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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 12 Dec 1962

Vol. 198 No. 8

Private Members' Business. - Industrial Relations (Amendment) Bill, 1962—Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

When I moved the adjournment last night, I was pointing out that the Minister for Agriculture said that taking the agricultural workers from the Agricultural Wages Board, and putting them under the Labour Court or a joint labour committee, would mean having a Minister other than the Minister for Agriculture in charge of their wage fixing machinery and he thought it was not the right way to deal with the matter. I was pointing out that, in fact, very many other people, very many other sections of workers, are removed from the jurisdiction of a particular Minister for the purpose of fixing their wages. Perhaps a typical example would be law clerks who normally are under the Minister for Justice but, in fact, whose wages and conditions of employment are regulated by the joint labour committee of the Labour Court.

Local authority employees, who are under the Department of Local Government, again have their wages fixed by the Labour Court. Bord na Móna and ESB workers who are under the Department of Transport and Power again have their wages fixed by the Labour Court, Dairy and creamery workers, who are under the Minister's own jurisdiction, have their wages and conditions fixed by the Labour Court joint labour committee. Even hospital workers who are under the jurisdiction of an Tánaiste have their wages and conditions fixed by the Labour Court from time to time.

There is nothing unusual, therefore, in changing agricultural workers and putting them also under the Labour Court. They would just be falling in line. It would be doing something I think long over-due by preventing anybody from referring to agricultural workers as second-class citizens. A long as we have one set of laws governing the wages, working conditions and wage fixing machinery of agricultural workers and a different set giving higher wages and better conditions to all other workers, it can rightly be said that the agricultural worker is the Cinderella and is, in fact, a second-class citizen as far as those in control of his destiny are concerned.

I know that it has been stated here that there is very close contact between the agricultural employer and the agricultural worker and, of course, that may be so on the odd occasion where one man is employed for a particular reason—because of the illness of the head of the house perhaps—on a relatively small farm, but I can assure the Minister—and I have more experience of it perhaps than anybody else in this House—that there is very little close contact between big farmers and farm workers. To suggest that they are brothers doing the same type of work just does not ring true to those who know what the position is. The worker is somebody working for wages, doing hard work, skilled work. Do not forget that the farm worker must not alone know everything about crops, sowing, reaping and rotation, but he must also now know in most cases how to do running repairs and how to run machinery.

The farm worker is a man who gets wages at the end of the week, the small pittance that is paid to him, and when, for one reason or another he is unable to continue working, he has to depend on his family if he has got one or on friends to sustain him until the good Lord calls him. The proof of this, if proof is needed, will be found in a visit to any of our county homes because it is unfortunately true that more farm workers end their days in county homes than any other class of worker in the country. It is a shocking reflection on the farming community and on the agricultural industry in a country such as this to find that attitude.

Of course it is the natural follow on to the type of treatment the agricultural worker has been getting. He never got enough pay to meet his ordinary outgoings while he was working and surely then there is no reason why we should be surprised to find that he has not been able to put anything by for the rainy day or when he is no longer able to work and has nobody else to look after him that he must find his way to the nearest county home.

Great play has been made here about the question of the "minimum" wage, that the Agricultural Wages Board fix a "minimum" wage. Of course we know that according to the Act they do fix a minimum wage, but those who say that it is not also recognised throughout the country by a different name are less than truthful because we all know that in the agricultural community the minimum wage for the area as laid down by the Agricultural Wages Board is referred to as the "standard" wage. When somebody is hired by a farmer he is told he will be paid the "standard" wage. I was amazed to hear people, who should know better, talking in this House as if, with very few exceptions, farm workers were paid very much more than the minimum rate of wages. We know from our own experience, and can give the Minister evidence if he requires it, that the majority of farm workers in the country receive the minimum wage or the standard wage, if you like to call it that.

The extraordinary thing about it is that while agriculture is referred to, by anybody who wants to praise it, as the primary industry of the country, we have never been able to get the agricultural employer to pay a rate of wages comparable with that paid to those who process the agricultural produce after it leaves the farm. As a matter of fact, if you look over the list, bacon, meat, butter, cheese, fruit canning, grain milling, bread and flour, sugar, confectionery, food preparation, distilling, you find that every worker there is paid a much higher rate than that paid to the agricultural worker. There does not seem to be any reason for this. If the processing of agricultural produce can afford to pay a decent rate, then surely the people who produce it should also be entitled to receive a decent rate. I do not think there can be any reason.

Take other rural occupations. In the case of the ESB, Bord na Móna, forestry and road workers, the working week has been reduced but the Agricultural Wages Board insist they have no right to alter the working week for agricultural workers. It is rather interesting, too, that while the previous chairman of the Wages Board accepted motions for the purpose of discussing the question of reducing the working week, the present chairman has so far refused to accept such motions despite the fact that while the previous chairman was accepting them, the present chairman was Secretary of the Department of Agriculture. While I am sure he was an excellent man at his job over the years as Secretary of the Department, the wage-fixing machinery for agricultural workers is of such importance that it is not right that a person, who has completed his normal span as a civil servant and who did an excellent job in that capacity, and who has gone out on pension, should be taken back and put in charge of that machinery. It is belittling the agricultural worker that that sort of antics should be adopted. Again, I am afraid the Minister or his predecessor must accept responsibility for it.

The chairman of the Agricultural Wages Board may be, and I am sure he is, a normal decent Irishman but his outlook on agricultural wages seems to be very different from that of other people. For that reasons, a person who could be termed independent should have been appointed.

When introducing the Bill, I referred to the constitution of the Agricultural Wages Board. Let me repeat that I think it is too bad that the board should be so constituted. Apparently, according to the central Board the five regional boards have no authority to do anything. The central board have repeatedly rejected recommendations made by them. If they stand for anything, at all, there should be some other system of appointing members. The Minister will not disagree when I say that in areas in which the trade union of which I am general secretary made recommendations to have members who were employed as farm workers appointed on regional committees, the Minister's name was used to make the appointments and people who were not connected in any way with agriculture were appointed.

One thing occurred again and again, namely, that in very many cases the persons appointed were close connections of the local Fianna Fáil cumann. As a politician, I can understand that certain people, if they want to get into a position, will approach the politician and say that he would like a trip to Dublin so many times a year and suggest that he should be appointed. The Minister should resist that sort of pressure. There was an instance of a county council road worker being appointed as a regional member.

Somebody must come to Dublin.

We all come to Dublin a couple of times a week. We protested very strongly because of the fact that this man had nothing to do with agriculture. He was secretary of a cumann at one end of the parish and he was replaced last year by the secretary of the next cumann, who happened to be a farm worker. We have no objection at all to that. The Minister should ensure that farm workers are appointed to these boards or, otherwise, that persons who represent trade unions should be appointed, not someone who has no connection whatever with agriculture.

The same could be said of farmers' representatives. A farmer who has 15 or 20 acres of land should not be appointed as a farmers' representative on the Agricultural Wages Board. Such a farmer does not employ labour and would have no idea of the position of a man who is an employee. He does what he thinks will curry favour with the bigger farmers in the area. There are many instances, all over the place, of such persons being appointed as farmers' representatives on the Agricultural Wages Board.

The Minister made references to the constitution of the central board. He said that four people were nominated by the Federation of Rural Workers. He was very nearly right. Three of them were; the fourth was not. I do not know who nominated him. We certainly did not.

He was there before.

That I will not dispute but he was not nominated by us before, either. He was nominated by somebody else.

I got no nomination from you, in fact.

It was as a result of the death of one of the members that he went on. The man who died was not a nominee of ours, either.

You made no recommendation to me, I think.

We were not asked. The announcement was made with indecent haste.

You do not usually have to.

To what?

Ask for recommendations.

When the period of office of a board is up, we usually make recommendations but in this case somebody died and a new member was appointed. I am not quarrelling with him at all, just correcting the Minister's statement. We have farmers' representatives and the Minister said that one of them represented a farmers' organisation. Formerly, he was a member of a farmers' organisation but he now has no connection with it, good, bad or indifferent. I should just like to make that point. I do not know whom the other three represent. However, again that is a matter which the bigger farmers should look after. I am sure they will do so.

The neutral members are those to whom I take strong exception. The Minister must agree that if a person is neutral, he should have no bias towards either side.

I agree.

For instance, there is a lady on a board who has no connection with either side. For that reason, I would accept that, whatever she does, she would have a neutral attitrude. The Minister also has somebody on the board who is a very large employer of labour and whose labour rates are influenced very considerably by the rates paid to agricultural labourers in the area around the town where he operates. The Minister must agree that that is wrong, that that situation should not be allowed to continue.

I do not think the Deputy should relate his remarks to individuals.

I think it is unfair.

I have been very fair. I have not mentioned either the district or the man's name. I am being very fair about this one. I am attacking the Agricultural Wages Board as such and I cannot do so unless I give the reasons why I think it is wrong. With due respect, I think I am entitled to mention this in a general way.

The Deputy is entitled to refer to it in a general way but the Chair felt that the Deputy was coming very close to naming an individual.

No, I have no intention of naming the individual. Also, I consider that he is not neutral. He could not be neutral. If he is neutral, he is not human. He must have his ideas weighted towards the agricultural employers. He is a Fianna Fáil member of a council, as is also the man who works with him. He is a school teacher and a man who was there before was also a Fianna Fáil member of a county council and also a school teacher. I have nothing against any of these people, except that it has been our experience time and again that these neutrals seem to be biased towards one side. If the records of the boards were checked, the number of occasions on which they voted against workers' proposals would be seen to be 99 per cent.

I do not agree.

The Minister is entitled to disagree but the evidence is there. I was responsible for drafting quite a number of proposals which went before the Agricultural Wages Board and, naturally, I was rather disappointed that they were defeated.

It is not easy to get a neutral.

It is not easy to get a neutral.

Do not call him a neutral.

He has to be.

No. In the original Agricultural Wages Act from which this was called, he was not called neutral. He is not called neutral in Northern Ireland. He is called neutral here. The Minister could come much nearer to getting a neutral otherwise than by appointing a very big employer of labour. Possibly somebody who does not employ labour and who has a mind of his own can be found but it is unfair to expect somebody who does employ labour to a large extent to act as a so-called neutral on the Agricultural Wages Board.

He does not employ agricultural labour.

May I repeat that the area in which he operates and employees a lot of labour is in the centre of an area where a lot of agricultural labour is employed.

I know it very well.

Very well, as I do.

Not as well as I do.

I join issue with the Minister there, but it is a fact that his rates of wages are influenced greatly by the rate being paid to agricultural labour.

You have a trade union dealing with industry.

But for the fact that the Chair has ruled me out of order on certain things, I would explain why, in this particular case, the trade union does not operate the way it should. When somebody prevents a trade union from operating and persuades workers not to be members, it is very hard for a trade union to operate in that industry. I do not want to say——

I am surprised at that confession.

It is not a confession; it is a statement of fact; and if the Minister wants further information I can let him have it. I can let him have plenty of information. We have not gone past the stage where people will still threaten employees to force them out of a trade union. As far as the rates of wages in rural Ireland are concerned, we find that, in Carlow, for instance, the ESB workers working a 45-hour week are paid 187/6; Bord na Móna workers all over the country, working 45 hours, are paid 159/4d.; forestry labourers in Carlow, working a 48-hour week are paid 169/-and road workers are paid 140/7. Farm workers are paid 120/-. That is the pattern right through. In Dublin, forestry workers are paid 180/-, road workers 179/6d. and farm workers 135/-, the highest rate in the country. In Cavan, ESB workers are paid 187/6 and farm workers, for a 50-hour week, 120/-.

There can be no doubt that the farm workers under the Board are receiving a very raw deal. If the Minister, as I am sure he will, sits down and looks at this, he will find that the wages which have been paid to farm workers are not what should be paid to people engaged in the important industry in which they are engaged. I am sure he will agree with me that Deputy Dillon's suggestion that Fine Gael were forcing the pace into the Common Market so that the farm workers would get a square deal is not going to have the farm workers lighting bonfires on the hills, because we are still a long way from the Common Market and, apparently, from the reception given to this Bill, a long way from the square deal which everybody in the House is prepared to talk about but very few prepared to support.

Deputy Corish referred to the fact that, if we go into the Common Market, we must of necessity pay the same rates and work the same hours as other countries in the Common Market. Of course that is so and there is a hope there, but we should not forget that, before going into the Common Market, the farm workers have still to live, they have still to exist— and it is more an existence than a living—and that the onus is on the Government to do something about their wages and conditions rather than wait until the possible advent of the Common Market either next year or in another six years' time.

We did it 30 years ago.

You did it in 1936. You set a floor to farm workers' wages at 24s.

We set a floor, anyway.

You did. I give you all the credit for that. I would hate anybody to suggest that I am trying to take the credit away from you for doing that. May I mention something of which perhaps the Minister is not aware? That is that in 1948 the difference between industrial and agricultural wages was 44s. 2d. a week. In 1949 it was the same; in 1950 it was 46s. 8d. That was the difference, mark you, taking an average all over the country, both for industrial and agricultural workers. In 1951 the difference was 51s., in 1952 it was 50s. 10d., in 1953 it was 52s. 10d., in 1954 it was 53s., in 1955 it was 60s. 8d., in 1956 it was 56s. 11d., in 1957 it was 61s. 1d., in 1958 it was 70s. 5d., in 1959 it was 69s. 10d. and in 1961 it was 72s. There was a difference of £3 12s. a week between the average wages paid to industrial and agricultural workers.

Was that the case in Clones in the industry to which the Deputy referred?

The low wages in industry are included in the national average. The Leas-Cheann Comhairle will note that the name of the town has at last been mentioned and not by me.

Deliberately.

Deliberately. Perhaps we could go a little bit further if we wanted identification and refer to the fact that, in addition to being a big industrialist, the gentleman is a director of CIE.

It is not in order to criticise, in this House, individuals who are unable to reply for themselves.

I have no doubt the Minister is well able and prepared to defend them. Therefore it is untrue to say they are unable to degend themselves.

The Deputy may be sure of it.

I am sure of it. The Minister complained yesterday that he was getting a number of questions from me about the Agricultural Wages Board and that he did not know the purpose of the questions and found difficulty in giving courteous replies. I am glad to say that he did continue to give courteous replies.

And will.

Thank you very much. For that reason, I should like to give the Minister some information which may clear his mind. The reason the questions were asked is that there seems to be grave doubt in the minds of the Wages Board as to what their powers actually are. As a result of the Minister's replies, I think that doubt no longer remains. We are all pretty clear about what the Board can do and cannot do, despite the fact that the Minister's final reply did indicate that the Agricultural Wages Board Act can be interpreted by anybody the way he likes. Despite that, I think we will be able to talk in the same terms as the Wages Boards in future.

There is one point on which the Minister could help me. At one time the legal adviser of the Board, to whom the Minister referred yesterday, was the Attorney General. I wonder would the Minister say why that has been changed. Why is the Attorney-General no longer the legal adviser to the Agricultural Wages Board?

I did not say he was not.

I say he is not. It is said that lawyers thrive because no two of them take the same interpretation of any Act of Parliament and it would, perhaps, have been better for everybody concerned if the Attorney-General, irrespective of whether we think he is good, bad, or indifferent, had continued to advise as to what the Agricultural Wages Board could or could not do.

The Minister's comment a moment ago, that the Board set up in 1936 was entirely new in this country, is not correct, because that Board was just a copy of something that happened in a previous Act of the British Parliament here. The provision was originally brought in in 1908. It was repeated in 1909 and again in 1917. We all know the reason why. It is an extraordinary comment that the Agricultural Wages Board under the 1936 Act is substantially the same as it was under the 1917 Act. We have been told by both the Minister and Deputy Dillon that it is the only way we know to fix agricultural wages and conditions; there is no other way in which that can be done.

The best way.

It was originally brought in in 1908. Does the Minister not consider it rather remarkable that the system of fixing the wages of industrial and other workers has been changed drastically over the years? Yet the wages of agricultural workers must be fixed in the same way as they were fixed in 1908. Perhaps the Minister might like to know why the original Bill was brought in. It gives an insight into the whole situation. I have here an extract from a Parliamentary speech made on 21st February, 1908. The Bill was called the Sweated Industries Bill:

"If a Bill could be brought in to increase the wages of agricultural labourers, a great deal might be said for it as agricultural labourers are the worst paid men in the country and it is difficult to organise them because they are spread in small numbers over the country."

That was 1908. Could it not be equally so 1962? The position is exactly the same now as it was in 1908 and I am afraid that the present Government do not seem to be very anxious to do anything to remedy it. We could discuss this for a month of Sundays, there are so many aspects to it, so many aspects unfavourable to the agricultural worker, so many aspects which should be brought to light.

This Bill is a very short Bill. The Minister did not say that there were any holes in it. He did not say it would not work. That was not the reason he gave for opposing it. This Bill could very easily be put into operation. But it is being opposed by both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael. It is very significant that the two big Parties here oppose this Bill, and for the very same reason. They oppose it because they both had a hand in the setting up and the keeping in operation of the Agricultural Wages Boards. In my opinion, they are opposing it because neither of them represent the interests of the agricultural workers.

The Deputy had a hand in it, too.

For six years.

No; I made that clear to the former Minister for Agriculture the other night. I make it equally clear to the present Minister now. As far as I am concerned, a Bill was introduced during that period, and what happened then will happen again tonight; Fianna Fáil were in opposition then and they trooped into the Lobby with Fine Gael to vote against the Bill.

It was a free vote.

Free or not free, the Minister is well aware which side his Party took.

I made a speech on it.

Do not mind the speech. What way did the Minister vote?

The Government did not take responsibility, as Governments should, for the proposals put before this House then, and the Deputy supported that attitude.

I voted in favour of the Bill and the Minister and his colleagues voted against it, as did Fine Gael.

The Deputy was milk and water.

There was no milk and water as far as I was concerned. I take my stand now as I took it then.

The Deputy will take it all right now.

I will take it any time and I have no apology to make to the Minister, or anyone else, for the stand I take where the agricultural workers are concerned.

The records are there.

The records show that the Minister and his Party voted against an almost identical Bill in 1958.

That is not so. That is not accurate.

We can produce the records if necessary. The Minister will have the support tonight, according to Deputy Dillon, of the Fine Gael Party.

They do not often given it to me.

They have been promising the Minister great things. He should not be too hard on them. As far as the Common Market is concerned, he is the white haired boy. Would the Minister agree now, would the Leader of Fine Gael agree, that this is an issue on which a free vote could be taken? We could see then whether or not I was correct in saying that the backbenchers of Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil were muzzled when the earlier Bill was before the House.

We take our responsibilities as Governments should.

The responsibility the Minister is taking now and the one he took the other night are two different things. It is a remarkable thing that, with the exception of Deputy Fanning, no member of the Fianna Fáil Party, except the Minister, got up to speak on this Bill, and the Minister only got up because, as he said, he wanted to contradict something Deputy Treacy had said, something Deputy Treacy assures me is quite correct.

And the Minister made a very good job of it in a very simple way.

(Interruptions.)

I suggest the two Tipperary Deputies can settle their differences outside the House.

If the Deputy addressed the Chair we would, perhaps, have less of these interruptions.

(Interruptions.)

The position is that the Labour Party have introduced this Bill for the purpose of trying to do something for the farm workers. We do not want to wait for the Germans, or the French, or the British, or anyone else, to force us to do it. We are trying to do something now for the farm workers, something which should be done. We believe the Minister might agree to adopt the Bill. If he wants to alter it in any way, he is free to do so. Whether the Bill passes or fails, the Agricultural Wages Board must be changed. I should like the Minister to remember that. The present constitution, the present powers, the present method of fixing wages have got to be changed. I suggest this Bill will be a vote for a against the farm workers. We will see, when the voting is over, who are the friends of the farm workers and who are the people who pay lipservice to them but do not want them to have improved wages or conditions, lest such improvement should take something out of the pockets of the rich.

They will not believe that.

Question put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 13; Níl, 68.

  • Barron, Joseph.
  • Browne, Noel C.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Coughlan, Stephen.
  • Everett, James.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • McQuillan, Jack.
  • Mullen, Michael.
  • Norton, William.
  • Pattison, Séamus.
  • Tierney, Patrick.
  • Treacy, Seán.
  • Tully, James.

Níl

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Allen, Lorcan.
  • Barry, Anthony.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Blaney, Neil T.
  • Boland, Kevin.
  • Booth, Lionel.
  • Brady, Philip A.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Brennan, Joseph.
  • Brennan, Paudge.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Burke, Patrick J.
  • Calleary, Phelim A.
  • Carter, Frank.
  • Carty, Michael.
  • Clohessy, Patrick.
  • Colley, George.
  • Collins, James J.
  • Cotter, Edward.
  • Crinion, Brendan.
  • Crowley, Honor M.
  • Cummins, Patrick J.
  • Cunningham, Liam.
  • Davern, Mick.
  • de Valera, Vivion.
  • Dillon, James M.
  • Dolan, Séamus.
  • Donegan, Patrick S.
  • Dooley, Patrick.
  • Egan, Kieran P.
  • Egan, Nicholas.
  • Fanning, John.
  • Faulkner, Padraig.
  • Flanagan, Seán.
  • Gallagher, James.
  • Galvin, John.
  • Geoghegan, John.
  • Gibbons, James M.
  • Gilbride, Eugene.
  • Gogan, Richard P.
  • Haughey, Charles.
  • Hillery, Patrick.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Kennedy Micael J.
  • Lalor, Patrick J.
  • Lemass. Noel T.
  • Lemass, Seán.
  • Lenihan, Brian.
  • Lynch, Celia.
  • MacCarthy, Seán.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • MacEoin, Seán.
  • Meaney, Con.
  • Medlar, Martin.
  • Millar, Anthony G.
  • Moher, John W.
  • Mooney, Patrick.
  • Moran, Michael.
  • Ó Briain, Dommchadh.
  • Ó Ceallaigh, Seán.
  • O'Connor, Timothy.
  • O'Malley, Donogh.
  • Ormonde, John.
  • Rvan, James.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Timmons, Eugene.
Tellers: —Tá: Deputies Tully and Treacy; Níl: Deputies J. Brennan and Geoghegan.
Question declared lost.
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