision of the whole approach to the question of a means test and relating these things possibly to valuations, to whether people are living alone or not and to whether they are living in an urban or rural area, and to all their circumstances.

I think the administration of these services is costing far too much. The giving with one hand and taking away with the other is really most disheartening. There has been a campaign for some time past whereby the Department of Social Welfare has hordes of investigating agents around the country like ants in an anthill, counting chickens, hens, pigs and every conceivable animal or article that might go towards what they call the assessment of means.

The administration of the Department of Social Welfare is a matter for the main Estimate.

I could never understand why the thrifty and the clean appeared to be punished, and that cleanliness appears to be accepted at all times as a sign of wealth. However, I shall leave that and deal with the next interesting statement by the Taoiseach.

He says it is not the right time at which to make a policy statement but that he proposes to do so at the soonest possible moment and, no doubt, at the appropriate time. What does all that mean? Is there a policy or is there not? If there is, why can it not be announced and if the policy which is in operation, or lack of policy which is indicative of the drift is not adequate, why not tell us now what proposed additions or deletions will be made. He says we are facing a difficult budgetary position and hints at some increases in commodities which the wage earners, who recently got increases, will have to pay, and possibly some sort of improvement for agricultural products. I do not know what that means, though I have an idea of certain commodities that might well increase in price. I shudder at the thought of even mentioning them in case I might be correct and would be giving the people a foretaste of the better pills which they will probably be asked to swallow in the very near future.

What we want here are plans capable of implementation and a Government who will implement them. What we do not want, and what I think the people of the country will not tolerate any longer, are plans, proposals and promises designed only to secure their votes with no resultant benefit economically for them. I should like to warn the Government that for the past three years, they have proceeded in a most complacent fashion, brazening it out, dragging one red herring after another across the path of economic difficulties.

There has been talk about the trade negotiations at the moment in progress between this country and Great Britain. In the interests of the people of this country, one cannot do other than wish the Government well, and wish our officials well in every aspect of those negotiations, but one cannot help thinking of the time that was wasted last year on the greatest red herring of all, dissipating the people's energies, distracting the people's minds from the things that matter on to a change in the voting system, on which the Government were beaten and for which they do not appear to be one bit ashamed. If all that wasted time had been directed towards these negotiations we might have expected better results.

This Government have two years to go. In those two years, is it too much to ask, or too much to expect, that they might by some queer accident, wholly, I admit, uncharacteristic of them, find themselves on the paths of truth and on the paths that lead to honesty, to integrity and to a secure footing for our people, a footing that will help to halt emigration, reduce unemployment and stop the cod and brazenness that has been going on for the past three years. I say to them: You have two years in which to do it. Go to it. Do it and you may then escape some of the punishment which the people are waiting to inflict upon you.

I never pay much attention to Deputy Lindsay when he becomes unduly pompous, as he has been this morning, because I always realise that he is speaking with his tongue in his cheek. Consequently, I find it difficult to take seriously anything he may say.

May I return the compliment?

I should like to contradict absolutely the statement Deputy Lindsay made, and which has been repeated in somewhat similar terms by Deputy Cosgrave, that the Taoiseach this morning made a pessimistic speech. I cannot for a moment see any justification for such an accusation. The Taoiseach spoke this morning as he always does, as a realist, and I think he spoke in a very wise way because he was pointing out, not only to this House but to the country in general, that the victory which we hoped for, and are still hoping for, has not yet been won and there was a very real danger that the improved trade statistics, published within the past few days, might have given the impression that our external trade was now in such a satisfactory position that there was no further cause for alarm and possibly no further cause even for renewed effort.

The Taoiseach did not say that all was lost. He did not say that there was great danger ahead. What he did say was that there were difficulties still ahead and that the progress which we had made up to date did not give any reason for complacency. Deputy Cosgrave referred to the increased amount of expenditure as compared with three years ago. As a business man, I am not surprised that there should be increased expenditure at this stage and, with the Taoiseach, I believe that this is properly to be regarded as an investment and nothing more. If this additional expenditure were simply money down the drain, I should feel alarmed. If I felt there was any great sign of internal inflation, I should be alarmed, but, in so far as a very high proportion of this additional expenditure is to be incurred in productive enterprise, I am greatly encouraged.

Deputy Cosgrave and Deputy Lindsay commented on the Taoiseach's remarks on emigration. Here again the Taoiseach was a realist and admitted quite openly that emigration was still a problem. There is no point in trying to spread alarm and despondency by saying that emigration is increasing, which it is not. In fact, there is every reason to believe that the rate of emigration is steadily decreasing. Exact figures are hard to come by, but, from my own personal experience, I have noted a tremendous change in the atmosphere in respect of emigration between the years 1956 and 1957 and the years 1959 and 1960.

In 1956 and 1957, there was a very considerable volume of emigration, due to sheer panic and despair, of people who felt there was no future in the country for them or anyone else and I would agree that during that period whole families were emigrating without giving proper thought to what was involved in that action. I know people —and I am perfectly sure that my experience is not unique—who have returned from America, Canada and Great Britain, who have told me that the money which they could earn abroad was considerably more than they could earn at home but that they had realised that this country has something to offer which these other countries have not. The way several of them have described it to me is that you can earn more money in America and Canada but you can live happily only at home and they have come home and have got jobs and are remaining at home.

That trend may not be very big but it is a trend, all the same. I know from experience of housing under local authorities that three years ago houses were becoming vacant at what could only be described as an alarming rate, due to corporation and county council tenants packing up and leaving the country.

Mr. Ryan

It is now twice as great, for the Deputy's information.

The recent arrival on the Opposition front bench should try as far as possible to verify his facts before making stupid interjections.

Mr. Ryan

The figures were published recently by the Dublin Corporation, if the Deputy would only read them.

Order! Deputy Ryan will get an opportunity of making his statement.

It would be happier for the Deputy if he would try to behave differently from other members of the Opposition front bench. He might make further progress. The actual fact is, as all the figures tend to show, that the rate of emigration has fallen and is still falling.

There are no more to go.

There is still a problem of emigration and that cannot be dealt with by direct Government action to stop people leaving the country. All that any Government can do is being done.

Reference was made by Deputy Cosgrave to our general export policy and prospects. Here again, the Government policy in the immediate past and obviously in the immediate future is to widen the scope of industrial and agricultural exports. Provision is being made for market research and development in that regard. We have had the experience in the past of a certain Minister for Agriculture who proposed to flood Great Britain with eggs and who pinned all his hopes on that remarkable achievement. The result was a disastrous failure, due, I hasten to add, to circumstances over which he had no control. Similarly, during recent years, this Government have been criticised for failing to put all its hopes in the export of live cattle to Great Britain. The Government have wisely resisted any temptation to do that. They have laid increasing stress on the necessity for increased industrial activity and increased indutrial exports.

The unusual weather last year showed how wise that decision was. If we had pinned all our hopes on cattle exports, our balance of payments position would have been critical indeed. Granted that nobody had any control over the weather, the fact remains that as a result of the very dry weather there was not sufficient feeding for cattle and consequently the export market for cattle declined very markedly. The situation now appears to be rectifying itself, but in the meantime there has been a tremendous expansion of exports of industrial produce which is very much to the credit of the Government and the farsighted way in which they planned economic expansion.

The Government should also take credit for the increased realisation of the necessity for increased productivity. That doctrine has been preached by this Government during the past few years and it is beginning to show results. I should like to pay tribute, from my personal experience, to the manner in which the trade unions have met the challenge and are facing up to the very considerable responsibility they bear in this regard. It is now clearly recognised by the trade union movement, bothe by the leaders and the great majority of members, that each individual has a responsibility to increase productivity in industry or agriculture. I hope and believe that this increased productivity will be for the benefit of all. It should at least effect some reduction in prices. I have had discussions in my own business with officials in that regard and I am greatly encouraged by the fact that more and more employers and trade unions are prepared to come together to discuss new methods of improving productivity and reducing prices. In that regard, the Government have set a headline and have shown the right way in which the country should develop.

Deputy Cosgrave stated that, according to all economists, taxation in this country is still too high. I have yet to meet the economist who would say anything else about any country whatever. Economists always say that taxation in every country is too high but I am afraid that the economists do not always take a completely balanced view of the situation because this is not entirely an economic problem; there is a social problem also and if we regard it as a purely economists problem and follow the economists and reduce taxation, we shall be faced with complete inability to meet our social welfare commitments.

Deputy Cosgrave also referred to the T.B. eradication programme. What a pity it is that the money which has been spent recently and which will be spent in the immediate future was not spent some years ago. Perhaps I should correct that. A tremendous amount of money was spent by our predecessors in government. The tragedy was that it was so unproductively spent, so little was achieved. Tens of thousands of cattle were tested but the positive reactors were not removed, not even isolated, and continued to infect cattle which were tubercle-free. Provision is now being made for a further tremendous drive for the eradication of bovine T.B. and that is something with which no one can quarrel. The Government have faced up to the situation very realistically and courageously and their action is producing results.

On the question of foreign trade agreements, I agree with some of Deputy Cosgrave's remarks, though I think he did not fully appreciate the point the Taoiseach was trying to make, which, so far as I could gather, was that nowadays it is not purely a question of one Government negotiating with another, that it is no longer a question of agreements between Governments for buying and selling. However, I would agree with Deputy Cosgrave that there are some instances still of quota restrictions, quantitative limits set by certain Governments which restrict our ability to expand our exports to those countries. I do hope the Government will be able to deal with those restrictions and have them removed.

Deputy Tierney greatly regretted that no provision was made in the Estimates for any increase in social welfare benefits. He pointed out that it was impossible for anyone to live on 27/- a week. As the Taoiseach has said himself, it is a matter of regret to all of us that we cannot do more in the way of providing social welfare benefits, but it is a complete travesty of the facts to assert that social welfare benefits were ever intended, or could ever be sufficient, to provide the sole means of support for those who may receive them. Whether these are old age pensions, disability pensions or unemployment relief, they can only be grants-in-aid, something paid on behalf of the community to help an individual in poor circumstances to keep going. It could never be anticipated that the State would take over the entire responsibility for the expense of the upkeep of any individual.

Deputy Tierney also referred—possibly he was out of order in doing so—to the Irish Sugar Company and the reduced sugar beet acreage. The reason for the reduced sugar beet acreage is simply that the yield from each acre has increased so markedly during recent years. There is no question of penalising people for farming well. They are now able to get an increased income from a reduced acreage.

Deputy Lindsay referred to the wage demands and increases which, according to him, stemmed entirely from the Government's policy in removing the food subsidies. I find it difficult to believe he does not know that that does not apply to the last round of wage demands. One can quote statistics backwards and forwards to such an extent that the only result is complete confusion. What is undoubtedly a fact is that the recent round of wage demands was not due to any increase in the cost of living. When the unions made their demands on behalf of their members it was clearly stated that the cost of living was not to be taken into account at all, for the simple reason that the cost of living had gone down over the previous couple of months, and consequently the unions had to base their claims on a different ground altogether. Therefore, there is no justification for Deputy Lindsay pinning all his faith on the argument that all wage increases were due to the removal of the food subsidies. That is not a fact.

Deputy Lindsay referred to the drop in the number of electors in Mayo, his own constituency. I thought it was slightly unwise of him to stress that point, that his own constituents were running away from him at such a rapid rate, but the general drift of people from the land is something which affects very many more countries than this. It is quite incorrect to say that the reduction in the number of electors in Mayo means that everybody is evacuating the country. There is a general trend towards the city which is almost irresistible. In my own constituency the number of electors has been increasing at a very rapid rate.

Reference was also made by Deputy Lindsay to our dependence on agricultural products. That is a fatal misconception which is so typical of him in his attempt to analyse the economic situation. There is always that error into which Fine Gael falls, that they prefer to pin their faith completely on agriculture, ignoring the fact that a progressive country such as Denmark has expanded its agricultural production only by way of extending its industrial production at as high a rate at least if not a higher one.

The proportion of those engaged in industry in Denmark is far higher than in Ireland. We would have a very long way to go still before we could approach Denmark's industrial production. That is something towards which we must strive. We must never pin our faith entirely on agricultural production, however important it may be. Such a policy will produce only an even greater drift from the land and an even greater trend towards emigration.

Just before he concluded Deputy Lindsay made a statement which was completely unjustified and unjustifiable. He referred to what he alleged was a statement by the Taoiseach that he was unable at the moment to make a policy statement. He went on to accuse the Taoiseach not only of having no policy but of having admitted that he had none. Deputy Lindsay was being extremely irresponsible in that, or else extremely stupid. If he had been listening to the Taoiseach with any intelligence he would have heard the Taoiseach speak on the question of our external trade policy, our connections with Great Britain and with continental European countries. He stated quite clearly that while the negotiations were in progress with Great Britain he obviously could not make any general policy statement but that, as soon as those negotiations had concluded, he hoped to be in a position to make such a statement. If Deputy Lindsay has to sink as far as that in order to criticise the Taoiseach, it shows how very hard pushed he is to find any grounds for criticism.

From my experience outside this House I can say there is no reason whatever for pessimism so far as the progress of our economy is concerned. Likewise there are no grounds for complacency. We have overcome considerable difficulties already but the Taoiseach was perfectly right to stress the fact that further real difficulties lie ahead. Nobody could ever accuse him of being a coward. I do not think anybody ever will and I do not think anybody will ever accuse our people of being afraid to face facts. It is only right they should know that the victory is not yet won and that further efforts are required. However, the Estimates before us, which will be discussed in greater detail later, do not show any evidence of panic or despair.

They show confidence on the part of the Government that further increases in productive industry and in agriculture will have the desired result. There is every evidence of confidence and there is every ground for the Government having that confidence. On these grounds, I have no hesitation in supporting this Vote on Account. I am not anticipating sudden increases in productivity or in exports. Any sudden changes would make me very nervous indeed. The Government are working steadily and consistently and are on the right road. For that reason, the Vote on Account should command the unquestioning support of the House.

Mr. Ryan

The House, with the morose final remark of Deputy Booth still ringing in its ears, might find it worthwhile to be reminded of the words spoken on another occasion by the Taoiseach who said that the unemployed could not be expected to wait until long-term production plans could be put into operation. He said that three years ago. We are asked to approve of this Vote on Account because the Taoiseach tells us that we are coming to the end of the beginning or the beginning of the end, that we are coming to the crossroads, one of those crossroads at which he has been standing for the past 40 or 50 years.

In the by-election of last July, the by-election which brought me into this House, the Taoiseach addressed the electors in a piece of whimpering on the part of the head of a Government of which it would be difficult to find a parallel anywhere in the world. It begins "The Government needs your help". I am quoting from the election address of Mr. Joseph Dowling, the Fianna Fáil candidate who was defeated in that election. It went on to say that the Government needed the help of the electorate to eliminate unemployment and emigration. It seems, apparently, that unless the Government got the help of the people of Dublin, they could not reduce unemployment or emigration. However, nine months have passed since that and I am not so cocky as to feel that my personal presence in this House is sufficient excuse for the Government to say that they have not been able to do what they set out to do.

On the same occasion, the Taoiseach said that he had many times expressed his personal conviction that the years immediately ahead of us were the vital years in the country's fight to establish a proper basis for prosperity. Ever since the Taoiseach entered the public life of this country, he has said that and for over 20 years he had an opportunity of doing something about it.

There were a few interruptions.

Mr. Ryan

For the past nine months, since that by-election, the Government have had every opportunity to do something about it. They have had complete freedom to carry out their policies, if they have any policies. The Taoiseach has had freedom to remove any of the members of his Cabinet whom he wished to remove unless there was some sordid bargaining on the basis that security had to be given to particular members of the Cabinet, who, if the Irish people had their way, would be removed from Government office, if not from this House.

There is no bargaining on this side of the House.

I thought the Parliamentary Secretary was allergic to interruptions.

Mr. Ryan

The Taoiseach said that the Government need everybody's help. Apparently he means the people on the other side of the House but none of them have any concern for the millions of Irish people at home and abroad who have the right to expect some help from the Government and who, even if they got no help from the Government, have the right to expect that the Government will not heap burden after burden on them.

Deputy Booth said that statistics are dangerous things to use and he therefore ignores statistics and jumps to conclusions. One of the audacious statements he made, which I cannot allow to pass uncontradicted, was that fewer people are vacating Dublin Corporation houses now than two or three years ago. In Dublin at the present time, about 200 tenants of Dublin Corporation are handing up their houses month after month. The housing situation in Dublin is being eased, not by more building, because building is decreasing, but because houses are becoming vacant and are being handed up by families.

That is one side of the situation. Another side of it is, I can say without fear of contradiction, that of every three working-class houses in Dublin, there are two in which there are members of the family earning their living abroad. Recently, a head master in one leading secondary school in Dublin asked his class of some 50 boys how many of their relations, fathers, brothers or sisters, were working abroad and, to the eternal shame of those who had 20 years to do something about it, every one of those 50 boys had some close relation working abroad.

It was the same 50 years ago.

Mr. Ryan

We have had 20 years of Fianna Fáil Government and they have done nothing about it. Let us put what has been done into figures. There was a promise that Fianna Fáil would create 100,000 new jobs, but the figures show that there are now 40,000 fewer people in employment, instead of those 100,000 new jobs. At a "hooley" in Clery's ballroom, it was stated that 100,000 new jobs are needed to put us right but now 140,000 new jobs are needed to put us right. What new employment has come out of the Lemass household? The Taoiseach's son made some effort in that direction last July. He promised a non-existent job to 300 unfortunates in the Dublin South (West) constituency in order to get them to vote for the man I defeated. Then he proudly proclaimed that he was doing his duty in trying to get employment for 300 Dublinmen in a job that did not exist. Many of those to whom he sent his circular had already emigrated.

There was one instance, the poignancy of which should make the person responsible really ashamed— the case of an ex-tuberculosis patient who, following a long treatment, was suffering considerably from depression. He was considerably elated when he got this promise of a non-existent job. When he discovered that 300 of his fellows had also been offered this non-existent job he became so depressed that as a result he had to get further lengthy treatment. If that is the only effort this Government can make to provide employment, they should have the decency to confess their failure in toto.

In the course of the debate they have admitted partial failure. This victory which apparently they are trying to achieve is still beyond their grasp. I think it will remain beyond their grasp as long as they go about it in the manner in which they have been going about it.

What do we see in the Estimates of significance in regard to the unemployment situation? We see a drop of £125,000 in unemployment assistance at a time when employment is down. That indicates that the Government are aware that the unemployed whom they deluded now feel that there is no hope after all, that the "cracking" that was to come about——

There are 7,000 fewer.

Mr. Ryan

——has not come about and that the only thing for them to do is to emigrate. Figures have been given to suggest that there is more employment available because there are fewer registered at the employment exchanges. If those who give those figures would only look at the emigration outlets from the country, they would find the easy solution, that is, if they still remembered the simple mathematics they were taught at school.

Another indicative reduction in the Estimates is the reduction of £17,000 in respect of children's allowances. I wonder why we are to have fewer children in the country next year. Is it because people are working so hard that they cannot bring up families? Do the Government not know well that our statisticians have been able to establish that there will be fewer children? We now have a declining young population and in that situation I fail to share the feeling of optimism which members on the opposite side profess to have. One of the reasons for the calamitous failure of the Government is that they have no ability of their own and find themselves falling back on the notoriously conservative Department of Finance.

The Department of Finance tells us that if we do what has been set out in the Whitaker Report, in the long run, all will be well; but, in the long run, we and our children will be dead and the long run, as far as the Department of Finance is concerned, is a few centuries hence. It is well known that you must take risks in business, and your ability to take a calculated risk and win out on it is the test of success as a business man, but the Department of Finance, by its very nature, never takes risks.

I do not intend to launch an onslaught on the Government because the balance of payments at one period or another may be running against them. I feel that if we carry out the degree of investment this country needs, we will then inevitably have the balance of payments running against us, but the good business man must calculate when the tide will turn. If we invest sufficient money in this country, even with the balance of payments running against us for a certain period, we can arrive at a situation in which the productivity of the country will be sufficient to compensate for the loss in the balance of payments for five or six years. There is certainly no doubt that the Government have not got the capacity to work out this system which can be worked out by people who can look ahead and are prepared to take the necessary calculated risk.

I notice in the Book of Estimates that we are asked to give an extra £89,000 to the Central Statistics Office and I understand that at least one-third of it is in respect of the collection of statistics. I can only hope that as a result when Questions are put to the Taoiseach in relation to information which should be in the Central Statistics Office, the replies will be a little more accurate than the reply to a Question I put down on 10th February.

I think that is a matter more appropriate to the particular Estimate.

Mr. Ryan

The Chair might bear with me when he hears that it is in relation to external assets and for that reason, may bear on the Vote on Account. On 10th February, I asked the Taoiseach what were the gross external assets of this country and he gave me a figure of £210.2 million. I should say that that figure is in respect of the Central Bank, the Associated Banks and Departmental funds at 31st December last and he told me that the gross figure amounted to £210.2 millions.

Knowing that the Central Statistics Office had given the Taoiseach the wrong information, I asked the Taoiseach again on 24th February if he would state the net external assets of the Central Bank, the Associated Banks and Departmental funds. Then it was admitted that the figure I was given a fortnight earlier was not the figure for the gross external assets but the figure for the net external assets. It is very serious that when a Deputy puts down a Question in relation to such an important matter he cannot be given a truthful answer.

The reason, of course, is that the banking institutions and the Department of Finance do not wish the people to know what are the gross external assets of this State. I think it is desirable that the people should know. The figure of £210.2 million which we were given on 10th February should have been £267 millions. The total gross external assets of this State, including the assets of the Associated Banks, as of December last, amounted to £373 million.

Why, it is fair to ask, are the Department of Finance and the Central Statistics Office unwilling to give this information to the Irish people? In the past three years, since this Government took office, we have lost employment opportunities for 40,000 people. Almost every important productive activity in the State is on the decline and yet in that period, from December 1956, to December 1959, the external assets increased from £326 millions to £373 millions. During that period, when there was a need for greater investment at home, we were building up our external assets in England and according to the reply I got to my Parliamentary Question yesterday we are earning, on the external assets which have been increased by £50 million in the past three years, the princely interest of about 3.5 per cent.

Are we to understand from that that the Government believe that our money is better employed in England, earning a miserable 3½ per cent for us, than invested at home? With the brawn, the brains and the natural resources of this country £100 invested in any industry could produce more than 3.5 per cent. per annum. If it would not, then the Government are right, but if that is the approach they have to the affairs of this State, they are utterly and completely incompetent. They ask the people to have faith in them, and they are showing by that conduct that they have not got faith in the people of Ireland. On that account, this House would be failing in its duty if it did not refuse to pass this Vote on Account because, obviously, we are being asked to vote money to a Government who are unable to administer our affairs properly.

There are many more statistics which are damning so far as this Government are concerned, but I do not think there is any great need to go into them. The Government are feeling sore enough, and the fight has almost all gone out of them, except that, like a rat in a corner which will always jump, there is a little fight still left in them. They still wriggle and squirm, but we have had no sign or semblance of the leadership we were promised three years ago. The Taoiseach, who took up office nine months ago with the goodwill of all sections of the people, ought now to think again. The charm and freshness and newness have worn off and will not carry him far.

It will not carry the Deputy far either.

Mr. Ryan

The comments of Deputy Galvin and the smiles and smirks of the Parliamentary Secretary will not carry them very far. The people want a more practical effort and more immediate results. I want to warn the Government, knowing they will not take warning from me or anybody else, that if they rely exclusively on the arch-tories of the Department of Finance who have a long-term plan, they certainly will never bring about the degree of prosperity this country requires.

Deputy Booth took Deputy Lindsay and Deputy Cosgrave to task because they spoke about taxation being too high. It is, of course, true to say that in relation to many European countries, taxation per head of the population here is relatively low, but we can go so far and state only half the truth. The incomes of the people here are relatively much lower than the incomes of the people of those countries in which taxation is relatively higher but what is wrong with this country is that a relatively poor people have to carry, in relation to their means, a relatively high burden of taxation.

The Taoiseach and his predecessor have spoken at appropriate times, when addressing meetings of their own conservative Party or similar conservative institutions, of taxation being too high. Year after year they have been in office, and they have always added something, but, sooner or later, they will find that the camel's back will break, particularly having regard to the fact that we are investing whatever assets we have, not in this country, but abroad, to earn a miserable 3.5 per cent.

Deputy Booth and others were rather worried about the recent wage increases but they felt it was politically good to argue that they were related not to the cost of living, but to the betterment of the standard of living of the workers. I want to remind Deputies that in 1957, when the food subsidies were removed, the trade unions very patriotically held back from what they would have been justifiably entitled to claim at that time. A basic and relatively miserable 10/- was awarded all round, but it was stated then by the trade unions, and stated by them correctly, that they were holding back only because of the economic situation, and that they reserved their right to come again for a restoration of the standard of living they previously had, a standard of living which was much higher in 1955, and if they at any time since secured a round of wage increases, then nobody should suggest, as Deputy Booth from his conservative standpoint did, that the workers are now one step ahead of the cost of living. They are no such thing.

They should have got 17/- at least.

The working man is not of much concern to Deputy Ryan. He is not concerned with the poor man.

Mr. Ryan

The Deputy ought to restrain himself and consider some of the statistics which Deputy Booth, and so many of his Party, are so willing to ignore, because they do not suit their purpose. Let us face the fact that we shall never be able to increase the standard of living here—and the Deputy should open his ears to this— until we have more faith in our country. The Government have shown clearly that they have not got faith in the country, or in the people. They have distracted the people with several unimportant issues during the past two years. I can only hope that the relative imminence of the next general election may make them sit up, because, if they do not, the danger is that, if things continue to drift as they have been drifting, they will be so bad in two years' time that it will be impossible for anyone else to restore the relative degree of prosperity we had a short time ago.

Deputy Ryan used the phrase "let us face the facts" That is one of the things which I am afraid the people on the opposite benches consistently refuse to do. He also referred to those who sit on these benches as being like rats who turn when cornered, but we have been facing facts and doing things, whether popular or unpopular, which we believed to be in the interests of the country, long before Deputy Ryan was heard of.

Mr. Ryan

Is the Deputy jealous of that?

He was also under the impression that the Government have not the capacity to achieve anything, and he was inclined to be critical of the activities of the Taoiseach during the period he has been in office. I am afraid with all the statistics. Deputy Ryan produced to us today, high-sounding and ridiculous statistics, he has no knowledge whatsoever of what was achieved by the Taoiseach as Minister for Industry and Commerce. Deputy Ryan said something about 100,000 jobs. Of course, all these glib phrases appeal to him——

Is it a glib phrase? It was a blueprint not long ago.

Deputy Ryan belongs to the left wing of the Deputy's Party. He will give you all a headache.

What has the blueprint become now?

Deputy Ryan says that we are the people who refuse to face facts, but I shall give him some idea of what has happened. I know of a town in which, when the Taoiseach first took office as Minister for Industry and Commerce, not a dozen people were in industrial employment. I can state that without fear of contradiction. I know that since 1934, under the auspices of the Minister for Industry and Commerce of whom Deputy Ryan was so critical, up to 900 people have secured industrial employment in that town. Those are 900 people out of the 100,000 he was so sarcastic about, in one small town which I know well. Further, since Deputy Ryan is so interested in the workers, not only did they get constant jobs, but they got excellent terms of employment and excellent conditions of employment, holidays and everything else which would be in accord with the views of those to whom he refers as "the conservative people" on this side of the House. "Taxation," he said, "is high." We know it is high. "High taxation" is a phrase that has been in use down through the years.

I asked a Question here some time ago as to what is the value of the £ today as compared with 1938. I think I was told it is worth 7/6d., which is about one-third of the £'s purchasing power in 1938. I rather think the Estimates for the financial year 1938-39 were in the region of £40,000,000. If the Estimates for the financial year 1960-61 are roughly three times that amount it simply means that, notwithstanding all the social benefits, and so on, the people have gained in the meantime and taking into consideration the reduced purchasing power of money, taxation has not increased but has merely kept pace with the depreciation in the value of money. I do not confess to be a great economist or a great financier but it seems commonsense to me that if the value of money depreciates and if the services increase, or even if the services just hold their own, then taxation must increase in money value, whatever about any other considerations.

I listened with great interest to Deputy Corish's speech last evening, particularly to his remarks in relation to industry. He made a number of statements which rather interested me. He dealt with Mr. Cosgrave's appeal, in his day, to the people to buy Irish goods. At the time Mr. Cosgrave made that appeal it was very difficult to get an Irish-made article in any shop in Ireland. If Deputy Corish had been old enough at the time, which he was not, he would know that if he went into any warehouse or shop in this country and asked for half a dozen Irish-made articles it would be difficult to be supplied with them as they were not being manufactured here at the time. In those days, practically everything we used from the time we got up in the morning until we went to bed at night came into this country from outside.

When was this?

I am talking about the 1920's.

Does the Deputy really believe that?

We started the "Buy Irish" campaign.

Yes. I know it well. Deputy Dillon often talks about flour, the staff of life. Practically every bit of flour in those days came across to us from Liverpool or some other part of Britain as manufactured flour.

All our sugar came from abroad.

Is a lot of it not coming from abroad now?

For exports. Our home needs at present are supplied by our factories.

Flour was manufactured here even before——

I listened to Deputy Dillon without interrupting him. While he is now cross-examining in a good-humoured way, I should prefer if he would not do so. I am trying to do my best. I am giving my ideas. I have been interested in public affairs in this country for 50 years. Even if what I say is wrong, at least I am giving my honest opinion.

When Mr. Cosgrave was appealing to the Irish people to buy Irish-manufactured goods, the trouble was that Irish-manufactured goods were not available here except in very small quantities and in restricted variety. Since then, mainly due to the Minister for Industry and Commerce from 1932 onwards, the quantity of Irish-manufactured goods available in our shops makes it almost unnecessary to specify the purchase of Irish-manufactured goods. That is something we should bear in mind today.

Deputy Corish thought it was not advisable that industry should be encouraged in places where there was not an industrial tradition. Deputy Corish comes from a town with an industrial tradition. He may be under the impression that it is necessary that there should be an industrial tradition in a place where a factory is erected so that it may flourish. That is one way of looking at it. I can assure him that in my town, where there was not a solitary factory in 1934, no fewer than 900 people are now employed in factories there and his contention could not be sustained. I was present at the formal opening of one of those factories, which took place about 10 months after the actual opening of the factory. An Englishman, who was the Chairman of the factory, stated in my hearing on that occasion that he was glad to be able to say that, after 10 months' work in that factory, our operatives were at least as good as, if not better than, the operatives of the factories over which he had control in Britain. Our operatives had worked in the factory for only 10 months whereas their opposite numbers in Britain had a tradition of work in the shoe industry. They spent their lives at the work and in many cases their fathers before them did likewise.

I did not make the point that because there was no tradition in an area an industry should not be established there. My point was that the same financial facilities and general encouragement should be applied to the whole country.

The Deputy insinuated that it was a mistake to give special consideration to people on the Western seaboard.

Yes—special consideration.

Yes, did the Deputy not say that?

I said I did not see why special consideration should be given to any particular part of the country and that any State aid that might be given should be applicable to the whole country.

"To Hell or to Connaught."

I did not say that. The Parliamentary Secretary said it.

The Deputy will not mind if I suggest his statement might be made for a political reason as well as for a factual reason. I might conclude that, as there are no Labour Deputies from the western seaboard, when one is arguing about the eastern side of the country, where there are Labour Deputies, it is popular to say that the people in the West should not get special concessions.

Deputy Corish also said, in relation to embarking upon industry, that there were no complaints from the people when a number of the State industries which we have at present were being started.

Did he mention that any of them were referred to by your Party as "white elephants"?

Deputy Corish started off with the turf industry. He was very young when the turf industry was begun. I was a member of this House at the time. Most extraordinary protests were made against the development of that industry. Anybody who was here then will remember that the protests and the complaints were the most vigorous that can be imagined. I saw the late Deputy Hugo Flinn put some turf from Clonsast Bog on the Table of this House for examination in order to prove to Deputies that it was a good project and that work on the bogs was being started. There was talk about being able to squeeze the water out of the turf. We had to suffer all those complaints when we were embarking on turf development.

Deputy Corish also mentioned Irish Shipping. I remember when the Taoiseach, as Minister for Industry and Commerce, got the first four ships of the Irish Shipping fleet. Deputy Dillon called them hulks and suggested that not only was it waste of public money to purchase them but that they endangered the lives of Irish seamen sailing in them. He condemned their purchase, right, left and centre. There were complaints when we embarked upon Irish Shipping first.

The Deputy should have said "hook, line and sinker".

Yes, hook, line and sinker. There were not only complaints but protests about putting public moneys into Irish Shipping. He also mentioned to some extent, as did others, the question of wheat and beet, particularly beet. I was here—I think it was in September, 1939—when we introduced an Estimate. That was the first year of the war. One of the proposals of Deputy Dillon, who was deputy leader of the Opposition at the time, was that we should suspend work in our sugar factories and buy our sugar from Britain; that we should close down the sugar factories and buy our sugar from Britain, and for what reason? For two reasons, he said. First, because we would get it cheaper from Britain—that is the old story of buying in the cheapest market—and secondly, that they could supply us with all we wanted.

Apart from the protest, as we could call it, that we kept factories going which should be closed, he was completely wrong since a fortnight after he made that statement Britain had rationing of sugar for its people. The question of wheat was raised by Deputy Corish. He mentioned that if the people produced more wheat, they were likely to get less reward.

Notice taken that 20 Members were not present; House counted, and 20 Members being present.

I was talking about another statement made by Deputy Corish in relation to wheat. He said that increased production, as he understood it, meant reduced benefits for those who produced it. As I understand increased production, it does not mean an increased acreage of wheat. It means getting more from each acre of wheat and more wheat from the work of a particular person.

That is what happened, as far as beet was concerned— an increased yield.

The Deputy must cease interrupting.

I am trying to be helpful.

I have already said a few words about wheat. We spent many years trying to convince the Deputies opposite that it was an excellent thing for this country to produce within the country enough wheat to provide the ordinary needs of our people. We did not intend at any time to compete in the foreign markets for the sale of wheat, but we succeeded very largely up to 1939, when we increased the acreage of wheat from 20,000 to 280,000, in providing our people for a considerable portion of the year with the supplies of bread they required.

During the war, we had actually to compel the people to produce this wheat. Eventually, we convinced the people across the way that wheat growing was not only in the interests of the country but was beneficial to the people producing it. The time was reached when we were producing more than we could consume. Naturally, we had to take steps to prevent a recurrence of that situation. I think it was quite natural and correct for us to take those steps. I do not think there was anything wrong with doing so. Therefore, it was necessary to reduce the acreage, if it were possible. Our aim always was to try to get greater production per acre per man. That is what we meant when we said we should have more production. The same thing applies to our factories in our towns.

I should like to say a few words about housing. Deputy Corish was very young when we started to rehouse the people. I think it was in 1932 the Government introduced a Housing Act which made it possible for public bodies to embark largely upon the rehousing of the people. From then down to the beginning of the war, houses were built as fast as men and builders could be got to undertake housing schemes throughout the country. It is to the eternal credit of this Party that it broke the back of the housing needs of the people while there were materials available to us in these few years and in the midst of all our great troubles.

Not only did we build them in towns like Clonmel with a population of 10,000, in which there were about 15 houses built in the previous ten years, but in the six or seven years following 1932 we built hundreds of houses in the rural districts around Clonmel. In every townland in Ireland, houses started to be built for the first time for the rural workers since the British left this country.

It is rather odd that we on this side of the House should be taken to task by the people on the other side because, as they complain, we were slow to provide people with houses. We had the last great war which limited the quantity of material we could get to pursue our housing programme—I think nobody will disagree with that. When the war ended in 1945, because of all the destruction in Europe, we were competing for housebuilding materials in a market where the demand by all the ruined countries was excessive and it was only in 1948 that materials became fairly freely available again. Our policy has always been to re-house the people. We are pursuing that policy and I hope we shall do so until there is a surplus of houses. I have always believed that the housing problem in Ireland will not be solved until there are more houses than we need.

Taking the countryside first, there has been much complaint here of the drift from the land. That has been going on for thousands of years and will continue until the end of time. The towns must absorb the surplus population and I have already said in this House that 75 per cent. of the property owners in any town came directly from the land. They came into the town first, perhaps, as apprentices or something of that kind and eventually they bought a house. Of the remaining 25 per cent., I would say that 90 per cent. were sons of people who came from the land also. The land and the towns are intermixed in a manner that we must recognise because they depend on each other.

Why complain about the drift from the land when there are not sufficient houses for men who will work on the land? When I get to the stage at which I see empty labourers' cottages in the country, I shall begin to take serious notice of the drift of workers from the land. For instance, I know a worker who lives at the extreme end of one parish and he works a mile or two away in another parish. He cannot leave his house because there is not a house available in the other parish and no house will be built for him there. It is shocking that a man may have to go two or three miles to work, simply because, if he leaves his house, there is no other house for him nearer his job. Therefore, I think we must pursue our housing policy until we have a surplus.

He may have to go further to get employment in England.

During the last general election—to give a further instance—I did a little canvassing in one town and I called on an ordinary slum clearance house. I found there a man and wife who had four sons living with them. The youngest of these four sons was 19 and one of them was married, and had two children. I am quite certain that the other three sons would have been married also and would stay in the country if houses were available, but notwithstanding all the houses we built, these four sons, the wife of one of them and her two children and the father and mother were living in one small house. So far as I am concerned, until there is a house for each of these people, I believe we must continue to build houses to keep our people at home.

Taking everything into consideration, I think these are very reasonable Estimates. If we take into account the depreciation in the value of money, we might reasonably expect the present size of the Estimates for that full year. If you take the £ as worth 7/6d. now as compared with 1938, you may multiply the Estimates of that year by three and you then arrive at the present Estimates. Three times £40,000,000 is roughly the total for the coming year.

Deputy Loughman referred to the drop in the value of money and the fact that cognisance must be taken of the increased cost of running State services because of that. It must also be appreciated that the person who has to find the money, the ordinary ratepayer and taxpayer, is also affected by the reduction in the value of money. If the £ has been reduced in value to 7/6d over the period to which the Deputy refers, it bears just as heavily—perhaps more so—on the ordinary person in the community. Consequently, we can ask the question: if the £ has lost so much in value, can it be claimed that all members of the community have had an increase in their income commensurate with that loss?

They have. I would say so.

I would not, and if the Deputy were a little closer to the people, it would be forcibly brought home to him that many thousands of our people have not yet had an increase in their incomes commensurate with the loss in the value of money.

The figure of £123,460,060 on the face of the Book of Estimates has been described by some Deputies as a profound shock to the members of the House and to the general public. Even after that shock. Deputies still hoped that, as has been the practice, the Minister for Finance would prune these services and it would be possible that by Budget time, through extra care and diligence in pruning each Estimate of each Department of State, we would find, as happened in previous years, a reduction in the figure of estimated expenditure. Any hopes that may have been entertained in that respect have been completely dashed by the speech of the Taoiseach this morning when he indicated, some time in advance of the Budget, that far from the Minister succeeding in the interim in reducing expenditure, there was a possibility of a still further increase. In fact, he actually prepared the people for a still further shock and indicated that far from there being a reduction in taxation, there may be an increase.

That might be a bluff.

That is just the point I was about to make. There is no doubt that the country as a whole expects a reduction in taxation. Revenue figures indicate that it would be clearly possible for the Government to reduce taxation in the Budget. All that is necessary is the will to do so. But the Taoiseach came in to-day and he talked in very doleful terms about the situation and said that it would have to be met by further increases in taxation. This was done to stave off those who really believed that a reduction in taxation was not only desirable but imminent.

We know there are many organised classes in the community bearing inequitable taxation, taxation bearing more heavily on some sections than on others, and this is the time of the year when these bodies are particularly active in bringing their case before the Government of the day. I wonder if the speech of the Taoiseach to-day was intended to depress the hopes of many of these people. On the other hand, would it be a political manoeuvre to give the impression that things were so bad that demands for reliefs could not be entertained? The people believe it is vital to the economy of the country that such reliefs should be afforded. Did the Taoiseach hope that by depressing the hopes of the people in that respect, when Budget time came, they would be more thankful for what they would receive?

That is one construction that may be put on the Taoiseach's speech. If the other construction is the true one and the situation is as he represented it to be and if it is essential that further taxes be imposed, then we must ask him to look up the record of the various statements, particularly the statements of the Tánaiste when in Opposition, and the statements of the Minister for Finance, that taxation had reached its limit, that it was unthinkable that there should be a situation in which there would be further exactions from the people.

Progress reported: Committee to sit again.
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