Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 22 Jan 1963

Vol. 199 No. 1

Local Government (Planning and Development) Bill, 1962— Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

This Bill, which is a very long measure of great importance to the community, is, in the main, an urban Bill founded on the studies made here by Mr. Abrahams in his review of the Dublin problem. The problem of Dublin-and to a lesser extent of Cork and Limerick—is one not general in the country as a whole. So far as the rural areas are concerned, the Bill might have dealt with the Dublin problem, the problem of the larger built-up area, and then we might have had something which would have been peculiar to rural areas. As the Minister mentioned, town planning is old. It is something that has come along over the years. As a matter of fact, man has been dealing for years with his environment, his working conditions and his leisure. In England, the United States, Canada and the industrial countries of Europe, the problem of town planning has grown because of increases in population in the urban areas and because industrialisation has brought a large number of people to those centres. That problem is peculiar, as I said, to the city areas and it is indeed very applicable to Dublin where there has grown up a large industrial complex in which a large number of the people reside.

Cities in other countries have been planned and replanned for various reasons: the plight of people because of congestion, bad housing, inadequate sanitation and other drawbacks. Modern planning stems from the social and economic revolution which took place in the 19th century. In the industrial revolution of those times, poverty increased, old slums became worse and new slums were created. In man's attempt to get away from those conditions, there was a movement to the outskirts of the cities, and the built-up areas sprawled into the countryside. The conditions which prevailed constantly needed revision in an effort to ensure some amelioration of the situation.

In 1940 in Great Britain, an attempt was made by legislation to give privileges to private enterprise under which it was hoped that the central areas of some cities would be rebuilt. I venture to suggest that the factors which have influenced planning abroad and the factors which should influence planning in this country are not the same. Smoke and grime from the coal pits and the transport of crude oil and squalor in many of the industrial cities in Britain and other industrial countries led to the town and regional planning movement in those areas. There was a movement to the garden cities, a movement which was understandable in these conditions. When we come to examine this Bill in relation to conditions in this country, I think we will find that the reasons underlying it are, and should be, different from those underlying town planning abroad.

The purpose of the Bill, as the Minister said at the outset, is to repeal the existing legislation which governs town and country planning and substitute new legislation for it. The Act of 1934 was never properly interpreted or administered, as evidenced by the fact that after 25 years or more of what one might call fruitless expenditure, no local authority has produced a planning scheme which has been acceptable to the Minister, to the public, or to the interested trades or professions. Some years ago, a scheme was prepared by Dublin Corporation and put before the Minister but it will now be buried under this new legislation.

One of the purposes of the Bill appears to be to relieve the town planning authorities of the obligation to produce a planning scheme of the kind which it was contemplated they would produce under the 1934 Act. The change there is, I think, to the good. A further good feature of this legislation is that a review of the stage of planning will take place at least every fifth year, and that there will be power to alter, to add to or delete from the planning which has been adopted at that stage.

This appears to be a more reasonable approach to the problem. It is less rigid and more practicable, always provided, of course, that we do not make it too flexible and that there is not, for instance, too much reviewing within the five year period. It is reasonable to assume that if a plan is produced, there will be a certain amount of rigidity and that the people working it can look forward to some reasonable term in which interpretation of the development permissible under this Bill will be open to them.

A very noticeable feature of the Bill is the manner in which it is proposed to invest what I might call the bureaucrats with full and final power in relation to property and the property rights of persons affected by their decisions, without any real protection by way of appeal to an independent tribunal or an independent authority. In the 1934 Act which is being repealed, there were many provisions in respect of recourse to the courts, even if the appeals were only to the district courts. There was also provision that orders made under the Act had to be laid by the Minister before the Oireachtas so that they could be reviewed. There was also access to the courts in regard to any matter which a person thought affected his personal rights. In this Bill it is not proposed that this safeguard should remain. Therefore, the Minister will be put in the position, after the passage of this Bill, of being the interpreter of statute law. The courts are set up for the very purpose of interpreting the statute law as passed by the Oireachtas. The usurpation of that function is something which this House should not lightly allow to go unchallenged.

The limited protection afforded under the 1904 Acts will disappear if this Bill goes through without amendment and the only appeal then left is the appeal to the Minister for Local Government as provided in the various sections. Such provision might be thought to be some safeguard but Section 80 prescribes the regulations that can be made for any matters of procedure in relation to reference of appeals. In reality, then, the merits of a case will be decided by the person who makes the report to the Minister and any idea of an impartial hearing being given to an appeal by the Minister in question is purely a legislative fiction at that stage.

However, we will be returning to this matter on Committee Stage. Indeed, this is a Committee Bill and one which will require very careful attention on Committee Stage to ensure that the sections as they are passed in fact carry what the House feels ought to be done in the nature of town planning while at the same time preserving the rights of individuals and of property.

Having regard to the manner in which some local authorities have failed to operate the Town Planning Acts which have been in operation up to the present time, it is questionable whether they should now be invested with the sweeping powers which it is proposed to give them in this Bill, powers which will limit the use of lands and buildings which are private property.

The Minister mentioned the objects of planning and gave some instances of desirable developments. As I have already mentioned, some of the things he mentioned are matters which from the earliest times have agitated the mind of man where man has sought to improve his environment. There are various factors, some stronger than others, which have influenced man in regard to his environment, from, in the early days, military necessity, down to commercial activity. There are living standards and the social type of environment and the recreational environment in relation to which man has sought to prepare regulations which would improve the standard of the people.

I do not intend to go into these various matters though it was remarked in regard to the planning of cities that Paris was very much improved by the dictatorship of the Napoleons which resulted in that city being laid out as it has been. Again, the influence of Sir Patrick Abercrombie, which the Minister mentioned, is very noticeable in regard to town planning, particularly with regard to developments in the period after the world war which lasted from 1939 to 1945. His plan for the new London was placed on record at that time. His plan, which laid out London as a number of squares and having a green belt around about it, became a model for other places. This type of town planning has grown in England, being implemented by various pieces of legislation which have been introduced there.

In other countries, the plan has been to disperse the population to new or existing towns. That is one of the essential differences between the legislation which has been invoked abroad and the legislation which would be necessary here. If we exclude Dublin, we have not got any problem of that nature throughout the country. There may be a minor problem in regard to Cork or Limerick but, in the main, so far as country towns and rural Ireland are concerned, we have not got any problem in regard to dispersing the population because, unfortunately, the population has been dispersed from the countryside and has been attracted to the large centres, particularly Dublin.

The various problems involved in dealing with a large project, such as is represented by Dublin, in regard to the siting of schools, houses, public buildings, highways, are matters which must affect future development of cities. The solution of these problems has been a feature of planning abroad and a matter to which Abrahams has given much thought in his study of the problem in so far as Dublin is concerned.

The zoning of cities has had a considerable influence, not alone on the architecture of the cities but on the preservation of amenities. It is a new movement and is still experimental. In that respect we can profit by the mistakes which have been made abroad in regard to zoning, which can create problems of its own.

There is a quotation I read in relation to the constant striving down the centuries by man to make the physical environment of the community as noble as his ideal of human rights and dignity. Sometimes his efforts in that respect are wrecked by his own greed and lust for power and, again, by someone else. So, it is reasonable to ask at the outset in relation to this Bill if one of the most cogent reasons for the fact that the existing Acts have not proven workable has been the failure to have sufficient consultation with the various professional bodies representing those interested in such planning — architects and engineers, builders, those who represent the building trade, the property owners—and to inquire then whether equally so there has not been a lack of sufficient skilled staff to deal with these matters.

This Bill seeks to repeal the various Acts or portions of them. One of the most serious of these repeals affects the portions of the Public Health (Ireland) Act, 1878. Under that Act, the local authorities made bye-laws under which they had to approve or disapprove of plans submitted by building owners within a period of one month. Failing the approval being given, the applicant would obtain the approval by default. That is one democratic right which will go, under this Bill. On reading the Bill, one might think there are sections in it which seem to go very close to being unconstitutional. If that is so, if some of these provisions should be unconstitutional, it would lead to senseless and costly litigation.

Building bye-laws under the Health Act of 1878 are to be replaced by central building regulations which will be made by the Minister. At this stage it is obvious that unless, in the making of these regulations, there is close consultation with all the interested parties, there is a danger that there will be a further period of fruitless local administration and strife between the local authorities and the various professions and trades interested in town planning, building development and even the ordinary day-to-day building, the repair, enlargement or replacement of decayed or obsolete buildings.

In regard to the system of compensation under the Bill, it is, to my mind, inadequate and we must seek to improve it. Part VI of the Bill contains these various provisions, and Section 66 provides that claims for payment of compensation in default of agreement will be determined by arbitration under the Acquisition of Land Act, 1919. The various provisions of that Act are dealt with—I do not intend to deal with them at this stage; it is something that can be dealt with on Committee Stage—and it is pertinent now to ask the Minister how many arbitrators he thinks it will be necessary to appoint to determine the various claims for compensation likely to arise under this Bill. The Minister mentioned in his opening statement that he could give no figures in regard to the compensation which may fall to be paid.

This question of cost will be one of the things which ought to give the Minister and the House some reason for pause. I asked some people who were conversant with the problem in Dublin what figure of expenditure they might reasonably anticipate under the heading of compensation but I could not find anybody who could give me anything approximating to a firm estimate—whether it would be in the region of £10 million, £15 million or £20 million. Perhaps the Minister and his advisers have a figure in mind, but we find ourselves facing such problems at a time when we must be very careful that the type of planning we envisage in this Bill will not subject local authorities to heavy expenditure unnecessarily. Everybody agrees there are problems which must be dealt with and which will involve heavy expenditure on themselves but we must be careful in our estimates that we do not involve ourselves in something that will prove too great a burden on the people.

Another problem in relation to compensation which will fall to be dealt with is the question of small parcels of property which may be taken compulsorily for the purposes of this Bill when it becomes law. I can envisage that even in a rural area a planning authority may decide to take 12 or 14 acres from somebody who has a rather small holding. We have heard already from various other sources of the problems which the smallholders at the present time are facing. The compensation to such people would certainly need to be much more than the mere market value of the land because taking even a little from somebody who has only a small amount can leave that person in uneconomic circumstances, something which is difficult to measure in so far as his future is concerned. However, during Committee Stage we will seek from the Minister clarification of these points and amendments of them, where we consider these necessary.

We are gravely opposed to Sections 31, 32, 33, 35 and 36 because of the phrasing at the end. Take, for example, subsection (2) of Section 31 where we have written into the legislation the words:

... and any other material considerations...

The local authority can decide under this section whether it is expedient to serve notice concerning the proper planning development of an area, the preservation and improvement of amenities and so on, and then comes the use of the words "and any other material considerations". The ordinary layman will have the utmost difficulty in endeavouring to interpret such a phrase. Yet under this legislation there can be no recourse to judicial interpretation of it. We can therefore see the wide powers that may be conferred on officials to include conditions other than those imposed when the person got permission to carry out a plan. Such a person may find himself facing an official who says there were other material considerations. These words are included in all these sections and from our point of view they are most objectionable, considering that so far in this measure we have not secured the type of appeal competent to deal with that sort of interpretation. It is the dangerous sort of incursion which the planning authority might make into the rights of the individual.

Here you have a planning authority being given the power to serve notice on the owner or occupier of property calling attention to a breach of conditions or failure to comply with a permission. The person who gets this notice from the planning authority may, if he does not agree to comply with it, appeal to the Minister. If he does not decide to carry out the requirements contained in the notice, the planning authority can enter on that person's lands and take the necessary steps to demolish a building or make alterations. Not alone may they do that but equally they are entitled to require the owner to pay the planning authority for the carrying out of these works. That type of section is one we should not lightly include in legislation. The rights of property in this country have always been regarded as almost sacred and while, indeed, the greater good at all times determines the right to interfere with the right to private property, at the same time we ought afford to such an owner the right of being protected by legal interpretation or judicial interpretation rather than ministerial interpretation of statute law, to which I have already referred.

The appeal to the Minister as it is at present in this Bill is merely an appeal from the planning authority to the planning approver. The planning authority have already made the plan and under this, if at a later stage they do not like the type of development which has been carried out by a person, under permission from the planning authority, and the person questions this interpretation he may find himself confronted again with these words "any other material consideration." When he appeals he is appealing from the person who has already approved of this.

We agree, then, that the Town Planning Bill is necessary. It is necessary because the previous legislation did not secure the objectives which it was felt it would secure. We believe there are good features in this Bill. The adoption of a development plan lets people know in advance the type of development which is likely to take place in the area. It gives them a general idea of what is in mind in regard to the development of their particular area and as such is some help to them in regard to the ideas they may have about their own property. The amenity area development is welcome and the provisions of Part IV, particularly that portion which deals with the developer who leaves property unfinished, and the provisions which the Minister envisages can be taken under this measure to deal with that problem, are matters which for a long time, it has been felt, should have been available to people who bought such property and then found that they had not got the type of development which originally they had been led to believe they would get.

The question of attachment of ground rents which the Minister has mentioned is something which would need to be discussed again on Committee Stage because very often, as the Minister is aware, ground rents are sold before the developer has completed his work on the property. The manner of attachment of ground rents which would secure the type of development which the Minister, and I am sure, the House, would have in mind is a matter that would require to be discussed fully in order to achieve the type of desirable improvement which is necessary.

Another section which I might mention is that which deals with appeals to the Minister and the setting out of reasons, or the giving of reasons why development is allowed or is not allowed. We will return to this on Committee Stage because equally in that there is the right of the local authority, or the planning authority, in this case, from whose decision an appeal may be taken and the Minister may allow it. I think that equally the planning authority are entitled to hear from the Minister the reasons why he allowed something to happen which the planning authority, in the first instance, were not prepared to permit.

There are, as I mentioned, undesirable features in this Bill. The first of these is that in the formulation and adoption of the town planning, there is the loss of control by the Oireachtas or by the courts. It is as far reaching in this outlook as the legislation it seeks to repeal. The operation of the plan does not allow for the safeguards which should be inserted in so far as the individual is concerned because the planning authority are being made both judge and jury and, as I already mentioned, the appeal to the Minister is only a legislative fiction in as much as it is from one official to another. Naturally, the local officials have to live in good standing with the officials of local government.

In that respect, I think the type of appeal is not the kind which would give the necessary safeguards to the individual. The system will not be effective. If a local authority have to answer in court for their planning decisions they will naturally be much more careful because they would have to submit themselves to the ordinary process of cross-examination as against merely submitting a memorandum from the planning authority to the officers of the Minister's Department. The right to private property is something sacred and we ought to take every precaution to ensure that that right is preserved.

During the Committee Stage, we shall have certain amendments to ensure that nothing will be done which would leave an individual with a sense of grievance, making this legislation obnoxious to a certain degree.

That would be impossible.

Whether or not the Deputy thinks it is impossible, we should certainly not go out of our way here to take away from individuals the right of appeal to the court. We should not lightly set up a type of bureaucracy to interpret the laws we make here.

The point I was making was that it would be impossible to ensure that nobody would have a grievance.

Grievances are understandable, but at the moment people have a normal manner of dealing with them. Over the years the rights of both the public and individuals have been safeguarded by judicial process where the interpretation of the law is concerned.

As the Minister said, this is a Committee Stage Bill. The best work on it will be done when we come to discuss the sections. We will move amendments we consider necessary and we hope these amendments will be met in the spirit in which they are put forward, namely, seeking to improve this particular piece of legislation and to ensure that it will be effective. It is very important from the point of view of Dublin. We do not want it to lie on the Statute Book unimplemented. Everybody hopes that it will lead to the proper development of the various centres throughout the country and that it will be possible, under it, at no great cost, to provide the amenities which will attract tourists to this country.

I hope the Minister will clarify the points raised and resolve some of the doubts in our minds in regard to certain sections of this Bill. We are totally opposed—I want to emphasise this again—to the type of legislation which interferes with the rights of individuals in relation to private property without their having resort to the judicial processes that have heretofore always been available to them.

I do not propose to say a great deal on this Bill. So far as we are concerned, it is sufficient to say that we approve of giving the Minister the Second Reading. All of us are, I think, agreed that it is a good Bill. It is long overdue. The existing legislation is pretty useless. It has, indeed, proved abortive. We welcome the Minister's approach, especially when we remember the conferences he had convened throughout the country at which both public representatives and local officials were present. The general view is—it is evident from some of Deputy Jones's remarks—that there is always a certain amount of suspicion in relation to measures dealing with planning and development. The Minister at these conferences—I applaud him for having convened them—tried to make known to the public in general what his and the Government's ideas are in regard to the type of planning and development we should have here.

There is necessity for a Bill which, whilst flexible in relation to various sections of the community, will also be water-tight in its application. Looking at the towns, villages and cities it is apparent immediately that there is need for proper planning and development. In many places there has been haphazard building. Towns have grown ugly. One of the most important works that had to be undertaken in recent times was the provision of houses. I cannot see that in providing these houses towns and villages have been improved. The character of some towns has been lost completely because of haphazard building. Uninhabited and derelict buildings have not been removed, even though many of them should have been demolished immediately after the war.

The present planning legislation can be driven through by any lawyer, by any local official, indeed, by any ordinary layman. From that point of view it is imperative that we should have this Bill. It is long overdue, but we must appreciate the difficulties there have been. Officers in the Minister's Department have been preoccupied with other extremely important matters—housing in particular, and the thousand and one other matters for which the Minister has responsibility. He and various Ministers before him knew, broadly speaking, what changes were necessary in the 1934 and 1939 Acts but merely to know that is not sufficient to bring a Bill here to the Dáil. The various small sections that might appear to be meaningless to the ordinary reader were absolutely necessary, I am sure, to provide that this Act now before us is capable of operation.

I think Part I, which defines exempted development, is very desirable and, as far as I know from colleagues on local bodies, this will mean an easing of the work of local authorities, both officials and members.

Part II, as far as we are concerned and I am sure as far as the House is concerned, is uncontroversial in that it appears to be somewhat of a repetition of similar provisions in the 1934 and 1939 Planning Acts. Personally, I welcome Part III. I am not, and never shall be, an advocate of waving the big stick by the Minister for Local Government or any Minister or Government but it is absolutely necessary to have some sort of compulsion in regard to development and planning.

This section provides that the local authority must make a development plan for their area within three years of the coming into operation of this measure. Perhaps, three years is too short and personally while I should be in favour of this element of compulsion in respect of planning and development there might be a case for an extension of the period. If there is a good planning and development Bill, I do not think it would be necessary to compel any local authority to adopt a plan for their functional area. So far as I know the difficulty of local authorities since 1934 or 1939 is that the Acts themselves were defective and the authorities believed it was useless to engage in planning or development in accordance with those Acts.

I note in the matter of the making of a development plan this is a reserved function and must be agreed by the local representatives and by the city or county manager. That is desirable. It is absolutely necessary in local government, as we know it at present. I take exception to Part IV and to the general trend which seems to exist in local government of ignoring local representatives. There has been that definite trend in recent years. It is not that I distrust city or county managers or engineers or town clerks but I think we should stop and think and remember what local representatives are. They are people of the area. They must have that qualification to be elected. Because they put themselves forward as candidates for local bodies they must have a particular interest in their city, town or county. Too often they are criticised or abused by people who themselves have not the courage or sense of responsibility necessary to put themselves in the same position. In many instances, they are the butts of all types of jokes. For that reason, I think the Minister in this Bill has an opportunity of giving them their due in respect of planning and development, giving them recognition for the sacrifices they undoubtedly make year in, year out, as public representatives.

I do not want to appear to be initiating a conflict between local representatives and the officials but the local officials in my home town, or in the Minister's home town, in Cork or Dublin or any place, in the majority of cases are not natives of the place. I shall not say they have no interest in the place. They certainly have because I am sure, when they presented themselves to the Local Appointments Commission, that was a matter that was considered; but there is the possibility that the city or county manager or the engineer may make some change even within the plan that has been agreed on in the local authority which might offend the people in a town or city or any other locality. Therefore, I sincerely suggest that the Minister would try to change the relevant section in Part IV so that local representatives would be able to carry out the various changes, if changes there are to be, in their own local authority. They know the place and they may have a special regard for a particular building, street or locality. Nobody need say: "The county manager, if he is a good one, will consult the local representatives or have regard to the past or present character of the two." That is not sufficient. It may be an official who will quote Part IV or the relevant section of it and say: "The Minister gave me this power and I am going to act according to what I think should be done."

I do not suggest that local officials charged with the implementation of this legislation will not act honourably in carrying out their duties in Part IV but many officials, while having an interest in the locality in which they work, if not the majority of them, may regard themselves as birds of passage merely awaiting promotion to some other post with bigger salary and responsibility. But local public representatives are people who have been there for decades and decades and will be there for decades to come. Therefore, if changes are to be made in their town in accordance with the general plan adopted by them, they should have some function in it. I do not pretend to speak for all local authorities, parties or individuals but so far as I know, local authorities will not be keen to implement what otherwise seems to be a good piece of legislation unless they have some part in carrying out the plan adopted by them.

The Minister should clarify this section and say that local authorities have that function in conjunction with the officials under Part IV. On the other hand, if they have not, he should devise ways and means to ensure that they will have it. That was the main contribution I wanted to make. I read the Minister's Second Reading speech and to be quite honest, my Party waited to see if there would be a clarification of Part IV as to what, if any, functions the local public representatives have. From our reading of his speech, we did not gather that the local representatives had any function in the carrying out of the plan adopted by them in Section 3.

Part V seems to commend itself to me. It provides that the local authority may declare areas of scenic beauty to be areas of special amenity in which they may strictly control any development. We should and must do that if we are to continue to place the importance we do on our tourist industry. The local authority should have that power to make—and it is possible—the country in which we live more beautiful and incidentally, from an economic point of view, to make it more attractive to our tourists.

Deputy Jones spoke about Part VI— Compensation. He had various views on that matter, with some of which I do not disagree. However, I think these are matters which are better dealt with on Committee Stage. When we come to Committee Stage, I trust that the attitude adopted by the Minister at the outset of this Bill will be continued up to the end. I trust he will recognise—I say this with respect—that all wisdom is not vested in him or in the officials of his Department, or in the Fianna Fáil Party. I trust he will listen to the views expressed by members on the opposite side of the House. In that way, we shall achieve in our discussion of this Bill a measure which we can all support and which will stand the test of time.

I welcome this Bill which is long overdue. If this Bill had been introduced some years ago, the ratepayers and the taxpayers would not now be faced with an expenditure of a huge amount of money to make proper traffic lanes, for example, through the city of Dublin. The old Streets Commission did a very good job. It is a pity they did not continue because, if they had, we would have a properly planned Dublin today.

The Minister has been forced to do something to regulate planning throughout the country—in the city of Dublin, in the boroughs in the urban and in the county council areas. His approach to the Bill is:

to set up a new and more flexible planning system to be operated by local authorities throughout the country.

I appreciate very much the word "flexible" there. The Minister is very wise in stating that this can be reviewed every five years because as time changes, people will change and circumstances may alter to bring about change.

The second object of the Bill is:

to enable local authorities to facilitate industrial and commercial development and to secure the redevelopment of those parts of built-up areas which have become outmoded, uneconomic or congested;

That is a very fair comment—"out-moded, uneconomic or congested." There has been very little town planning in any part of rural Ireland and indeed in Dublin city, our capital city, for a long number of years, except in recent times. Certain town planning had been going on even during the past 40 years but we were a long way behind in our work.

The third main object of the Bill is: to secure that the amenities of town and country-side are preserved and improved;

Those of us who go down the country cannot but notice that there are areas and towns which are a disgrace to our national territory. A house is built here or there. You find a narrow street, widening out to a broad street, and then a narrow street again. It is just like an "S" hook in some parts of the country.

Deputy Jones spoke about the rights of the people. Nobody wants to interfere with the reasonable rights of any citizen. However, if people are properly compensated, and if the proposed change is for the general good of the community, then surely it is desirable to make it? It might be necessary, for instance, that a house or houses be replaced or built back, and so on.

Dublin Corporation have been hoping to widen Church Street for some years past but there are still a few objectors who are holding up the work. They have their rights. They went to the courts. They took all the other steps open to them. I hold that, provided their is reasonable compensation for being removed from a place or places, as the case may be, the State is acting justly and honourably in a matter of that kind.

While every individual has the right to object and to go to the courts—and do not take that right from him—in the meantime, with a view to speeding up certain town planning—let it be in the city of Dublin or in any borough —an arbitrary amount of compensation should be awarded to the individual involved. Give him the opportunity to appeal to his own arbitrator and let the local authority arbitrator meet him at some future date but do not hold up a job that has to be done urgently.

Let us take as an example Church Street and North King Street. The property has depreciated there and decay has set in over the past 20 to 30 years just because people know these places will be taken over when the street is widened. I know business people in this area who cannot even get compensation and get out because their property has been devalued. One of the objects of the Bill is to secure that the amenities of town and countryside are preserved and improved. Another is to relate compensation to property owners to the restrictions imposed on them by individual planning decisions rather than to provisions in planning schemes and to end their liability for betterment charges. The Bill is divided into eight parts and contains five Schedules. The Minister has consulted the town planning officers in this country and in other countries and has had the experience of seeing how town planning operations have been carried out abroad. He comes into this House now seeking the co-operation of every Deputy to try to make this Bill as flexible and as effective as possible.

I wish to point out to Deputy Jones, who made a very fine contribution here, that you will never reach the stage when nobody will have a grievance. The moment you go near anybody to acquire property he has a grievance. Even if such people go to the courts they will come back with a grievance that the courts gave a wrong decision against them. That is a position which must be faced as it has been faced for a long number of years in Dublin.

The matter of compensation will be a big problem, especially when retrospection is involved, and deciding who is going to pay. In regard to the old Town Planning Bill if the property had not been cleared, say, in the streets of Dublin inside five years the Minister or his Department could not give any compensation to the local authority in cases of that kind. I would like to see that rectified. Furthermore, if an area is to be taken over and if John Murphy decides to sell his house, he cannot sell it to anybody else but the local authority. If the local authority decide to buy it from him they should be in a position to buy it in an amicable way and thus cut out compulsory acquisition. It would eliminate some of the grievances and objections we come up against from time to time.

While there is plenty of power under local government law to deal with unfinished estates it is here in the Bill also and I am delighted to see that it is retrospective. In a case where a person has developed an estate and goes into liquidation or bankruptcy, leaves the district and leaves the estate unfinished, somebody else will buy the ground rent. There is a number of such estates in the city of Dublin and in the suburbs of the County of Dublin where this problem exists. Many such places have been there for 10 or 12 years and have not been taken over yet by the local authority. Those people are paying full rates and meeting other commitments and the only amenity they have is that the dust car goes around and collects the refuse from their bins.

I spoke about this before and urged the Minister for Local Government to introduce legislation to empower the local authority to deal with this matter. If a person bought these ground rents on an unfinished estate that person should be liable for developing it. I have spent much time and received many deputations on this matter during my 19 years in public life. After the war building started to go on very quickly. The local authorities possibly had not enough officers to supervise these schemes to the extent to which they should have been supervised. In the majority of these cases when complaints were made the answer was: "I have sold the ground rent. The place has gone into liquidation." I am delighted to see the ground landlord being pinned. It is only right that an estate should be developed and that people who have bought property in the neighbourhood for £2,000 to £2,400 should not be at a disadvantage. There are many cases where even if a person wanted to get out through economic circumstances he could not sell his house because the area is overgrown with weeds and left in an undeveloped state. I am very happy to see that position will be rectified and will not be left entirely to the initiative of the residents to do whatever little they can do to improve the position.

Many of the points I wish to raise can be discussed on the Committee Stage but, generally speaking, the Minister's approach to the Bill has been extremely good. I am delighted he is meeting the city of Dublin. We had a long drawn-out discussion about the development of Portmarnock as a seaside resort. Dublin Corporation had no authority to spend money outside their boundary. That has been amended in this Bill and the Corporation now have power to develop Portmarnock for the benefit of the citizens.

We have this problem of the green belt around Dublin. The city is bursting at its seams. Certain people have put up houses in the green-belt areas without permission. We should go slowly in the matter of enforcing retrospective legislation. If we were to adopt a general policy of knocking down property which had been erected without permission, every public representative would be subjected to considerable pressure. But if a person built on property required by an urban authority, that would be a different matter. The Minister and his Department had to take a stand on this matter of people building without permission, and they have done so. Under the previous Bill these people could be brought to court and fined £5, but could not be forced to pull the building down. That will be changed in future; but the Bill, I am afraid, will be a headache for public representatives.

The zoning of land for particular purposes is a very good idea. "The securing of greater convenience of road users and pedestrians by the provision of parking facilities or road improvements or otherwise" is a laudable attempt in the Bill to eliminate or reduce the number of fatal accidents on the roads. The development and removal of obsolete areas; the preserving and improving of amenities in rural areas; the provision of new water supplies and sewerage services and the extension of existing supplies and services—all these things are to be welcomed by the House.

I hope that on Committee Stage every Deputy will approach this Bill in the most objective fashion and that his criticism will be helpful. This Bill meets a national need and provides us with an opportunity of doing something that should have been done years ago. The Minister and his Department have given us something to work upon and improve. The Minister's approach of asking for our suggestions was, I thought, a very good one. We shall deal with the Bill in detail on the Committee Stage and try to improve it as best we can. I do not like it said that this Bill will do certain things. It is long overdue and the Minister is to be congratulated on it.

When the principal speaker from this side of the House said he thought a great danger of this legislation was that it would not be implemented or would be very difficult to implement, I did not think that would be illustrated so speedily by a Deputy from the Government side of the House. If Deputy Burke finds the green-belt around Dublin uncomfortable, that is the kind of thing we are talking about. That is what the Bill is proposing to do in this country.

I go back to what Deputy Jones said, that the only notable progress in town planning took place in the city of Paris under the Napoleons, that you want to have a dictatorship and not a democracy to get these things done. There is a great deal of truth in that. There is a great deal of talk about town planning here, but we must do a great deal of mind planning also. The mind planning must be done on many of our public representatives as well. Anywhere in this country, when we stand and look around us, the need for this Bill is obvious.

The Minister's statement was lengthy. It was excellent in its coverage, and I think it should be circulated very widely. It admits what we all admit, that our activities in the matter of town planning up to this have been pious probes rather than good work. This is some step forward. Planning is necessary in every area, in the rural areas as well as the urban areas. However, I am more interested in the towns and larger centres of population.

This city—and I think it is news to Deputy Burke—was the place of one of the first planning attempts made in these islands. It was a noble plan —planned for a patrician society, of course, a society that was the seat of government, the capital city. These graces are obvious even to those who walk blindly through the streets. It seems a pity that many parts of the city—and particularly the old city— have now begun to run down. Areas like Parnell Street and High Street, in particular, should be attended to in this generation. That is the heart of the history of Dublin and evidence of decay is obvious there at the moment.

With the exception of Limerick, no other Irish town was planned. They just grew, uncontrolled in general, in a graceless manner. They grew as their needs required them—hand-to-mouth needs, in fact. We were almost fortunate in Ireland in escaping an industrial revolution. Many of our Irish towns would be hideous to-day if that had come. It should be possible at this stage to reshape many areas, and to do a bit of reshaping of the minds of the inhabitants as well. We had an indication of the Minister's state of mind in his introductory speech, and I hope he will remember something that was said by some one, some weeks ago: it is more important amongst men that one should do something rather than be something.

The Minister now has a chance to do something. It will be very difficult, and he will find how difficult it will be from the many speeches he will hear while this legislation is before the House because public representatives, I regret to say, will not be entirely co-operative in this matter. I think that intelligent development of the places we live in is an object of concern to all of us. A town or city is a machine for living and it is necessary that that machine should be functional and suit the purposes for which it is intended. It should be suitable for the occupation of its inhabitants and it should suit the purposes of the part of the country in which it is situated. Power should be provided to ensure that its future growth is guided in order that it will grow rationally and sensibly in relation to its demography and geography.

Long-term economy must be practised in this regard. Cheese-paring investment should not be permitted if greater investment would save money in the long run. The familiar and traditional objective of town planning controls is the prevention of unsightly construction and the prohibition of advertising hoardings in unsuitable places—unsuitable because they interfere with the scenic beauty. As I say, that is traditional, but it is negative and much more is required. Obsolete area boundaries may have to be rearranged if it would result in the unit being more competent as the machine where the community live.

The growth of mechanical transport has spread the population more thinly and the periphery of some places is much less compact than it was when towns may have had defensive as well as living provisions in view. That introduces many other problems of ribbon building and low density and it also provides very suitable opportunities for landscaping in and around human habitations. Housing estates should no longer comprise a hideous area of geometrical concrete roads dotted with frightening regularity with concrete cubes called dwelling houses, the whole thing unrelieved by any variation or irregularity or landscaping of any kind.

I was glad to see that in the past few weeks an outsider had a comment to make in support of what I am now saying, that some of our housing developments are deplorably bad. He meant that they are deplorably bad because we had an opportunity which we allowed to slip from us. We had not the difficulties which had to be faced in the dreadfully industrialised areas in Great Britain. We started virtually with a clean sheet and we have blotted it very quickly. It is quite obvious to all of us that where trees grow in an area taken over for housing purposes they should be allowed to grow and the houses should be built around them. I am tired talking about supply companies like the ESB which should not be allowed to infest areas with horrible poles and heavy equipment. They should be compelled to supply power underground, if necessary, or at least in a less obvious manner than they do at the moment. There should certainly be variations in architecture. The monotony we see in some housing areas—not only working class areas but middle class areas—is depressing and demoralising to look at. Roads and streets should finish at focal points.

All these proposals should be co-operative as is the case in Norwich in England to which I have referred and it is just as possible, easy and cheap here. I would beg the Minister not to listen to Deputy Burke who talked about narrow twisted streets. They are very important in some cases but the general ambition should be that we should seek to ensure that the places in which we work and live are efficient and that the machine we have runs well. After that the graces can be attended to so that the place not only looks well but works well. We always find that if a place looks well it is easier to work there.

If we are sensible about this Bill it could be the death knell of the gerry-builder, the patcher and the bad planner. These are details which will be controversial in Committee Stage. I have experience of the dangers of the great pressures exercised against town planning officials by builders in certain areas, the pressures that operate on public representatives, and I am not always sure that public representatives are even enlightened enough or strong enough to stand up to these pressures. As Deputy Jones has said, he has only had experience of seeing how well this could be done when it was done under the Napoleons in Paris. We have not any Napoleons in this country now. It is a democracy that we live in. They are going to be scarce. So, all we can do is try to raise the standard of thinking by public men, that frequently they must support what appears to be a hard and inhuman decision in the interests of the whole.

The kind of remarks I am making are, indeed, of a Second Reading nature but one of the weaknesses in the past legislation was that you could prevent a citizen from using his property in a certain way but you could not recompense him for the loss he sustained by your action. This was an irritating and continuing injustice and I hope this Bill will somewhat liberally deal with that situation. Of course, there was very peculiar difficulty in the city of Cork, where I come from, that is, that the planning area was very much larger than the rating area and even if we were so minded as to purchase a man's property where we prohibited him from doing certain things, we could not usefully or easily do it because that property was generally property outside the area which was rated by us but if a property owner at any time is injured by a decision, that injury should be undone. But, that is a detail for Committee.

However, the principle should be that the proposals in the Bill are examined, that mind planning is as important as town planning. The mental planning is an absolute prerequisite for getting your Bill to work well but, above all, it should be emphasised that the graces are just as important as the utilities and in that regard it should be an important thing that a town planning officer should have town planning qualifications. He should be a highly trained man or else, if he is not, all that the Housmans and the Abercrombies have been saying for many years will be wasted, if he does not realise the direction in which they are looking and that he should seek to look with them.

We have a very unusual opportunity in Ireland at the moment. We have escaped the industrial revolution and all the horrors that followed it and we can do things here properly if everybody co-operates with the Minister and the Department but we want to make sure that we do them and that we do work this Bill as Deputy Jones was afraid we might not be able to do and we can then show those who come to visit us here that we are actually doing the kind of thing a civilised community should do but, much more important than impressing our visitors or tourists or anything like that, is that we should be able to show ourselves the kind of society we live in and take pride in it and in the manner in which we live.

I also was impressed by Deputy Jones's submissions. I believe the fears he expressed about the Bill will be met on Committee Stage. Deputy Barry, however, went into greater detail in regard to town planning as it affects the citizen, the local representative, or the visitor. The excuse was given by one speaker for the ribbon building that has been allowed in this country that possibly there were not enough officials, or something like that. The Department of Local Government and Dublin Corporation have sent representatives to Vienna and other places to study town planning. I do not know whether it was money well spent or not because I think the knowledge that was gained was never implemented.

Somebody is worried about the green belt around Dublin. On the other hand, we have to listen to town planning officials who say that you cannot go up five storeys or six storeys, that the skyline will be affected, that it will offend the aesthetic taste of the individual. In County Dublin, if we had not got so much space, what would we do? Would we go into the ground? That is permissible. We discovered that in Vienna. We certainly could go up. They talk about the cost—it becomes greater and greater.

On the last occasion that I spoke in this House on this subject, I expressed the hope that the House would give the Minister more sweeping power. We all recognise that our neighbours across the water tackled very adequately the situation that was forced on them. They built a new town. In our attempts, which are approved by local government officials and by the Minister's Department, we build, say, a place like Ballyfermot. Do we build schools at the same time? I am not referring to swimming pools now, but schools. The people come in and the children have no school to go to in the area. If the Minister wants additional power in this Bill, the House should give it.

We really should be ashamed of ourselves in this connection. I travel a great deal through the country. What Deputy Barry says about unsightly advertising signs is true. There is a stretching out of what were nice little towns. I can say, after 40 years of experience, that these towns have not been improved, any more than Dublin has been improved.

The Bill suggests that the amenities of an area should be restrained. Are we attempting to do that when we are considering building houses on Howth Hill? Howth Hill has a counterpart in Killiney, which is likened to the Bay of Naples. Surely, such an attempt, by a speculator, with the approval of a town planner, is not justified?

Delay in regard to matters connected with town planning is detrimental. As Deputy Burke has stated, in the centre of my constituency, Crumlin, there is a newly-developed road. A factory has been erected there. The people cannot sleep. Despite the fact that a deputation went to Dublin Corporation five years ago, Dublin Corporation say that they cannot do anything, that they have to wait until the county plan is passed. That is another aspect. The land in question was earmarked for the housing of the working classes and a grant was given by the corporation and, in some cases, a subsidy was paid by the Department. To what avail?

I appreciate what Deputy Jones said. The Deputy must have spent a good deal of time in studying the finer points which, I am sure, will be dealt with. I do hope that there will be every possible expedition in regard to the vital matter of town planning. I sympathise with the Minister. I feel sure he will be relieved when a local authority makes a negative decision so as to allow appeal to the Minister.

Debate adjourned.
Top
Share